Features

Some Strengths and Weaknesses of the Budget Speech 2022

Published

5 years ago

2021/11/29

By Dr Laksiri Fernando

The budget speech that the Minister of Finance Basil Rajapaksa delivered in Parliament on 12 November 2021 was fairly structured with the following sections. That is a positive.

1. Preface.

2. ‘Global Challenges.’

3. Our Strengths.

4. The Challenges Before Us.

5. Policy Synopsis.

6. Development of the National Economy.

7. Revenue Proposals.

8. Macro-Economic Vision for Revival.

9. Conclusion.

But its content was the question owing to boasting, half-truths, contradictions, and unachievable pronouncements. If the Opposition was serious about countering the wrong policies, weaknesses, errors, etc., of the Budget, it could have possibly used the same format. Democratic politics is not about a ‘gang war’ between the government and the Opposition as appears to be the case in today’s Parliament. Debates should be more critical on the flawed policies with alternative perspectives being offered. .

In parliamentary democracies, there are ‘shadow cabinets’ and ‘shadow ministers.’ There should be a ‘Shadow Minister for Finance.’ It is mainly his/her role to present counter arguments, expose false data, and criticise misleading policies. The Opposition also should have a ‘official website’ where they could publish counterarguments or counter budgetary policies. Of course, it is also the duty of the media (as it is fairly done), academics and journalists to do the same critically and objectively.

A Family Preface?

The Preface correctly says, “We are passing through perhaps the most painful period of human civilisation.” This should mean the environmental disasters, Covid-19 pandemic and deaths, increasing poverty in poor countries, and evolving economic crises worldwide and others. Of course, these are challenges even in Sri Lanka. As a solution, he says:

“I first come to learn the concept of ‘Challenging the Challenges’ for the betterment of the public in my ancestral home in Madamulana. The Rajapaksas have a history of never being daunted by challenges. Mr. D. M. Rajapaksa, who is known as the “the Lion of Ruhuna”, who represented the second State Council in 1936, is known by the entire country. He is my father’s elder brother (loku thaththa).”

If the Minister was serious about the public nature of the challenges, he should not have given purely a family perspective on the subject. His phrase ‘Challenging the Challenges’ is a common phrase in many languages and in quotations of many authors. Tracing it to Madamulana may be suitable to a D.M. Rajapaksa oration, but not to a preface of a Budget speech.

He does not stop there. In the remaining eight paragraphs of the Preface (1.4 to 1.11) he boasts of his family, loku thatha, thatha, aiya, malli, thama, and their achievements. This is undoubtedly a record in Budget speeches in the world. He places Mahinda Rajapaksa at the center of this legacy who, in fact, got disgracefully defeated in 2015. This is what the Minister says: “The Hon. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, who is today in this House, is at the centre of the Rajapaksa Political Legacy.”

There is no mention of other Ministers, the Cabinet, or its collective responsibility. Not a word about other parties or its leaders other than what he has created as Podu Jana Peramuna.

Challenging the Global Challenges

The Finance Minister is correct in briefly outlining five global challenges: (1) increasing global social and economic disparities between the rich and the poor, (2) the slow progress in achieving the (UN) sustainable goals, (3) increasing environmental catastrophes, (4) limited assistance from bi-lateral and multilateral institutions, and (5) challenges in adopting to the post-pandemic ‘new normal.’

The degeneration of moral and ethical standards worldwide, particularly among political leaders with corruption, deals, misdeeds, and authoritarianism, is not mentioned at all.

However, without much relevance, he states, “The impact is worse on countries with trade focused economies such as ours compared to those economies dominated by the manufacturing sector.”

Even if his ‘vision’ of turning the present economy of Sri Lanka from ‘trade focused’ to ‘manufacture dominated,’ is commendable, the global challenges that he has outlined have nothing much to do with the difference. To my knowledge of economics, trade and manufacture are complimentary. While Sri Lanka undoubtedly should promote manufacture, a balanced approach might be the best without promoting one against the other as he has done. It is in the same section that he has arrived at a figure of Rs. 500 billion.

