Features
Twenty-year prison term reduced to six and hijacker ran for Parliament under plane symbol!
Continuing the June 1982 Alitalia hijack drama as seen by our ambassador in Bangkok
(Excerpted from “Madame-Sir”, Manel Abeysekera’s memoir of SL’s first woman career diplomat. This book was first published in 2010)
(Continued from last week)
I also asked Foreign Secretary WT Jayasinghe, as I had done in my report on the Garuda hijack, whether we had passed national legislation in line with the Montreal Hi-jack Conventions to which we were Party; to my disgust, he asked me to telephone our Legal Adviser and find out, to which I curtly informed him that I had no recourse to a direct line and asked him to find out and let me know at the Airport or through our Embassy!
When he did call, the Thai Minister, the Italian Ambassador, the Alitalia staff and I were in a coach on the tarmac for the final stages of the episode, and it was only later that I learnt that, despite the lapse of one year since I had alerted the Foreign Secretary to the need for it, the necessary steps to passing anti-hi-jack legislation had not been taken, which proved to be a major problem for Colombo.
Before I worked things out regarding what strategy I should adopt vis-a-vis Ekanayake for defusing the situation, I wondered whether there could be some collusion between him and the Alitalia Captain; to add to the jig-saw Ekanayake had said that it was his collaborators that had brought the explosive material on board as I have recounted; he had also said that he had flushed down the toilet the gas explosives in case they reacted to something and exploded, retaining only the electrical ones. Later, the Thai Air Force, which took charge of the battery linked “collar” and shawl that had covered it, declared that there were no explosives, when they handed them over to the Embassy to be sent to Colombo as a production in the case but, at the time of the episode, neither the Alitalia officers, the Captain nor I dared to disbelieve Ekanayake for fear of endangering the passengers and crew aboard.
Finally it was around 3 pm the next day when, from the coach I spoke to Ekanayake and told him that I would be speaking to him in English so that everyone would understand, and asked him to disembark from the ‘plane with the Captain which they did; the day was so hot and the glare of the sun reflected off the tarmac was almost blinding especially for Ekanayake and the Captain who had been on board for so many hours.
We were standing a little away from the tarmac and despite my being obvious in a saree, Ekanayake, who carried the satchel of money, did not realize that it was I and walked past me. Once we were all in the coach, I went up to him and introduced myself and asked for his passport at which he leaped to his feet and greeted me as “Excellency” and extended his hand which I took as one human being to another.
When I asked him for his son’s passport he said that it was in Sri Lanka. [Free, as the boy was named, had a Sri Lankan passport through eligibility for citizenship through his father and his mother had taken him to Modena without his father’s knowledge and included the child’s name in her own Passport]. I recall the Thai Minister of Communications, who was elated that everything had ended peacefully, telling me that he felt it would be so as Ekanayake was a Buddhist!
Later the Minister and the Thai Government were criticized in several quarters for giving Ekanayake safe passage and thereby giving Thailand the image of a hi-jack haven. But when interviewed by a journalist, he categorically said that if he had to go through the episode all over again, he would do the same, and he paid me a compliment by saying: “I would like to work with her again in that kind of situation – she and not anybody else deserved the credit”, as I had kept my cool and dealt with a very difficult situation in a way he admired.
The coach took us to the Air Force Building Lounge and Air Force officers were there with guns and kept Ekanayake under surveillance, following him even to the toilet. In the lounge I met for the first time Free, his little son of about four years whom he had named thus perhaps significantly. As I could not communicate with him in words I sounded “notes” on the glasses of cool drinks that had been brought for us and he liked the musical sounds I produced and made friends with me!
I asked his mother what we should get for him and she suggested a glass of milk and when I asked her what she would like, she said coffee while Ekanayake asked for a beer, all of which I ordered.
Ekanayake was quite chatty and also showed me photographs of his son in the Montessori school where his mother was a teacher.
Speaking to me in Sinhala he told me of his strong dislike of the Italians who he felt pushed him from pillar to post. I suspect that, not having been able to get a steady job, he may have tried to earn money commensurate with his wife’s earnings by peddling heroin. He said that it was only I and Premaratne who had spoken to him politely and kindly and, to my amusement, he asked whether he could not go to my Residence! I had visions of my being held to ransom if he did!
