Editorial

Search for Easter Sunday terror mastermind

Published

2 weeks ago

2026/04/2

Thursday 2nd April, 2026

The truth about the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks remains buried under a mountain of conspiracy theories. The way most stakeholders have sought to get at the truth reminds us of the ancient folk tale, The Blind Men and the Elephant. They have grasped only fragments of what they believe to be the truth, each assuming that his or her limited perspective represents the entire reality. There are still others who have let their political prejudices and self-interest colour their vision of the issue, making it even more difficult to uncover the truth. However, all these viewpoints need to be examined carefully if investigators are to avoid the confirmation bias that could make them selective in gathering and examining evidence. It is against this backdrop that a host of arguments and counterarguments in Udaya Gammanpila’s book (in Sinhala), Pasku praharaye mahamolakaru soya yema (“Searching for the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday attacks”), launched on 31 March, should be viewed.

Udaya’s book is an attempt to demolish some dominant conspiracy theories about the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday carnage, challenge the credibility of the investigators who have launched a fresh probe into the terror attacks and assail the integrity of the ongoing investigation.

Former Attorney General (AG) Dappula de Livera caused quite a stir by claiming that there had been a ‘grand conspiracy’ behind the Easter Sunday attacks because he failed to secure a service extension from the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Udaya has alleged, claiming that the former AG has refused to cooperate with investigators and support his claim with evidence.

The book says President Anura Kumara Dissanayake shelved the report of the Alwis Committee appointed by President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The committee held former Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne, who was in charge of the CID at the time of the Easter Sunday attacks, accountable for the CID’s lapses that led to the carnage. President Dissanayake brought Seneviratne out of retirement and appointed him Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security. Udaya claims that former SSP Shani Abeysekera, who was reappointed CID Director in retirement, in an affidavit in a Fundamental Rights case, concealed the fact that on 12 April 2019, nine days before the Easter Sunday attacks, the military intelligence had sent a detailed report to the CID about the involvement of Zahran Hashim’s terror group, National Thowheed Jamaath (NTJ), in the killing of two policemen at Vavunathivu in November 2018, pointing out that the CID would be able to ascertain more information by interrogating Zahran’s brother Rilwan and another person called Army Mohamed. Udaya is of the view that Abeysekera concealed this fact to cover up his failure to prevent the carnage despite having received credible information about Zahran’s terrorist activities. The intelligence agencies provided 337 reports on Islamic extremist groups and Zahran’s terrorist activities to the police, Udaya has said, quoting from a probe commission report and arguing that if they had been behind the Easter Sunday attacks, they would never have furnished such information to the police.

The alleged disappearance of Sara Jasmine, widow of the Katuwapitiya bomber, Muhammadu Hastun, is used as a peg to hang the conspiracy theory that she fled to India as she had links to India’s RAW. Minister Nalinda Jayatissa himself propagated this claim while in the Opposition. Some politicians have alleged that Gotabaya Rajapaksa had a fresh DNA test conducted, at the behest of the then top intelligence officer Maj. General Suresh Sallay, to mislead the world into believing that Sara was among the NTJ activists killed in suicide blasts at Sainamaradu a few days after the Easter Sunday attacks. In the first two tests, DNA samples obtained from Sara’s mother did not match the DNA profiles of the victims. Udaya says that as the forensic reconstruction of the remains of the Sainamaradu bomb victims was extremely difficult, many body parts collected from the blast site had been buried in a bag; the third DNA test was conducted on the remains in the bag, and that was the reason for the different test results.

Udaya has said Azad Moulana, whose claims form the basis for a Channel 4 programme that holds Sri Lankan military intelligence responsible for the Easter Sunday carnage, is a lawbreaker, seeking political asylum in a developed country. Claiming that Moulana had links with the NTJ and helped Zahran’s brother, Rilwan, receive treatment for injuries sustained in a test blast in the East, Udaya has pointed out that the house where Moulana says Sallay met Zahran in February 2018 had been built only in August/September 2018. Most of all, Sallay was abroad from December 2016 to December 2019. The NTJ bomber who failed to explode himself at the Taj Hotel went to Dehiwala on his own, according to instructions given by Zahran before the attacks, and therefore Moulana’s claim that the military intelligence sought his help to give someone at the Taj Hotel transport does not bear scrutiny, Udaya says.

