Features
Martin Wickramasinghe: The making of a Sri Lankan mind
By Uditha Devapriya
Regarded as one of Sri Lanka’s finest public intellectuals, Martin Wickramasinghe (1890 – 1976) unleashed the possibilities of radical thought in 20th century South Asia. His 50th death anniversary fell this week, on July 23.
A tiny island some 30 or so miles from India, Sri Lanka has a recorded history of more than 2,500 years. Its recent history has been marred by ethnic conflict, civil war, and political and economic crisis. This has tended to dominate international reporting at the expense of other aspects. In reality, the country is popularly marketed as the pearl of the Indian Ocean. The more cynical and pessimistic, mindful of its troubled past, call it a teardrop. Both groups are right: the half-full bottle, after all, is also half-empty.
Yet at one point, the country was well known for its contributions to regional, even global, intellectual exchanges. Historical records tell us of monasteries that served as seats of learning and monarchs who patronized monasteries. Pilgrims and travelers from far-flung regions, including Europe, West Asia, and China, wrote about their visits to the country and their encounters with these establishments. Such exchanges continued for much of the island’s history, well into the colonial period. Conquered by Portuguese forces in the 16th century, and later by Dutch and British forces, by the 19th century Sri Lanka figured in at the center of an empire on which, it was said, the sun never set.
During this time, the popularization of print media, or print capitalism as the anthropologist Benedict Anderson puts it, led to the spread of ideas that reinforced notions of nationhood and nation-state. In 19th century British Ceylon, the press and print media were dominated by European and missionary interests. Later these platforms found their way to other parts of the nation. This paved the way for debates and discussions across racial, religious, and language lines. That, in turn, laid the foundation for a generation of public thinkers, writers, and scholars of repute in Sri Lanka.
Among these public figures was Martin Wickramasinghe. Little known outside the region, but hugely popular in his country, Wickramasinghe has been described as the quintessential organic intellectual and the preeminent novelist and short-story writer of 20th century Sri Lanka. He was also, possibly, the most prolific public thinker of his time in the country. This week marked his 50th death anniversary. At a time of political and economic tension in Sri Lanka, his life offers an alternative framing of art, culture, history, literature, and nationalism which is more nuanced and more pluralist.
Martin Wickramasinghe was born on May 29, 1890, in Koggala, a village some 150 km from the capital Colombo in the southern district of Galle. The district stood at the center of Sri Lanka’s maritime provinces. These provinces had come under the control of successive European powers from the 16th century. Absorbing different cultural influences, in his memoirs Wickramasinghe recalls Koggala as a quintessential colonial village that was prone to reinvention and transformation. His ideas of art, culture, and history were shaped at the crossroads of the region. Reflecting on it later, he depicted a world where social structures were moving and changing. In contrast to nationalist ideologues who idealized the village as a static and unchanging entity, he saw it as a society in motion.
The middle class … started abandoning old customs and names to stand apart from ordinary village folk. Discarding male names such as Sirimal, Nimal, Gauthamadasa, and Buddhadasa, and female names such as Dayawathie, Premawathie, and Gunawathie, they gave their sons names like Francis, Henry, Samson, and Oibert, while the girls got names such as Lucy, Maggie, Laura, and Nelly.
Martin Wickramasinghe, Upan Da Sita (1961)
Martin Wickramasinghe learnt to read and write under a local village teacher. He was then sent to the village Buddhist temple, where a monk who happened to be his cousin taught him not just his first language Sinhala, but also Pali, Sanskrit, the Devanagari script, and even rudiments of English. The latter became useful when his parents decided to send him to an English school that run by the Anglican church, closer to the city of Galle. These were years of tremendous transformation in the south. While certain people prospered in economic terms, others declined. Wickramasinghe saw these changing tides of fortune. In time they would affect his own family.
Although his family had ambitions for him – he was the only son among eight daughters, a point that marked him out for special treatment by parents and elders – Wickramasinghe was forced to abandon his education when his father, a police-official, passed away. Wickramasinghe was around eight at the time. By then, his family had invested in plumbago or graphite. At the time the industry was going through a boom.
Tragically for his family, the investment failed. Drowning in debt, his mother had no choice but to remove Wickramasinghe from school and find him employment. In the early 20th century, Colombo stood as the center of the island’s economic and political power. In 1906, Wickramasinghe was sent there to work as a shop assistant.
For a young man from Galle, Colombo must have appeared strange and somewhat alien. A deeply Westernised, urban, and sophisticated space, ordered and controlled, it was the residence of many of the country’s wealthiest residents. Entrenched in European customs and attitudes, these residents, known as Ceylonese, were almost distanced from the rest of the country. Yet though it was embedded in colonialism, it was in Colombo that decisions were made and reforms were directed to change the country’s administrative and political structures. It was here that the island’s leading social and political movements unfolded. Familiarising himself in his surroundings, Wickramasinghe adapted to these developments, observing them and often taking part in them.
