Features

Kerala: Left Falls, Not Out

Published

5 months ago

2026/05/17

Venu-and-Sathee

Late Thursday morning, 10 days after the count, Kerala finally heard the referee’s whistle. Top enablers at Indira Bhawan in New Delhi have finalized the selection of the Chief Minister for Kerala, who will govern for the next five years. AICC General Secretary and the party’s in-charge for Kerala and Lakshadweep, Deepa Dasmunsi, announced that the Congress has chosen V. D. Satheesan, shocking many supporters of K. C. Venugopal. But both have accepted the decision and committed to working together, at least publicly. The episode reflects Kerala’s familiar pattern, where internal competition is settled through central authority and public unity follows factional disputes.

Beneath this stability, the political system is no longer shaped by doctrine but by administration, coalition arithmetic, and tightening fiscal constraints. The Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) has returned to power after 10 years in opposition, ending the Communist-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) government. The UDF secured 102 seats in the 140-member Assembly, while the LDF was reduced to 35 seats, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won three, marking a clear reversal of the previous mandate. The communists have fallen, but they are not out. This outcome makes it necessary to revisit Kerala’s Left story.

The E. M. S. Namboodiripad-era communist movement and the later institutionalization of the CPI(M) created one of the most unusual political formations in modern history. Unlike communist revolutions elsewhere, Kerala’s Left did not emerge through armed rupture or prolonged insurgency. It sought to achieve success by capturing the state through elections, without using violence. It adopted electoral democracy as its primary battlefield early on, treating the state not as an institution to be overthrown but as an apparatus to be captured and redirected. That decision defined everything that followed. It made Kerala’s communism stable, durable, and electorally competitive, but also gradually transformed it from a revolutionary movement into a governance machine.

In contrast, several communist and communist-inspired regimes elsewhere were associated with large-scale violence and state breakdown: the Soviet Union under Stalin, Mao’s China, Cambodia under Pol Pot, North Korea under the Kim regime, and Ethiopia under the Derg all saw severe repression and mass deaths. Eastern Europe also experienced violent Soviet interventions in countries such as Hungary and Czechoslovakia to maintain control. Similar patterns of communist-linked insurgency and conflict also emerged in Nepal, Sri Lanka, and other contexts, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths and disappearances.

Kerala followed a different path. But constitutional integration comes with consequences. Once a movement stops functioning as an opposition force and becomes part of governance, it begins to absorb the logic of administration. The CPI(M) in Kerala became a tightly organized electoral machine, but over time that discipline turned into rigidity. Governance replaced transformation, welfare delivery replaced structural change, and political conviction itself shifted from practice to narrative.

This shift is also visible in contemporary electoral politics. The contest that led to V. D. Satheesan’s emergence as Chief Minister over internal rival K. C. Venugopal reflects a deeper structural evolution within the Congress rather than a simple leadership change. Venugopal represents the logic of internal party machinery, central coordination, and organizational control, while Satheesan represents constituency-based legitimacy and visible electoral leadership. The resolution of that contest in favour of Satheesan signals a broader shift in Kerala politics: legitimacy is increasingly derived from electoral visibility rather than internal hierarchy.

Yet this shift takes place within a structurally strained system. At an India-focused academic conference held at Stanford University last week, Shashi Tharoor made a blunt observation: if Kerala were treated as a sovereign fiscal entity, it would already be considered effectively bankrupt.

Despite its high human development indicators and global reputation for social welfare, Kerala’s fiscal model is heavily dependent on borrowing, remittances, and central transfers. Salary obligations for government employees, pension liabilities, and welfare commitments increasingly operate under tight fiscal constraints. Political promises continue to expand while revenue growth remains structurally limited. The result is not collapse, but chronic imbalance.

This fiscal tension matters because Kerala’s politics is heavily driven by welfare expectations. Every electoral cycle expands commitments without fully resolving the question of long-term sustainability. Political parties, regardless of orientation, operate within this constraint. The CPI(M) expands welfare schemes under Left governance, while the Congress-led UDF offers competing promises of welfare expansion and subsidy re-calibration. Political identity becomes secondary to distributive capacity.