I pointed out to him that he must realize that he had carried out a criminal act and that he would not be allowed to leave the lounge except to board the Air Lanka Flight to Colombo a few hours later in which I had arranged for the three of them to depart having obtained the Government’s permission through the Foreign Ministry. I observed that he took scant notice of the satchel of money which made me feel that his real objective in hi-jacking the ‘plane was to get his son back and to teach the Italians a lesson.
He asked me what would happen to him when he arrived in Sri Lanka and I truthfully said that I did not know, After awhile, I said goodbye to the family and went home with Hector leaving Premaratne to watch the situation and ensure that no harm cane to them and that they boarded our flight without the other passengers being aware that they were on board. I also told him to get Ekanayake to purchase three first class tickets so that they would be out of sight of most of the passengers.
From home I called the Foreign Secretary and informed him of the arrangements that I had made, said that he would be bringing the $300,000 with him in a satchel and to make the necessary arrangements to receive him. Later, when I checked with Premaratne as to whether Ekanayake had paid for his tickets with some of the money in the satchel, he said that it was from money he took out from his purse.
Subsequently I was simply amazed at the problems caused by Ekanayake’s arrival consequent on action not having been taken to pre-empt and prevent them:
(1) The anti hi-jack national legislation had not been enacted which could have been invoked against him for his arrest and trial.
(2) Despite my briefing about the dollars being brought, no attempt appears to have been made to arrest him on bringing cash way above the amount permitted under Exchange Control Regulations. In fact, he found it impossible to deposit the money in a bank without a guarantor with the result that he had given quite a bit of it to his wife and members of his family in the South, who had arrived at the Airport to give him a hero’s welcome for the feat he had performed quite oblivious of the fact that it was a crime.
Thus it was only after the Italian Ambassador in Colombo lodged a plaint of extortion against him with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that it became possible to arrest him; by that time he and his family had spent a couple of nights at the Hotel Ceylon Intercontinental until the airline pilots who normally stay there staged a walk out in protest against a hi-jacker being housed there; at which the hotel asked him to leave. He then went to stay with his relatives in the South.
At my end I could only marvel at the unpreparedness of the Sri Lankan Authorities over the handling of his arrival which was after they had been given adequate notice by me whereas, in sharp contrast, in my case, I had absolutely no advance notice of the hi-jack nor anyone to advise me to handle it as successfully as I did. An aspect of the whole episode I did not like was that the anti – hi-jack legislation was rushed through Parliament and used retro-actively to try Ekanayake who was jailed to a sentence of 20 years but was released after six years for good behaviour! The unspent amount of the $300,000 was frozen in a bank, probably temporarily before being disposed of legally.
A few days after the event, the telephone at my Residence had gone out of order and I asked Hector to go down the Sol to our friend the Egyptian Ambassador’s Residence and give me a call as quite often this would result in the telephone becoming operational. Well, the telephone did ring and thinking it was Hector calling me I answered it and, to my surprise it was the Foreign Secretary calling from Colombo to find out who paid for the ticket and I told him it was Ekanayake and that too from his pocket and not from the satchel.
When the Sri Lankan newspapers arrived at the Embassy, I noticed an interview given in one of them by Foreign Minister Hameed saying that he had contacted his Ambassador in Bangkok and requested that the situation not be allowed to escalate but to diffuse it. I was quite annoyed seeing this because he had not contacted me at all – nor had anyone else in authority! So I sent the Foreign Secretary a telex referring to the news item and stating [sarcastically of course!] that I was sure that the reporter was misreporting the Minister as he had not contacted me and that in any case Ambassadors were appointed to diffuse not escalate difficult situations!
A few days later I received a copy of the Parliamentary Hansard sent me by my friend Nihal Seneviratne [popularly known as “Galba”] Secretary General of Parliament, in which the Government was being accused by the Opposition of paying for the air tickets to Colombo of the hijacker and his family. However, the two Opposition MPs spearheading the accusation–Mr. Maithripala Senanayake and Mr.Anura Bandaranaike – were quoted as saying that they knew me well enough and could vouch that I would not have done such a thing unless instructed by the Government to do so.
I then realized why the Foreign Secretary had telephoned me to ask with what money Ekanayake had paid for the tickets and I thought that it was quite unfair of him not to have told me the reason was the Opposition’s accusation in parliament during the debate on the hijack.