“The opportunity to provide such services, both domestically and externally has been curtailed, resulting in a loss of income. As a result, the loss of revenue to the country and the Treasury has been unlike any other year before. The loss to the Treasury, according to our estimates, is over Rs. 500 billion.”

The nature of local productions and nature of exports undoubtedly are reasons for our economic predicaments and underdevelopment. Therefore, it will be commendable if the government makes genuine efforts to change the situation. But the claim that this year’s loss to the Treasury of Rs. 500 billion is purely a result of this economic imbalance is unbelievable unless the government supplies concrete evidence for the claim. This loss or a major part of it appears to be a result of mismanagement of imports and exports, and the enormous tax concessions given to the rich by the last Budget. Without direct import controls, higher taxes could have been imposed on unnecessary or luxury imports. Dialogues with importers could have been another measure.

Bloated ‘Our Strengths’

It is quite superficial to talk about ‘our strengths’ just after talking about global challenges as if Sri Lanka were at the forefront of changing the world! At the beginning of this talk is the boast about Rajapaksa family and its leadership again. Both the President and the Prime Minister are praised. If the Budget speech was following a kind of SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats) analysis, with the strengths, the weaknesses also could have been discussed. That is the way to go about economic change.

Among the strengths, there is only one paragraph with four sentences on Infrastructure: “Our infrastructure facilities are of high standard. The quality of our ports, airports, telecommunications, highways, roads, and electricity supply are very good.” Of course, there are certain aspects to be ‘proud’ about, but some are still in preparation (ports). What about railways? They are still in the colonial heritage.

The Minister suddenly says: “Also, through the 100,000-kilometre road project and the 5,000 bridges programme, the byroad network will be strengthened further, and the entire country will become a single network.” This 100,000 km roads programme was there even in the last budget, the only addition being the 5,000 bridges. Perhaps, there is a new determination to go ahead because, as alleged by many people, these road constructions are beneficial to political supporters.

The third strength is named “Non-aligned, friendly international relations.” Nine international organisations are particularly mentioned like ‘the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the European Union, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), the Kuwait Fund, the French Development Agency, the KfD, Korean International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) the OPEC for International Development, and the UN.’

There is no mentioning of the IMF under friendly organisations.

It is also surprising and intriguing that China or Chinese organisations are not mentioned as friendly countries or organisations. Mahinda Rajapaksa’s budget speech last year had much emphasis on China. It might be too early, however, to speculate whether this shows a shift of alliances in the international context and relations.

Question of IMF?

However, under the next section on ‘the challenges before us,’ the IMF is mentioned with some negativity. Basil Rajapaksa refers to Dr. N. M. Perera’s budget speech of 1970/71 ostensibly to prove his argument.

“In that he [N. M. Perera] states that instead of building foreign exchange reserves, we have used it for the importation of goods creating a foreign reserve crisis and, thereby, seeking the support of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). From the first IMF facility in 1961, successive governments have resorted to short term assistance from the IMF, and our leaders and financial sector experts have failed in introducing a sustainable long-term programme to manage our foreign reserves.”

There is no question that a country should try to manage its foreign exchange reserves without going to the IMF, if possible. I believe that is what Dr. N. M. Perera said and tried to do it. Of course, there were others who went to the IMF as an easy escape.

However, during recent administrations (Rajapaksa and Wickremesinghe) there has been a tendency to go for various dubious sources to seek foreign exchange loans and assistance when facing depleted reserves. Although no direct conditions are attached from these sources, these loans and deals have been a major reason for Sri Lanka’s deteriorating foreign exchange conditions throughout the years. There is no proper solution proposed in the Budget 2022 to this paradoxical situation.

Sri Lanka should not hesitate to go to the IMF. That is the most reliable and resourceful multilateral organisation, almost like a UN agency to deal with foreign exchange crises and reserves of member countries. It is up to the government to deal with the IMF properly, and negotiate any conditions attached when seeking foreign exchange or other assistance.

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Features

‘The devil is in the details’ in West Asian peace

Published

18 hours ago

2026/06/18

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Donald Trump at the current G7 summit in France. Evelyn Hockstein/Getty Image

It is obviously too early for an outpouring of joy over the seeming cessation of hostilities between the main antagonists in West Asia. While the prospect of there being a measure of calm in the region is being welcomed by considerable sections of the international community, what is ‘on the table’ currently is only a Memorandum of Understanding between the US and Iran to give peace a chance. The hard part in the peace effort remains to be achieved.