As for the unexploded bomb at the Taj Hotel, a list of hotel guests’ names was sent to intelligence agencies only a few moments before the blasts on 21 April, and the bomber, Jameel Mohamed, had used his father’s name for registration, and therefore even if the list had been sent earlier, nobody would have been able to trace him, Udaya argues in his book, pointing out that military intelligence officers tried to contact Jameel only after being alerted by a retired SSP, who had served as an intelligence officer. Jameel’s wife, who panicked, unable to contact her husband after receiving a voice message from him, kept on calling his number while he was still at the Taj Hotel. All calls that went unanswered, as seen in hotel CCTV footage, were from Jameel’s wife and not from the military intelligence, Udaya says. Jameel’s wife then contacted Jameel’s brother, who sought the help of the aforementioned former SPP. Bombs had gone off by that time, and the former SSP, realising the gravity of the situation, informed the intelligence agencies. Jameel contacted his wife, using a security guard’s telephone from a mosque in Dehiwala, where he went from the Taj Hotel. In the meantime, the intelligence officers rushed to his house, used his wife’s phone to call the unknown number, spoke to the security guard and asked him not to allow Jameel to leave. Jameel, who had left by that time, blew himself up in a guesthouse in the area.

Udaya argues that an efficient intelligence operative, using the nom de guerre, Sonic Sonic, who has been described in some quarters as the Easter Sunday terror mastermind, won the confidence of Podi Zahran (Rahuman Mohamed Zahran) working for the NTJ and obtained information about the terror group. According to Udaya’s book, after the Easter Sunday blasts, Sonic Sonic did not ask Podi Zahran to have IS take responsibility for the attacks, contrary to conspiracy theorists’ claims; instead, he only asked Podi Zahran why IS had not taken responsibility if it was behind the carnage, and this query has been misinterpreted as an attempt to pressure Podi Zahran to have IS say it was behind the attacks, as part of a cover-up.

What one gathers from Udaya’s book is that Zahran was the IS leader in Sri Lanka, and he organised and executed the Easter Sunday attacks. Drawing inspiration from the Bangladesh IS leader who carried out a suicide attack, Zahran blew himself up as he did not want to be caught alive. Following the raid on the Wanathawilluwa camp, where a huge stock of explosives belonging to the NTJ was taken into custody, and the breakaway of a group of NTJ members, including the ‘Deputy IS leader in Sri Lanka’, Mohamed Naufer, Zahran feared that someone would betray him and there would be a crackdown on his terror network.

Udaya’s book provides fresh insights into some crucial issues that have been used to concoct conspiracy theories and level unsubstantiated allegations against the intelligence agencies. It is bound to provoke debate. One can only hope that there will not be a witch-hunt against the author.

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Editorial

Emergency without emergency

Published

1 day ago

2026/04/12

Thilina Walpola

It is said that when the people fear the government, there is tyranny, and when the government fears the people there is liberty. However, in a bid to retain its hold on power, a government that fears the people, tends to resort to draconian measures that are deleterious to civil liberties and democracy and could lead to tyranny. Among them is the misuse of Emergency regulations on some pretext or another. Sri Lanka has spent most of its post-Independence years under a state of Emergency.

The JVP-NPP government keeps on extending emergency regulations even though several months have passed since the landfall of Cyclone Ditwah, which warranted their imposition. It drew severe criticism for an initial delay in declaring a state of Emergency, which it now cannot do without for all intents and purposes. A staunch critic of Emergency and the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), the JVP/NPP came to power, promising to abolish the PTA and use the Emergency regulations responsibly, but it has reneged on that pledge.

