Features
July Anniversaries: Chinese Centenary, Canada Day and US Independence
by Rajan Philips
On July 1, China celebrated the centenary of its Communist Party. The Party marked the occasion in Beijing with a glittering performance of “The Great Journey” illustrating the history of the Party and the Country with nothing separating the two. July 1 is also Canada Day – the day Canadians celebrate the birth of the Confederation of Canada as a British Dominion in 1867. For the last two years the pandemic has prevented open celebrations and forced them to go virtual. This year the country is also in official half-mourning (with government flags at half-mast) in empathy with the country’s First Nations peoples, following new information on the horrors of residential schools set up by the state and run by the Churches as enforced encampments for their children. Today, Fourth of July, is America’s Independence Day. After a year of twin scourges – of Trump and the pandemic, the US is limping back to normalcy under a new President. Joe Biden is the country’s oldest President ever, but he is showing a more radical verve than any of his much younger predecessors.
China and the two North American countries are the world’s two extreme polarities. China is an old country and an old civilization. The US and Canada are more recent immigrant countries. There is hardly any country in the world that does not have an economic relationship with China. And every country and community in the world has some family in the US and in Canada. They are also the world’s oldest constitutional democracies, but they cannot turn their backs on their past of European settler colonialism and the decimation of the continent’s natal civilizations.
China has no colonial trespasses to apologize for, let alone compensate. The complaints against it are all current. The main backdrop is its race with the US for global market supremacy, and the concern among China’s Asian neighbours over its growing dominance. The race is not over capitalism or socialism, it is all about trade, tariffs, sanctions, and wolf-warrior diplomacy, and it is without the sword, guns or missiles. Canada is literally caught in the middle following Canada’s detention of a high-profile Chinese businesswoman and the retaliatory incarceration of two Canadian citizens in China.
A costly detention
On December 1, 2018, at US’s request, Canada detained at the Vancouver airport, Meng Wanzhou, the CFO of telecommunication giant Huawei, for extradition to the US to stand trial for alleged violations of the US, rather Trump’s, sanctions against Iran. Meng is also the daughter of Huawei’s founder Ren Zhengfei, who in his earlier life had been a Deputy Regimental Chief in the People’s Liberation Army. China retaliated by arresting and imprisoning Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor, two Canadians working in China, as well as banning agricultural imports from Canada. In Canada, Meng is on a $10 M bail and is allowed to live under electronic surveillance without her many passports in one of the two multi million properties her family owns in Vancouver.
The standoff over detention in Canada and incarcerations in China is still continuing with no prospect of an early resolution in sight. Complicating the standoff is the general concern over the involvement of the Chinese government in Huawei’s development of 5G wireless networks and the fear that China will use them for surveillance purposes. This is quite a turn in the China-Canada relations, for among the western countries, Canada has been a pioneer in recognizing China after the 1949 Communist victory. The two countries opened diplomatic relations in 1970 and then Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau visited China in 1973, a year after President Nixon. There are nearly two million Chinese Canadian citizens and around 150,000 Chinese students attend Canadian universities and colleges. Chinese is the third most spoken language in Canada after English and French, and China is Canada’s largest trading partner in Asia.
Many political analysts and former Canadian government leaders, including former Prime Minister Jean Chretien, believe that the young (Justin) Trudeau government was tricked by the US to detain Meng Wanzhou for extradition. Meng was under an arrest warrant from an American court for some time and she was travelling through several countries, but the US picked the moment to ask for her arrest and extradition when she was on Canadian soil. Canadian critics contend that the government could have looked the other way, or feigned ‘legal incompetence’, and avoided unnecessarily getting caught in the middle between two elephants.
There have also been calls by prominent Canadians, including families of the two ‘Michaels’ incarcerated in China, to release Meng Wanzhou from her detention and have the two Canadians freed in China. The government of Canada has rejected these appeals and insisted that as the extradition case is before the Canadian courts it will have to run its course without political interference. For its part, China has retaliated far more severely against Canada over Meng’s detention than it has against the US tariffs and sanctions that Trump impetuously imposed on China. This has been the experience of smaller countries when they run into disagreements with China, and many of them are grouping themselves into different alliances to provide collective responses to China’s bilateral retaliations.