In the Middle East of today we have one of the most complex conflicts to break out in modern international politics and the observer would be naive in the extreme to expect a facile and early closure to the tangle. Yet, for the sake of the world’s publics who have been hurting badly in the prolonged hostilities one could only hope that the US-Iran MoU that is expected to be signed by the sides on Friday would lead eventually to a substantive peace. The world’s thanks are due to Pakistan in this connection for its sustained support in the peace drive.

While the sides have agreed to a ceasing of hostilities in the most general terms and have reached accord on the facilitation of uninterrupted oil and gas supplies to the rest of the world, for instance, the ‘devil will prove to be in the details’ in an envisaged comprehensive peace settlement. It is these details that would make or break peace if the negotiations go on in earnest.

Nevertheless, the details would need to be worked out consensually in a spirit of compromise with an eye to the greater good of the world community. Realpolitik or a narrow focus on solely the national interest among the protagonists, for example, would need to give way to a measure of humanity that would encompass within it a consideration of the overall well being of the world. In other words, it is statesmanship that would crucially matter.

The next few weeks would establish whether humanists are ‘asking for far too much’ when they broach the questions at issue in these terms. Yet it is essentially self interest and national security considerations of the first importance that drove the conflict from even prior to February this year and these questions would need to be taken up and resolved to the satisfaction of the US and Iran in the main if some headway is to be made towards a durable settlement.

The nuclear issue would prove to be the proverbial Gordian Knot. From a realistic viewpoint, Iran could not be expected to be without a potential nuclear deterrent in the face of perceived nuclear threats emanating for it from the West and Israel. In the short term, Iran would need to possess this deterrent to a measure, within a mutually agreed international legal framework maybe, until wide agreement is reached on the nuclear tangle. Specifically, Iran’s immediate threat perceptions with regard to her nuclear-powered rivals would need to be defused during initial negotiations.

Ideally it is a world free of nuclear weapons that must be aimed at but since this goal cannot be achieved in the near or medium terms, unfolding negotiations would need to ensure Iran’s absolute security in a world of powers that continue to swear by the nuclear deterrent, if it is to give up the suspected latter capability.

However, it is to the degree to which the present nuclear powers divest themselves of this capability that Iran could be put at ease on this score. Accordingly, it is nothing short of a complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the world that could dissuade keenly security conscious states from developing nuclear weapons of their own with a mass destruction capability.

This is the number one dilemma the international community needs to grapple with going forward and it is to the extent to which it resolves it that a nuclear weapons free world could be envisaged. No doubt, an uphill challenge.

Compelling Israel to support the present negotiatory process constitutes another grueling challenge for the US. Currently the Iranian position essentially is that a Middle East peace is inseparable from a normalization of the security situation in Lebanon. That is, the present Israeli attacks on the Hezbollah presence in Lebanon must cease if a comprehensive peace is to be realized in West Asia.

However, Israel is showing no signs of drawing back from its attacks on Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon since the security of the Israeli state is being seen as threatened by the militant group. Co-opting Israel into the negotiatory effort therefore would turn out to be a matter of paramount concern for the US.

Moreover, elements in the rightist administration in Israel are seeing the current peace efforts as a ‘sell out’ to the enemies of Israel. They would have none of it. It is left to be seen how the US would be managing these virtual storm centres in the diplomatic process that could very well bring down the overall purported peace drive.

A recent pronouncement by US Vice President J.D. Vance points to yet another problem area in the US’ current peace overtures. He said that, ‘Regional peace and stability includes stopping the funding of terrorist organizations.’ He was obviously referring to the support extended by Iran to Hezbollah when he mentioned ‘terrorist organizations’ but he has given fresh life to the age-old conundrum of ‘Who is a terrorist?’ by these words.

To the Netanyahu government the Hezbollah and other militant organizations fighting Israel are ‘terrorists’ but from the viewpoint of the Iranian regime they are ‘freedom fighters’. This seemingly insurmountable definitional issue would not only stubbornly bedevil the peace effort but could even figure in bringing about its collapse, unless judiciously handled.