On Thursday, Parliament voted to extend the State of Emergency under the Public Security Ordinance. There were 137 ayes and 27 nays. Members of the SJB, the ITAK, the NDF, the SLPP and Jaffna District Independent MP Dr. Ramanathan Archchuna opposed the government motion seeking the extension of Emergency. A vote was held after ITAK MP Shanakiyan Rasamanickam called for division. Worryingly, only 165 MPs, including the Speaker, were present in the 225-member House at the time of voting. Where were the other 60 MPs? Among the absentees were 21 government MPs and 33 Opposition members, according to media reports. At least the Opposition, which called for a division on the motion, should have ensured that all its MPs were present in the House. So much for the commitment of the MPs to their legislative duties and functions. They often haul state employees over the coals for dereliction of duty. First of all, they should put their own house in order.

A state of Emergency is no doubt a legitimate constitutional tool, but it must be used responsibly and sparingly strictly in response to genuine crises. Its extension for political reasons risks undermining democratic institutions, civil liberties and, most of all, public trust in democratic governance.

The deplorable practice of keeping a country under Emergency regulations for extended periods leads to the weakening of democratic culture, public distrust in government, corruption, lack of transparency, the debilitation of civil society and media freedom, an authoritarian drift, and economic and social uncertainty. The misuse of Emergency regulations could create a climate of instability, driving investors away at a time when Sri Lanka is emerging from its worst-ever economic crisis and desperately seeking foreign direct investment to build its forex reserves.

Political leaders currently in the Opposition wax eloquent in Parliament on the ill-effects of a prolonged state of Emergency. But their parties cannot absolve themselves of the blame for the culture of Emergency; the UNP, the SLFP and the JVP are prominent among them. There have been numerous instances where Emergency regulations were invoked in this country. In 1953, a UNP government imposed an emergency rule to restore order during a countrywide hartal. The SLFP did so in 1958 to suppress communal riots. Thereafter, the UNP used Emergency regulations to suppress a Tamil civil disobedience campaign. The SLFP and its leftist allies started the practice of extending Emergency regulations to consolidate its power after crushing the JVP’s first uprising in 1971. The situation took a turn for the worse under the UNP governments after 1977, and the country was under a state of Emergency during the Eelam war, which ended in 2009. The main Tamil political parties backed the LTTE both in and outside Parliament. In the post-war period, an anti-Muslim riot, the Easter Sunday terror attacks, the beginning of the current economic crisis, a mass uprising and natural disasters also led to the imposition of Emergency regulations.

Emergency has been more abused than used in this country. The incumbent government is now emulating the SLFP, the UNP and the coalitions led by them where all bad practices are concerned, while pontificating on the virtues of good governance.

Editorial

Govt. drops fig leaf

Published

2 days ago

2026/04/11

Thilina Walpola

Saturday 11th April, 2026

The JVP-NPP government has dropped the fig leaf of good governance and defended Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody allegedly involved in a coal procurement scam, which has cost the state coffers billions of rupees and caused a huge drop in the national power supply. It went so far as to defeat a no-faith motion against him in Parliament yesterday. In 2023, the JVP/NPP vehemently condemned the then SLPP-UNP government for defending Minister Keheliya Rambukwella allegedly involved in a pharmaceutical procurement scandal. It has just done what it vilified its predecessor for.

The SLPP-UNP government at least allowed legal action to be taken against Rambukwella, who was arrested, remanded and prosecuted, but the incumbent administration has ensured that Jayakody remains above the law.

The no-faith motion was a smart move by the Opposition. It caused the government to make a mockery of its commitment to upholding the rule of law and accountability. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake himself defended his friend, Jayakody, in Parliament on Tuesday, sending a clear signal to the NPP parliamentary group; they had to vote en bloc against the no-faith motion on Friday. It is now clear that the JVP-NPP government has no qualms about defending tainted politicians.

The coal scam will not go away simply because the no-faith motion against Jayakody has been defeated. Governments abuse their parliamentary majorities to defend their members and protect their interests. Now, the Opposition will take the coal issue to the streets and flog it hard to gain political mileage. It held a demonstration near Parliament yesterday. It has got hold of something to beat the government with.