In Koggala Wickramasinghe had shirked formal education. His memoirs, published in 1961, depict a child who disliked classroom learning and frequently played truant. Yet while he resisted formal schooling in Galle, he immersed himself in books in Colombo. He patronized leading bookshops in Pettah, the commercial center of the city, where he worked and lived. Eventually he discovered the writings of freethinkers, rationalists, philosophers, scientists, and anthropologists. Among the authors he read at this point were the American radical thinker Robert Ingersoll and the English biologist Thomas Huxley. Through them, he discovered Charles Darwin and other science writers. Their ideas influenced him. Over time they shaped his attitudes towards society, culture, and religion.
My mind was possessed by a desire to learn about the beginning and end of the world. None of the bookshops in Colombo carried these books. Cave and Co. had some books which carried these titles. I bought a copy of a collection of essays called Human Origins for fifty cents and read it. I realised that my English was not good enough to comprehend everything in these essays. I hence bought a pocket English dictionary and read Robinson Crusoe and later Gulliver’s Travels.
Martin Wickramasinghe, Upan Da Sita (1961)
To understand his progress at this stage, Wickramasinghe’s intellectual evolution must be contextualized. In the late 20th century, Sri Lanka witnessed the peak of a Buddhist Revival. Tracing its origins to the late 19th century, this Revival was led by monks and activists who were protective of their faith. They frequently published polemics against other groups, especially Christian missionaries. Determined to restore Buddhism to what they regarded as its foremost or rightful place, they envisioned a world where their identity stood over all others. Wickramasinghe saw these developments from afar. Refusing to conform, he evolved a somewhat different interpretation of culture and identity.
Wickramasinghe was just 24 years old when he published his first novel, Leela, in 1914. Despite its fairly predictable plot, he depicted a clash between tradition and modernity. Rather than celebrate traditional values, as many in the Revival did, he explicitly celebrated modernity and intellectual progress. At a time of great social change in Sri Lanka, this message proved off-putting for monks and activists. Not surprisingly, in the press, the novel was branded as an attack on Sinhala Buddhist values.
We cannot hope to advance if we stay attached to old traditions and practices. From the tiniest animal to the human species, everything in this world is connected to the outer world, the environment. This is an indisputable truth. Everything around us changes from moment to moment. If we adapt to these changes, we will progress. If we refuse to adapt to them, we will decline.
Martin Wickramasinghe, Leela (1914)
Encouraged by the response to the novel, two years later, in 1916, he began writing to the press. His first article, “Vruksalatha saha Sathwayo” (“Plants and Animals”), published in a leading daily Sri Lankan newspaper, the Dinamina, posed a daring question: if higher forms of life such as animals and humans were subject to the laws of reincarnation as dictated by Buddhism, shouldn’t lower forms of life, such as plants, be subject to them as well? Going beyond even his critique of tradition in Leela, this first article opened him to a barrage of angry comments by readers. Once again, he had resolved to go against the grain and to use his knowledge to reinterpret his faith and culture.
Taken together, his first novel and his first article laid the foundation for his career as a writer and a thinker. In 13 novels, several short stories, and countless essays, many of them published in newspapers, he explored aspects of his society through an anthropological lens. In doing so, he made two somewhat unique contributions.
First, in Sinhala, Wickramasinghe introduced literary, cultural, and scientific terms and ideas to a vernacular audience. At a time when Sinhala nationalists uncritically valorized the past and held it as an object of veneration, Wickramasinghe popularized the most contemporary, radical ideas from the West among his countrymen. In doing so he made them aware of other ways of framing identity, beyond the restrictive, often insular forms which nationalism took, and has taken since then, in Sri Lanka.
Second, writing in English, he applied the frameworks of the leading anthropologists of his time – the two most prominent being Bronislaw Malinowski and Ruth Benedict – to his community. As the anthropologist Sarath Amunugama noted in an interview with me, in delving into his society so deeply, he made Sinhala Buddhist culture “as valid an object of study as any other rural traditional society in the world of his time.”
This contribution was unprecedented for two reasons. First, as mentioned before, he refused to subscribe to nationalist and nativist ideologues. Although he identified himself as Sinhala and Buddhist, he emphasized that culture was not an abstract entity, that it was changing and rupturing all the time. His upbringing in Koggala made him conscious of the fluidity of culture and how societies were borrowing from each other. Against such a backdrop, he refused to romanticize and “utopianize” his culture. Instead, he made it a subject of critical scrutiny. Far from belittling it, he felt this to be the only way forward.
We are living in Ceylon like an integrated community… An integrated independent community implies a language, culture, and tradition of their own which are, of course, continuously changing. Language and tradition are aspects of culture. The most important thing for an independent community is its changing culture, which unites them in spite of the diversities of class and social habits.
Martin Wickramasinghe, Sinhala Language and Culture (1975)
This was evident even in his fiction. In novels like Gamperaliya (1944), which has often been compared to Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa’s great saga of the Italian nobility, The Leopard, he charts the economic changes which transformed the country in the late 19th century. Like Lampedusa’s novel, Gamperaliya portrays a clash between an old aristocracy moored in traditional values and a new elite moored in the capitalist ethic. Considered as the definitive realist Sinhala novel of the 20th century, it was hailed as a masterpiece almost right after it was first published by Ediriweera Sarachchandra.