China’s longevity
President Xi Jinping defiant speech at the centenary celebrations was clearly not meant to allay any foreign fears of China, big or small. In fact, he issued a warning to foreign powers that the Communist Party “will never allow anyone to bully, oppress or subjugate China,” and “anyone who dares try to do that will have their heads bashed bloody against the Great Wall of Steel forged by over 1.4 billion Chinese people.” There is no one anywhere who might be having illusions of bullying, oppressing or subjugating China – of all places. Mr. Xi’s rhetoric is meant entirely for domestic consumption and for affirming his currently interminable power over the Party and the country.
Mr. Xi is also wont to show that he is invincible by insisting that China is “invincible,” as he did when he told Party cadres earlier in January that China has done better than any other political leadership or system in controlling the pandemic. He went on to declare that “time and history are on our side, and this is where our conviction and resilience lie, and why we are so determined and confident.” It so happened that Xi’s speech was delivered on January 11, five days after Trump’s QAnon crazies stormed the US Capitol to disrupt Congress. Born in 1953, Xi Jinping is the first person born after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, to become the General Secretary of the Communist Party. For someone whose father was purged during the cultural revolution under Mao, Xi Jinping has assumed even greater powers over the Party than Mao Zedong.
The crucial difference between the two, and between Mao’s China and Xi’s China, is the missing dimension of socialism. Mao was not only a powerful leader of his country, but he was also a powerful contender for leading the world’s socialist camp to victory over market capitalism. Xi is a beneficiary of China’s transformation to a more market economy, although his contention is that “only socialism can save China, and only socialism with Chinese characteristics can develop China.” The shift from Mao to Xi also underpins the shift in the relationship between China and the West. It is no longer a battle between socialism and capitalism. The West, especially the US, would like to frame it as a tussle between democracy and authoritarianism. The China’s response, especially with Trump as US President, is to claim that liberal democracy is failing while the Chinese political system is working.
There are other ways to look at the differences between China and the West, and everyone else who are stuck in between. The aberration of the Trump presidency is not proof that the US political system is falling apart. Trump’s defeat and the election of Joe Biden as President have proved that the system works, however tortuously. At the same time, China’s stability as a centralized political system has much deeper historical roots, than its Communist Party, and than perhaps any other political system in the world. It is acknowledged that feudalism and a centralized political state arose in China long before they were sighted anywhere in Europe. And China quite neatly bypassed the treacherous waters of nationalism and ethnic conflicts that have tormented every other society, by the historically fortuitous presence of a singularly large ethnic group and a single written and spoken language. The descendants of the “people of Han” who emerged during the Han dynasty 2000 years ago, make up 91% of China’s population. The Han Chinese people are also the world’s largest ethnic group at 18% of the global population.
Put simply, given its longevity and stability China does not need the agency of a powerful President for its future survival or success. Nor does China need to continue its harshness towards the smaller populations of its ‘outer’ areas, the Tibetans, the Mongols and the Uyghurs. President Xi made no reference to them in his centenary speech. Nor did he mention Hong Kong, but spoke of China’s “unshakeable commitment” to unification with Taiwan. In response, Taiwan called on Beijing to “introduce democratic reforms, such as party competition, and respect for human rights while behaving as a responsible regional player.” Democratic reforms in China are entirely an internal matter, as it should be. But insofar as China is part of the global trading community, it cannot ignore the concerns of its neighbours or criticisms about the treatment of Uyghur Muslims.
One of the concerns about the treatment of Uyghurs is the alleged detention of them in mass detention camps, called “re-education Camps,” for minimum periods of twelve months, and purportedly to change their “political thinking, identities and religious beliefs.” China’s re-education camps for Uyghur Muslims are not very different from the controversial residential schools that were established in the 19th century in Canada to enforce the assimilation of Canada’s Fist Nations (indigenous) peoples into European settler culture. The schools were established by the state and were run by the Churches, and many of them by the Dioceses of the Catholic Church. The schools were an exercise in abusive power and devoid of any spirituality. (To be continued)
Features
Combining local resources,traditional knowledge and science to build a food-secure Sri Lanka
World Food Day 2026: Innovating today for a better food future
by Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara
What will be on the Sri Lankan dinner table ten years from now? Will our children be able to get nutritious food at a price their families can afford? Will farmers be able to grow enough despite changing weather and rising costs? And how much of the food we produce will actually reach the consumer, instead of being lost or wasted along the way?
These questions can’t wait. A farmer faces unpredictable weather. A family faces rising food costs. Fruit goes unsold after a good harvest. Some children do not get enough nutrition. The future of food is tied to the future of Sri Lanka itself.