Thus, it’s the thorny details that need to be watched to keep the West Asian peace process afloat, once it gets going in earnest. There is no doubt that US President Trump would be receiving a considerable amount of support from the G7 in this historic peace undertaking and his personal appeals to the grouping currently meeting in France for continuous support are likely to elicit a positive response from it.

Likewise, Trump would need to appeal to also the BRICS countries if almost total global support is to be garnered for the peace drive in West Asia. BRICS’ solidarity with the US and the West is likely to carry considerable weight with Iran and other Eastern actors who are key to a sustained peace drive in the Middle East.

Features

Sri Lanka’s elephant paradox: Govt. counts tourism dollars while playing a dangerous numbers game: Expert

Published

18 hours ago

2026/06/18

Sahan Weerasooriya

At a time when Sri Lanka is enjoying a resurgence in wildlife tourism, with elephants remaining the undisputed stars of the country’s national parks and one of its most marketable natural assets, elephant conservationist Supun Lahiru Prakash has sounded a stark warning: the nation is in danger of losing the very species that helps attract millions of tourism dollars while sustaining some of the island’s most important ecosystems.

Supun says repeated claims by authorities that Sri Lanka’s elephant population is increasing, despite the absence of a final survey report and amid continuing elephant deaths, risk creating a misleading narrative that could undermine conservation efforts and encourage retaliation against elephants.

According to Supun, the issue is not merely about numbers. It is about political priorities, scientific credibility and the future of one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic species.

“Repeatedly claiming that the elephant population is increasing appears to be an attempt to hide the Government’s inability to manage the rising annual elephant death rate and the complications of human-elephant conflict,” Supun said.

For decades, the Sri Lankan elephant has been a symbol of the country’s rich natural heritage. It is the centrepiece of wildlife tourism, drawing visitors from across the globe to national parks such as Yala, Udawalawe, Minneriya, Kaudulla and Wilpattu. International wildlife documentaries, tourism campaigns and social media promotions frequently place elephants at the heart of Sri Lanka’s nature tourism brand.

Yet, according to Supun, the country’s conservation policies do not reflect the value of the species.

“On one hand, the Government is enjoying increasing tourism revenue, and elephants remain one of Sri Lanka’s most important wildlife attractions. On the other hand, narratives are being promoted that could encourage retaliation against the very species that contributes significantly to the country’s tourism industry,” Supun said.

According to the First Countrywide National Survey of Elephants conducted in 2011, Sri Lanka had 5,879 elephants. However, official statistics show that 4,167 elephants died between 2012 and 2024.

Supun stressed that these figures represent only the deaths officially recorded by the Department of Wildlife Conservation.

“In a context where more than 70 percent of the country’s elephant population reported in 2011 has died within 13 years, it is difficult to accept claims that the population has increased,” Supun said.

The conservationist pointed out that elephants have the longest gestation period among land mammals and that scientific studies have reported increasing interbirth intervals among female elephants together with high calf mortality.

“When such biological realities are taken into consideration, claims of a dramatic increase in elephant numbers become difficult to understand,” Supun said.

Supun believes that repeated references to increasing elephant populations risk fuelling public hostility towards elephants, particularly among farming communities already affected by crop raids and property damage.

“Such claims can create the impression that elephant populations are exploding and thereby promote retaliation against elephants as well,” Supun said.

According to Supun, Sri Lanka’s elephant crisis cannot be understood solely through population estimates. The real issue lies in the country’s failure to address human-elephant conflict through long-term, science-based solutions.

Sri Lanka continues to record among the highest levels of human-elephant conflict in the world. Every year, hundreds of elephants and dozens of people lose their lives as competition for land and resources intensifies.

Despite the scale of the crisis, Supun says authorities continue to rely on strategies that have repeatedly failed.

Lahiru Prakash

These include driving elephants into protected areas, strengthening electric fences to confine them there and allocating additional manpower to maintain fencing systems.

Supun was also critical of several proposals that emerged from district-level discussions on conflict mitigation, including the sowing of paddy and corn using Air Force drones and the planting of fruit orchards within protected areas.