Within this context, the intellectual foundations of Kerala society deserve closer attention. The reformist legacy of Sree Narayana Guru remains one of the most significant but often under-analyzed influences on Kerala’s political evolution. His central message of social equality, education, and rejection of caste hierarchy did not produce a political party, but it fundamentally reshaped social consciousness. The slogan “one caste, one religion, one God for humanity” became less a doctrinal statement and more a cultural foundation for modern Kerala’s egalitarian self-image.

Narayana Guru’s influence matters because it created a social environment in which political extremism found limited structural space. Caste reform movements, educational expansion, and social mobility altered traditional hierarchies that often fuel radical political ruptures elsewhere. Kerala’s communism therefore did not arise in a vacuum of deprivation; it emerged within a society already undergoing deep social reform. That context partly explains why communism in Kerala did not evolve into violent insurgency as it did in other parts of the world. The space for armed revolution was constrained by pre-existing social reform trajectories.

Over time, however, even that moral and social foundation has been absorbed into routine political language. All major parties now invoke equality, welfare, and inclusion, but these terms function as electoral jargon rather than transformative principles. The Congress operates through alliance management and electoral calibration rather than coherent political positioning. The CPI(M) governs through administrative efficiency and welfare continuity rather than mass mobilization.

The BJP remains structurally peripheral in Kerala but is slowly becoming a more visible third force. Despite repeated and intensive efforts by Prime Minister Narendra Modi to expand the party’s footprint in the state, it has largely failed to convert that push into durable electoral gains. In Kerala, it continues to hit a ceiling of expectations without delivery, unlike in several other states where it has steadily expanded its base.

What emerges is a political system that is stable but intellectually exhausted. The red flag in Kerala has not disappeared, but it has been normalized. It no longer signals rupture; it signals continuity. The revolutionary vocabulary that once defined the CPI(M) has been absorbed into the grammar of governance. Even electoral victories are framed in managerial terms rather than political triumph.

The recent electoral outcome and leadership transition reflect this transformation clearly. Satheesan’s rise to Cliff House, the official residence of the Kerala Chief Minister, is not the emergence of a new political direction but the consolidation of a performance-based governing model. Leadership is now judged by electoral execution, alliance management, and narrative control rather than doctrinal articulation. Venugopal’s organizational strength, Chennithala’s seniority, and Satheesan’s electoral visibility represent three competing logics within the same exhausted system. Meanwhile, the current CPI(M) leadership in Kerala is still shaped by the post-2000 consolidation phase, where administrative governance has increasingly replaced mass mobilization. The fact that visibility prevailed does not signal renewal; it signals adaptation to voter psychology.

However, India’s next general elections are expected to be held by April 2029 to elect 543 members of the Lok Sabha. In just three years, the country will face its most consequential electoral test in over a decade, and it will not only determine the future of national governance but also redefine the limits of political authority, economic sustainability, and political credibility across its states, including Kerala, where politics has already moved beyond doctrine into the harder terrain of arithmetic reality.

by Nilantha Ilangamuwa

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Features

New US sanctions on ICC, a fillip to worldwide political repression

Published

5 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

The International Criminal Court in session. UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s warning to the International Criminal Court (ICC) was stark: ‘Either the ICC will end its threats, or we will end the ICC.’ It followed US central administration accusations that the court was unfairly targeting Americans on the basis of trumped-up war crimes charges.

However, a new plethora of sanctions has been clamped on the ICC by the US, which in turn has spurred accusations by sections of the world that the latter has unleashed an ‘assault’ on the international legal order.

What some of the sanctions would mean for the ICC was outlined by Rubio: ‘We will ban transactions with this rogue court, cutting off their resources and crippling their ability to operate against us.’

The ICC has shown consistency of purpose over the years. Despite some operational constraints it has indicted a large number of political strongmen from around the world, accused of war crimes and other governance excesses that come under its purview. Two such recent figures are: Russian President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Rather than enjoy a mere nominal presence in the world community, the ICC has proved its effectiveness by detaining and bringing to justice scores of VIP politicians and others of their ilk who have been found guilty of human rights abuses and kindred excesses that come within the terms of reference of the ICC.