World Food Day 2026 is a chance to look beyond the immediate problems and ask whether we can build a food system that feeds our people well, gives farmers better opportunities, protects the environment and makes better use of what we already have. The answer can be yes, but we will have to think differently.
We are not starting from zero. Sri Lanka has diverse crops, fisheries, traditional food knowledge, indigenous varieties, research institutions, universities and a young generation able to create new solutions. What we need is to bring these together and act. Producing more will not secure our food future on its own. It will depend on how intelligently we produce, process, preserve, distribute and consume food.
Making more of what we already have
Innovation does not always mean inventing something new. Often it means finding better uses for the resources we have.
Sri Lanka grows traditional rice varieties, kurakkan, green gram, cowpea, jackfruit, breadfruit, cassava, sweet potato, coconut and palmyrah. All of them have great potential for modern, nutritious, value-added foods. Jackfruit and breadfruit can be made into flour and other convenient products. Traditional rice varieties can go into new foods that suit changing consumer needs. Palmyrah, with its strong cultural heritage, can create new income through better processing, packaging, quality assurance and market development.
The aim is to connect our traditional food knowledge with modern consumer needs and technology, while keeping our food heritage.
Stop wasting the food we produce
Reducing food loss and waste should be a major priority. Seasonal fruits such as mango, banana, papaya and pineapple can be lost in large quantities when production exceeds demand or when storage, transport and processing facilities are inadequate. With suitable technology, these fruits can become dried products, pulps, powders, beverages and other shelf-stable foods.
Agricultural and fisheries by-products are resources too. They could be turned into food ingredients, animal feed, bio-based products and other useful materials, which would move us toward a more circular food economy.
Technology alone is not enough. We need stronger local processing facilities, cold storage, efficient transport, collection centres and market information systems, especially close to where food is produced. Cutting food loss raises the value of what our farmers and fishers already produce.
Nutrition and food safety come first
Food security means more than having enough food. People also need food that is safe and nutritious.
Sri Lanka can develop affordable, nutritious foods from local pulses, grains, vegetables, fruits and fish. Children and other vulnerable groups should get particular attention. Schoolchildren in particular deserve a focus: safe, nutritious, locally sourced products for school feeding programs would support child nutrition, local farmers and domestic food industries at the same time.
Food safety must stay at the centre of food innovation. Good hygiene, quality control, laboratory testing, traceability and appropriate food safety systems are what make new products safe as well as attractive and nutritious.
A food system that can cope with climate change
Climate change is already affecting agricultural production, water availability, crop yields and food prices. We need food systems that can handle changing conditions. That means climate-resilient crops, efficient water use, soil and water conservation, better storage and resource-efficient food processing.
Traditional knowledge matters here. Generations of Sri Lankan farmers have developed practices suited to local climates and ecosystems. Combining that experience with modern science can give us solutions that fit local conditions and are sustainable. Technology alone will not build the future of food. Science, experience and local knowledge together can.
Give young people a bigger role
Sri Lanka’s universities have an important part to play in shaping our food future. Young people should be encouraged to identify real problems in the food system and work on practical solutions in areas such as food waste, sustainable packaging, nutrition, food safety, modernising traditional foods and digital technologies.
A good research project should not always end as a research paper. Where appropriate, research should be supported to move on to products, technologies, enterprises and community solutions. That needs stronger partnerships between universities and industry, along with mentoring, research funding, business support and market connections. If young researchers and entrepreneurs can turn their ideas into viable food innovations, both consumers and producers will benefit.
A pathway designed for Sri Lanka
We do not need to copy food-system models from other countries. We can build a pathway that suits our own resources, culture and needs. It would bring together local resources, traditional knowledge, scientific research, appropriate technology and entrepreneurship, with farmers, fishers, universities, research institutions, food industries, entrepreneurs and policymakers working side by side.
The goal goes beyond selling raw materials. We need to create more value, reduce waste, improve nutrition, generate jobs and strengthen rural livelihoods. This matters especially for small and medium-scale food enterprises, which can drive local economic development when they get the right technical, financial and market support.
The choices we make today
The food future will not create itself. It will be shaped by what we grow, what we research, what we process, what we consume and what we choose not to waste.
So, the question for World Food Day 2026 is this: what can we do today so that every Sri Lankan has safe, nutritious, affordable and sustainable food tomorrow?