“Such proposals fail to address the real ecological and social dimensions of the conflict,” Supun said.

While welcoming reports that the Government intends appointing a national-level mechanism to tackle human-elephant conflict, Supun said the challenge required intervention at the highest level of government.

“Given the gravity, complexity and geographical spread of human-elephant conflict, appointing any committee other than a Presidential Task Force is not useful,” Supun said.

He argued that a Presidential Task Force chaired by either the President or the Secretary to the President would be better positioned to overcome the bureaucratic delays and institutional fragmentation that have hindered previous efforts.

Supun also stressed the urgent need to restore and protect elephant corridors and home ranges that allow elephants to move safely across landscapes.

He cited the Koholankala elephant corridor in Hambantota as one example where removing obstacles could help reduce conflict while improving habitat connectivity.

At the same time, Supun questioned policies that permit the allocation of forest lands in areas identified by environmental assessments as crucial elephant ranges and movement corridors.

“The opening of elephant corridors and the protection of elephant home ranges must be carried out scientifically and consistently if they are to succeed,” Supun said.

Beyond tourism, Supun emphasised the ecological importance of elephants.

“Elephants are ecosystem engineers. Through their feeding habits and movements, they help maintain habitats that support numerous other species. In many ways, they create safer and healthier environments for wildlife,” Supun said.

According to Supun, protecting elephants means protecting entire ecosystems and the biodiversity upon which Sri Lanka’s wildlife tourism industry depends.

“By protecting elephants, we are also protecting the biodiversity that makes Sri Lanka one of the world’s premier wildlife tourism destinations,” Supun said.

As Sri Lanka seeks to expand tourism earnings and strengthen its reputation as a wildlife destination, Supun believes the country faces a defining choice: continue with policies that have failed to stem elephant deaths and human-elephant conflict, or embrace a science-based conservation strategy that safeguards both people and wildlife.

Without a fundamental shift in policy and political will, Supun warned, Sri Lanka risks losing not only one of its most iconic species but also the ecological and economic benefits that elephants continue to provide.

“The suffering of both farmers and elephants will only intensify unless meaningful action replaces rhetoric,” Supun said.

By Ifham Nizam

Features

Top Model of the World 2026

Published

18 hours ago

2026/06/18

Sahan Weerasooriya

Back-to-back victory for Colombia

Katherine Castaño of Colombia claimed the Top Model of the World 2026 crown, securing a historic back-to-back victory for her country. Angelica Sanchez of Puerto Rico was named first runner-up, and Eunice Deza of the Philippines finished as second runner-up.

Katherine was crowned by outgoing titleholder Natalia Garizabal Vera of Colombia.

Several special category awards, and subsidiary titles, were also presented during the Top Model of the World 2026 pageant.

These awards recognised excellence in modelling, peer support, and regional representation.

Primary Subsidiary Titles

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage: Top 16 at
the grand finale

Miss Globe 2026: Valentina Tabares (Ecuador) — Awarded to the contestant who perfectly balances fashion modelling with traditional beauty queen qualities.

Queen of Europe 2026: Mia Danielle Williams (United Kingdom) — Given to the highest-ranking candidate from a European nation.

Special Awards Recognition

Audience Iconic Award: Charly (Dominican Republic) — Won via the official public online vote, granting her a fast-track direct entry into the Top 6.

Exotic Model of the World: Angel Emeka (Nigeria) — Awarded for exceptional editorial presence and strong runway performance.

Best Body Award: Thailand — Voted directly by fellow contestants at the Flow Spectrum Hotel. The highest-ranking runners-up for this category included Zambia, South Africa, Colombia, and Ghana.

Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico): 1st Runner-up

Final Placement

Winner: Katherine Castaño (Colombia)

1st Runner-Up: Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico)

2nd Runner-Up: Eunice Deza (Philippines)

Top 6 Finalists: Included contestants from the Dominican Republic, Romania, and Germany.

The pageant, known for focusing on professional modelling careers over just beauty, brought together 36 models from around the globe for two weeks of runway, photoshoots, and cultural events.

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage walked among 36 of the world’s best and powered her way into the Top 16 at the grand finale.