Accordingly, the international justice system would be stymied considerably as a result of the ICC being dis-empowered, particularly financially. Needless to say, potential and real perpetrators of the species of crime coming under the jurisdiction of the ICC would stand to gain most from such anarchic tendencies. That is, political repression globally would be enabled to enjoy a new lease of life.

A detailing of the types of crime coming under the purview of the ICC provides an idea of what it would cost the international community if the ICC’s operations are gravely hampered. They are mainly: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression.

That is, the part of the world to be worst affected would be the global South, since the latter is awash with the mentioned crimes. Needless to say, a chronically-disaffected South will sooner rather than later undermine the well being of the world dangerously. The world is already being put through these paces.

At the time of writing, ‘illegal migrants’ from the South, for example, are aggravating many a Western economy’s woes, besides creating for them acute law and order issues. The fact that these migrants’ presence goes on to become a virtual test of the migrant receiving states’ ability to forge domestic social inclusion in the face of jingoistic protests by mainly white supremacist groups is evidence of the latter. As is known, the US, to take just one example, has been up against this crisis for quite a while.

Accordingly, it will be in the best interests of the West if ‘illegal’ migrant arrivals on their shores are stemmed. If the socio-political and economic problems assailing the South are effectively managed through North-South collaborative, ‘trouble-shooting’ efforts the causes leading to ‘illegal’ migration and connected issues could be resolved at source as it were. For, it is the aggravation of the South’s material questions that lays the basis for the emergence of repressive and anti-democratic regimes in the hemisphere.

Until such time that the aforementioned issues in North-South relations are visited afresh and addressed urgently, a vibrantly functioning ICC would be needed. For, the latter would prove a deterrent to Southern political and military strongmen, highly prone to power abuse and like excesses, from coming into being in the wake of the South’s chronic material woes and the wars and conflicts that result from them.

It stands to reason then that the US would be acting in its own interests by enabling the ICC to perpetuate its mandate without hindrance. For a crop of issues that impinges negatively on internal law and order would be defused.

Meanwhile, there needs to be a meeting of minds among the rest of the West to put back in place a North-South dialogue process aimed at reducing some of the economic pressures that are weighing on the South.

Since economics usually drives politics it will be in the interests of the world community to scrutinizingly re-visit North-South issues of the past and put in place economic relief packages for Southern publics that would enable them to tide over their material hardships rather than permit the latter to aggravate into social disaffection and eventually armed militancy. It is the latter juncture that paves the way for the emergence of authoritarian rulers in the South who then go on to be a blight on their publics.

Accordingly, the Southern-based global development thinking of the past that envisaged a more equitable world economic order needs to be seen as an urgent need. That is, NAM’s international development paradigms need to be resuscitated to the extent possible.

It is unlikely that rightist governments of the West, such as the current Republican administration in the US, would find these projects feasible, but democratic states of Europe, led by perhaps the UK, are likely to think otherwise. For it would not be beneficial for the democratic world to be having on their hands repressive governments in the South who would be gravitating towards the major military and economic actors of the South, such as Iran and North Korea, who tend to be in constant power struggles with the West.

However, until such time that the mentioned, pro-people initiatives are given serious thought the ICC would need to be enabled by the international community to be in place comfortably and carry on with its mandate of bringing repressive rulers to book. Besides the ICC should pave the way for the peoples of the developing world to enjoy some substantial respite from the political repression and even terror which tend to be their lot.

Meanwhile, the wars of West Asia are relentlessly aggravating the economic hardships of people everywhere, driving the point home to enlightened sections that there is no alternative to peacemaking. A challenge is to convert the US under President Trump to this line of thinking.

Features

Clear, soft and shine-free skin

Published

5 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

This week, I give you five simple, time-tested homemade remedies that help reduce the appearance of blemishes, control excess shine and leave your skin feeling softer and smoother.

The Honey and Lemon Brightening Dab:

For stubborn blemish marks, this is a classic. Mix one teaspoon of pure bee honey with three to four drops of fresh lemon juice. Apply gently, only on the affected spots, and leave for 10 minutes before rinsing with lukewarm water. While honey soothes and softens, lemon helps to brighten naturally. Use twice a week in the evening.