The answers are already around us, in our farms, fisheries, food businesses, universities, laboratories and communities. We have the resources, the traditional knowledge, the scientific expertise and talented young people. What we need now is to connect them and act.
A better food future begins with the choices we make today.
Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara
Senior Lecturer, Department of Biosystems Technology, Faculty of Technology, University of Ruhuna
Features
20th Anniversary of Digampathana blast – the day Sri Lanka Navy cried
By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc
(Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
The Digampathana suicide truck attack on 16th October 2006 remains the deadliest single strike in Sri Lanka Navy history, leaving scars that time cannot erase.
It was a seemingly ordinary Monday morning on 16 October 2006, but the calm of that day would soon be shattered in a way none of us could have imagined. As the Commandant of the Naval and Maritime Academy and Flag Officer Commanding Naval Fleet at Trincomalee, I was aware that a number of my cadets were travelling that morning, part of a convoy of fifteen buses carrying naval personnel from Trincomalee, Colombo, and other bases, heading toward Dambulla to rendezvous with another group. The convoy also included trucks and escort vehicles, a routine movement planned and coordinated with the army to ensure the roads were clear. The morning started quietly. Some personnel greeted friends, handed over their weapons, or strolled to a nearby tea shop. It all seemed so ordinary—too ordinary for what would come next.

Sri Lanka Navy sunk LTTE Ships carrying arms, ammunition and warlike materials thousand miles away from Sri Lanka in Indian Ocean in September and October 2007.
By late morning, both convoys had reached the small ground at Digampathana, near the Sigiriya junction, and personnel mingled briefly, unaware that a carefully orchestrated act of terror was waiting. Then, suddenly, an empty half-truck veered directly into the convoy. It exploded with a ferocity I can still recall as if it were yesterday. Nuts, bolts, and high explosives tore through the air. Pandemonium erupted instantly. I later learned that 107 of our naval personnel were killed on the spot and another 153 critically injured. The scene was indescribable—bodies scattered, vehicles mangled, personal effects strewn across the ground. I remember later hearing that the head of the suicide bomber was recovered more than 100 meters away from the blast, a grim testament to the sheer force of the explosion.
I was in my office at the Naval and Maritime Academy when my mobile phone rang. A young midshipman from the 21st intake called, his voice trembling: “Sir, there was a huge explosion at the convoy point! Many are dead … my batch mate Wijesundara is among them.” I immediately jumped into my jeep with my escort Chief Petty Officer and driver and rushed to Digampathana, relying on every ounce of my driving skill to reach the scene. The journey, which usually took little more than an hour, felt endless that day, each passing mile weighed down by dread.
When I arrived, I was confronted with a sight that no training can prepare you for. The injured were being rushed to Dambulla Hospital, where doctors and nurses worked tirelessly, improvising in ways that saved lives despite the overwhelming chaos. I went back to the site after visiting the hospital. The remains of our naval personnel were scattered across the ground, and someone had begun collecting weapons and protective gear. I immediately contacted Surgeon Rear Admiral Nico Jayasekara and received his instructions: collect all body parts in separate bags and transport them to the Trincomalee Naval Hospital mortuary. This gruesome work had to be done with care and dignity, and it filled the icebox in my vehicle. Through DNA testing initiated by Rear Admiral Nico, we were able to identify every naval personnel lost that day, bringing some closure to grieving families.
The Navy Commander at the time, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, was devastated. I had worked closely with him and knew how deeply he cared for his men. He ensured that the fallen were honoured with full ceremonial naval funerals at Welisara Naval Base, attended by families and comrades. Sixty-seven funerals were conducted in a single day—a number that still haunts me.
The Digampathana attack remains the largest single loss of naval life in our history. It was a day of sorrow, but also a day that reinforced our resolve. The tragedy galvanized the Navy to target the LTTE Sea Tiger wing with renewed determination and reshaped our maritime operations forever. Every time I think of that day, I remember not just the lives lost, but the courage, professionalism, and dedication of those who survived, those who treated the injured, and those who ensured the fallen were honored properly. May the souls of our naval hero’s rest in peace, their sacrifice guiding us and inspiring generations of naval personnel to come.
Features
‘Murder at Whitby Abbey’
Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 24
I was intrigued by the title of a book I found in a book drop at the condominium of a friend, Murder at Whitby Abbey, and I brought it home with me though I will not be able to return it in the near future. It was described on the cover page as ‘a standout in the crowded medieval mystery field’, though I fear I do not know of other books in this field, apart from the Cadfael series, which I have dealt with earlier.