As is my habit as a professional, I sent a detailed comprehensive report on the hi-jack incorporating a ball by ball account of it, my impression of the hijacker and the reasons for his act, the Thai reaction to the hi-jack and the reason they decided to give him safe passage to Colombo because as in the case of the Garuda they tried their best to send off the hi-jacked ‘plane to Colombo, namely, not to have blood spilt on their soil.
When the hi-jack case was being heard in Court, the Defence wanted me to come to give evidence, but the Government refused to let me go. Consequently, the Defence Counsel was able to allege that I had told Ekanayake that no action would be taken against him and that it was wrong that action had been taken against him despite the “assurance” given by me to the contrary. This I felt was most unfair by me as I had not given any such assurance and the Foreign Secretary had my detailed reports.
It is unbelievable that my reports were sent to the Attorney General only at my insistence on my return to the Ministry in 1983 [naturally I had assumed that they had been before the trial]. I bluntly told the Foreign Secretary that he, as an official, had let me, a fellow official down very badly and unfairly. Later, when the case went into Appeal, Dr. Colvin R. de Silva. used the same argument.
What was most galling was the fact that after all my efforts at resolving the hi-jack without harm to any of the crew or the 169 passengers, the only appreciation shown me was by the Thai Minister of Communication but sadly not by my officialdom, resulting in the general public being given a wrong impression of me. In fact, more than 29 years later, I have had to respond to articles in the newspapers regarding the “assurance”, presenting the true facts of the case, known to us who were in Thailand.
Meanwhile, our Embassy in Bangkok received several insulting letters accusing Sri Lanka of allowing the hijacker to go free and dubbing us a “Banana Republic” – all this of course before Ekanayake was tried and sentenced.
A sequel to the Ekanayake hi-jack episode was that, on his release from prison, he contested a parliamentary election [probably after, having served the prison sentence and his symbol was of a ‘plane!]. Again, he had gone to the Foreign Ministry and entered the room of the then Foreign Secretary who was my senior colleague and Uncle, Bernard Tilakaratna to whom I have already referred as having unconsciously roused my interest in the Foreign Service and again during my recounting of Premier Premadasa’s visit to Thailand; he had been considerably alarmed and had ordered his staff never to let him into the Ministry again!
Later, on my return to the Ministry in 1992 after my assignment as Ambassador to Germany, Austria and Switzerland, Ekanayake telephoned me to my desk as Director General Political Affairs and when I inquired how he was and what he was doing he said that he had a lucrative business up-country, growing and selling vegetables. Of course, I did not have to ask him what he wanted of me – I guessed it was to help him get a visa to visit his son in Italy!
I asked him to perish the thought as no country especially Italy would give him a visa because of the international crime he had committed. Instead, I told him that, if his son loved him as much as he loved the boy, he should invite him to come over to Sri Lanka. He and Free’s mother were divorced and he was married to a Sri Lankan and they had two children; about a month later I had the pleasure of seeing a picture in a newspaper of a happy family gathering in Sri Lanka. From the picture I noticed the uncanny resemblance the boy had to his father when he was a young hijacker; hopefully, it was a happy ending to a traumatic episode.
In lighter vein was the “Island” columnist Amitha Abeysekera’s amusing account of how I really got Ekanayake to cooperate with me and that was when he had asked whether I was Mr. E.W. Kannangara’s daughter and when I replied in the affirmative, saying that he is one of his great admirers as Chief Scout Commissioner and that therefore it was an honour to deal with his daughter! Then again there had been cassettes of “Viridus” on the Ekanayake hi-jack, some complimentary of me and others not! Unfortunately none were available for me to buy on my return.
Features
Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye
Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.
In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.
Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’
Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.
However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.
The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.
It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.
This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.
Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.
Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.
The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.
Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.
In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.
Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.
Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.
The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.
While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.
The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.
The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.
Features
What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus
by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva
Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.
To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.
In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.
Architecture of nation’s future
Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.
The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.
Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.
Lesson from the US
A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.
Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.
Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.
Another lesson from India
India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.
The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***
International models
Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.
Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.
One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.
Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.
Teacher training
Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.
Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.
Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.
Features
Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week
Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.
A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.
A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka
This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.
It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.
According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).
In today’s edition of The Island SceneAround, we spotlight Melloney, on the ramp, at Colombo Fashion Week.
Melloney will also participate at Miss Grand All Stars to be held later in the year, in Thailand, as Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024.
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