Besan and Rose Water Oil-Control Pack:

An ideal remedy to combat shine, especially on the T-zone. Take two teaspoons of besan (gram flour) and mix with sufficient rose water to form a smooth paste. Add a pinch of turmeric for its antiseptic goodness. Apply evenly, keep for 15 minutes and wash off. It absorbs excess oil without over-drying, leaving a beautiful matte finish.

Aloe Vera and Cucumber Ice Soother:

Blend fresh aloe vera gel with the juice of a grated cucumber and freeze the mixture in an ice tray. Each morning, wrap one cube in a soft muslin cloth and gently rub over a cleansed face for 30 seconds. It calms, tightens pores and imparts a baby-soft smoothness.

Oatmeal and Curd Gentle Polish:

Roughness and old blemish marks need gentle exfoliation. Combine one tablespoon of finely powdered oatmeal with one tablespoon of fresh curd (yoghurt). Massage very gently, in circular motions, for one minute, leave for five minutes and rinse. It removes dead cells and unveils softer, clearer skin.

Multani Mitti and Green Tea Magic Mask:

Brew some green tea and allow it to cool completely. Mix one and a half teaspoons of Multani Mitti (Fuller’s Earth) with the tea water to make a fine paste. Apply for 10 to 12 minutes – do not let it dry and crack completely – and wash off. It draws out impurities, fades blemishes and bestows a fresh, shine-free glow.

A Gentle Reminder:

As with any natural remedy, always do a patch test on your inner arm first. For those with oily or combination skin, avoid heavy coconut oil application and harsh scrubbing, as they tend to aggravate shine and blemishes.

Features

Compete, shine and be discovered at WCOPA 2027

Published

5 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

Dream of performing on a world stage? Well, here is your unique, golden opportunity!

The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) — the one and only official “Talent Olympics” — is the world’s premier global platform for aspiring singers, dancers, actors, models, instrumentalists, etc., to compete, shine and be discovered!

And, yes, this world stage is open to YOU, Sri Lankans living in Sri Lanka and overseas!

Held annually in glittering Las Vegas, WCOPA brings together over 70 countries, all competing for Gold, Silver and Bronze Medals, just like the traditional Olympics.

Lakisha Bernard: Will represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027

Outstanding performers vie for the coveted titles of Junior and Senior Grand Champion Performer of the World, with winners and standout participants awarded over $500,000 in scholarships, cash awards and prizes to catapult their education and careers!

Sri Lanka is already making waves! At WCOPA 2026, Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka, made the nation proud by winning a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category!

Lakisha: Accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate

Recruitment for this prestigious competition is handled through a system of scouts and licensed National Directors — and this is where our very own Chris Rajendra, now based in Las Vegas, and National Director for Team Sri Lanka, comes into the scene.

If you are a singer, dancer, actor, model, instrumentalist — if you have talent burning inside you — contact Chris Rajendra today for registration and, who knows, you may find yourself in Las Vegas, and proudly draped in the Sri Lankan flag, at WCOPA 2027!

The contact address is: Chris Rajendra, wcopa.nationaldirector.sl@gmail.com

or chris.rajendra@gmail.com

Meanwhile, a star is born for 2027, in the form of Lakisha Bernard who is all set to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027.

Originally hailing from the sun-drenched coastal city of Colombo and now carving out her creative career in Canada, 22-year-old Lakisha is stepping into the international spotlight.

This accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate has officially been appointed as the Team Sri Lanka Promoter for Canada as she prepares to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA in Las Vegas.

Lakisha brings a unique blend of high-fashion sensibility, captivating camera presence and expert garment design to the Team.

Having built her career, from local college shoots to high-glamour concepts, Lakisha’s inspiring journey embodies the true spirit of cultural bridge-building and creative resilience, bringing immense pride and recognition to Sri Lanka on the global stage.

WCOPA 2027 will be held at the legendary Westgate Hotel & Casino, Las Vegas, from 12th to 20th July – the very same iconic arena where the late, great Elvis Presley himself performed!

Your moment is now. Your stage is Las Vegas, so hurry and contact Chris Rajendra.