Second, as a public figure, Wickramasinghe communicated his ideas through the popular press. At the time newspapers enjoyed a considerable circulation and were featuring essays on literature, art, and religion. Wickramasinghe made use of these platforms to convey his ideas on these subjects to a wide audience. In doing so, he enabled the transmission of new and modern ideas to a very receptive readership.
With the public as his audience, Wickramasinghe also strived to deconstruct theories of art, culture, and literature which until then had been inaccessible for lay readers. In books like Aspects of Sinhalese Culture (1952), Buddhism and Culture (1964), Buddhism and Art (1973), and Sinhala Language and Culture (1975), he introduced new theories and tried to democratize knowledge. Lacking formal schooling, self-taught and self-formed, he valued the power of ideas and frequently questioned received assumptions.
When doing so, he did not shirk from courting controversy. His first novel, Leela, provoked colorful reactions, especially from monks. Almost 60 years later, in 1973, he repeated this feat with his last novel, Bava Taranaya. Depicting the life of the Buddha – a highly sensitive topic – with unusual frankness, Bava Taranaya scandalized audiences. Monks and activists took issue with how he had portrayed its subject. Not unlike Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses, extremists branded it as a heresy, with one person requesting authorities to jail its author. Though the then government decided against such an action, the controversy his novel provoked showed that Wickramasinghe chose to be a contrarian even at the very end of his life. He would pass away three years later.
In that sense, perhaps his single biggest contribution, as a Sri Lankan and South Asian literary figure, was that he used a comparative approach to whatever he wrote about. As the literary scholar Chamila Somirathna has written in her MA dissertation on Wickramasinghe, he adopted a multifaceted view of concepts and theories. Over time this transformed him into a cosmopolitan critic who valued diverse perspectives.
While he did not reject the existence of the university system, he envisioned the emergence of several universities which would he believed would allow a better dialogue, even controversy, between different ideas, resulting in new forms of knowledge… He also argued that language and literature do not necessarily belong to academic institutions, but to everybody. The fact that [he] used newspapers as one major medium for discussing literature and criticism reflects his view that access to the study of literature and criticism is the right of the general public.
Chamila Somirathna, Re-envisioning a Discipline: Martin Wickramasinghe’s Contribution to Comparative Literature (2016)
Wickramasinghe’s study of evolution and anthropology opened him to the links between different aspects of culture. Yet, as the renowned Sinhala language scholar and linguist Sandagomi Coperahewa observed in an interview with me, Wickramasinghe’s fiction, his novels and short stories, tend to be read to the exclusion of his radical writings. Partly because of this, he is stereotyped as a Sinhala Buddhist thinker, even though his essays and articles reflect a more complex, nuanced perspective.
Because of this omission, his absence from the pantheon of modern – and modernist – thinkers in South Asia should not come as a surprise. Wickramasinghe lived, worked, and thrived at a time when South Asia was undergoing a profound transformation in its culture, its society, and its politics. Coming of age at the twilight of colonial rule in Sri Lanka, he formulated theories of art, literature, culture, and religion that could not have been more different to the insular visions of nativist-nationalists.
It is for that reason that Martin Wickramasinghe deserves to be read, deconstructed, and demystified, as more than a Sinhala, Buddhist, and Sri Lankan thinker. Like that other pluralist thinker of 20th century South Asia, Rabindranath Tagore, Wickramasinghe imbibed a pluralistic view of society which differed from his colleagues.
Unlike those who saw it as something to be venerated, Wickramasinghe perceived the past as something we could never return to, something we should not idealize. The title of one of his well-known books, Kalunika Seveema (In Search of Kalunika, 1950), reveals his attitude to the past: in Sinhalese folklore, “kalunika” was an herb said to impart long life on those who found it. But as with most folklore, it simply did not exist. For Wickramasinghe, the past was a little like kalunika. Full of promise and potential, it could never be found or retrieved. Going in search of it, he pointed out, was akin to a fool’s errand.
Uditha Devapriya is an independent researcher who works at the intersection of art, culture, history, politics, and international relations. From 2021 to 2024 he was involved in the production of an illustrated biography of George Keyt by the historian and art scholar Dr SinhaRaja Tammita-Delgoda. He is presently engaged in a biographical study of Martin Wickramasinghe that will focus on his role as a public intellectual and critic. A consultant to the Martin Wickramasinghe Trust, he was previously Chief International Relations Analyst at the foreign policy think-tank Factum. He is the author of five books, including an official history of S. Thomas’ College, Mount Lavinia, and has delivered lectures on Wickramasinghe physically and online in Sri Lanka, India, and the UK.
Features
Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify
The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.
While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.
The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.
Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.
The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.
These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.
In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’
Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.
Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.
However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.
While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.
A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.
Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.
Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.
In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.
However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.
Features
“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”
OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation
The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.
Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.
The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.
In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.
She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.
The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress
The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.
The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”
Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.
Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.
The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.
Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.
The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.
Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.
Features
Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …
For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.
Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.
Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.
What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada
It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.
According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.
With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”
One attendee summed it up perfectly:
“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.
“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto
“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”
And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.
Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada
Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.
It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.
One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.
Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.
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