The book, by Cassandra Clark, is set during the reign of Richard II and has as a backdrop his precarious position, which led to his being replaced, and murdered, by his cousin Henry, who reigned as Henry IV. It is a gloomy book, the action taking place in the twelve days of Christmas leading up to the Epiphany. And the gloom is pervasive, even though this is supposed to be a time of festivity, with mummers performing, and many of those in the guest house where the heroine stays going to town to enjoy themselves, with much drinking and much music, which also fills the guesthouse.
The heroine Hildegarde is a nun, sent to try to acquire a relic being sold by Whitby Abbey, though this was also a penance set by the Abbot of the monastery that governed her abbess because she had had sex with a man. Soon after she and her companions reach the Abbey set high on a cliff, she finds that there are other bidders, and soon suspects that the hierarchy, not perhaps the Abbot who seems a weakling, but his rapacious bursar, is determined to make money, and not above creating false relics to sell to several aspirants.
After Hildegarde and her Cistercian companions – Whitby is a Benedictine Foundation – two monks, Gregory and Egbert, and a young priest Mark, reach the abbey, they find that Aelwyn, a monk they had met on their way to the guesthouse had died. This was in the apple store, and they realize, when they find the surplices of novices stuffed into the air vents, that he had been left to suffocate in the overwhelming scent of apples.
The Cistercians are asked to look into the death, perhaps because they are likely to get no cooperation from the Abbey folk, but perhaps because those in charge are keen to know what happened. And the infirmarer, an old monk, suggests Hildegarde talk to a man called Edred who worked for the bursar, and had been a friend of Aelwyn’s. But Edred too is killed, before he can keep an appointment he had made with Hildegarde, drowned in a pool near the farmhouse of the Abbey.
Meanwhile tensions arise between the fisherfolk and the abbey for the bursar wants to charge them for using the beach that technically belongs to the abbey to dry their fish and their nets. This leads to physical battles, when the guards used by the abbey, under the command it seems of the bursar whose determination to make money is not resisted by the abbot and the prior, try to storm the area where the fishermen live.
Hildegard finds out more about what had happened through two youngsters, one of whom Torold is the son of Aelwyn by a woman who worked as a prostitute for a cartel, and with whom Mark fell in love. The other works on the farm and had seen Edred meet someone near the pool, after which that someone left the place by himself. And the boy had also found in the pool a sort of dagger with the seal of the abbey.
He and his dog, and Torold who follows her, rescue Hildegarde from a man at arms who has waylaid her and tries to rape her earlier. Escaping into the abbey she was nearly been raped then by the bursar, but she managed to escape, in the process setting fire to him and the muniments room, which led, when he was rescued, to the discovery of a box with the money he said had been stolen, blame being cast on both Aelwyn and Edred.
Matters come to a head when the fisherfolk try to storm the abbey, being resisted by the men at arms stationed on the towers. But then Hildegarde realizes that behind the murders was the bursar’s clerk, whom she pursued to the cathedral. There is great drama then as she escapes from him when he tries to kill her, and then from the man at arms who had tried to both rape and kill her, but they both fall from the scaffolding she had climbed, the latter coming from a tower where he had been stationed.
Both of them think they run the rapacity of the abbey, the latter claiming to work for the nobles opposed to Richard, who is presented throughout the book as devoted to his subjects, not to power or money. But though the villains die, the bursar continues, having got over the hysteria the fire had caused and his acknowledgment then of guilt – and though the abbot and the prior seem less vicious, whether they will be able to assert themselves is questionable.
Before the climax, when the others in the guesthouse were leaving, Hildegarde found that two of them were in possession of the relic, for which they seem to have paid well. Hildegarde herself had made a derisory offer, but before she leaves the abbot gives her the relic, perhaps in gratitude for what she and her fellow Cistercians had discovered, the abbey having made as much money as it needed and more from the gullible other buyers.
Mark’s inamorata is saved from the stews because she moves in with Edred’s widow whom the bursar had thrown out of the rooms he occupied when her husband was found dead. Hildegarde had paid for lodgings, in a house run by the man who ran the brothels, but he had a kindly side and was going to finance them to make nets for the fishermen.
So, the Cistercians set off for their home as swiftly as they can to get there on the day of the Epiphany, having stopped en route to pray for King Richard whose birthday it was.
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