There is no way the government can prove its claim that there has been no wrongdoing on its part where the low-grade coal imports are concerned. The National Audit Office itself has pointed out serious procurement irregularities related to coal imports. Power tariffs will have to be increased again to meet the additional cost of operating oil-fired power plants to make up for the generation shortfall at Norochcholai. It has been reported that Sri Lanka’s household electricity tariffs are among the highest in South Asia, and further power tariff hikes will make the situation far worse, and Sri Lanka will have its work cut out to attract foreign investors who factor in power prices before parking their money in any investment destination. Ordinary Sri Lankans are struggling to make ends meet, and their patience is wearing thin, and this will make the task of mobilising popular support easier for the Opposition. It was people’s economic hardships and public protests that made the JVP’s meteoric rise to power possible in 2024.

Governments with supermajorities succumb to the arrogance of power and ruin things for themselves. The best way out of the current coal imbroglio would have been for the JVP-NPP government to ask Minister Jayakody to step down and let the national anti-graft commission and the police institute legal action against him. Such a course of action would have helped the government convince the public that it was serious about fulfilling its pledge to eliminate bribery and corruption and send a clear message to the corrupt elements in its ranks that they would not be protected.

The JVP/NPP is now without any moral right to be critical of former Presidents who defended their cronies involved in corrupt deals. A fish is said to rot from the head down.

Editorial

Corrupt vs Corrupt

Published

3 days ago

2026/04/10

Thilina Walpola

Friday 10th April, 2026

A motion of no confidence against Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody is scheduled to be taken up in Parliament, today. The JVP-NPP government, which came to power promising to eliminate bribery and corruption and cleanse Parliament, finds itself in an unenviable position. It assured the public that its members would be above suspicion, but it is now in the dock over a corrupt deal. It has chosen to defend Minister Jayakody indicted of corruption and allegedly involved in a corrupt coal procurement deal. The only way the JVP/NPP can extricate itself from the current imbroglio is to ask Minister Jayakody to step down.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake badly dented his good governance credentials on Tuesday by claiming in Parliament that the low-quality of coal imports had caused a drop in electricity generation at the Norochcholai power plant, but there had been no irregularities in the coal procurement process. He sought to fix the blame squarely on the coal supplier. He was obviously defending his friend, Jayakody, caught in a cleft stick. Interestingly, no sooner had he made that claim than the National Audit Office released its report on the coal procurement process revealing very serious irregularities therein. This official document has helped knock the bottom out of the government’s argument in defence of Minister Jayakody.

Keheliya Rambukwella and several Health Ministry panjandrums who served under him were arrested, remanded and prosecuted for their involvement in the procurement of substandard medicines which caused huge losses to the state coffers. So, why Minister Jayakody and his officials have not been dealt with in a similar manner over the coal scam defies comprehension. There is a prima facie case against them. The JVP-NPP government has made a mockery of its commitment to upholding the rule of law and accountability. The SLPP-UNP government ruined its chances of winning elections by defending Rambukwella and defeating a no-faith motion against him in 2023. The JVP-NPP administration is doing something similar.

The worst is yet to come where the adverse impact of the coal scam is concerned. Electricity tariffs will have to be increased again to recover the additional cost of burning diesel to produce more than 150 MW of electricity a day to make up for the Norochcholai generation shortfall caused by low-grade coal imports, independent experts have pointed out, warning of power cuts in a few months. The Opposition has stated that unofficial load shedding is already on. It has produced documentary proof in support of its claim.

More information about the Health Ministry procurement rackets came to light after the defeat of the no-faith motion against Rambukwella. Similarly, the magnitude of the coal procurement scam is yet to be determined. JVP/NPP politicians are known for their glib tongue, but they will not be able to pull the wool over the eyes of the resentful public battered by the soaring cost of living.

Two-thirds parliamentary majorities are apparently accursed in this country. Governments with such steamroller majorities indulge in corruption, succumb to the arrogance of power, which blinds them to reality, and dig their own political graves. They remind us of Lord Acton’s words of wisdom about the corruptive nature of power. One may recall that the SLFP-led United Front government, which abused its two-thirds majority, had a Humpty-Dumpty-style fall in 1977.

The Mahinda Rajapaksa government, which had a razor-thin majority, defeated the LTTE, developed the economy, implemented many development projects and lived up to the people’s expectation, but it failed pathetically after securing a second term and mustering a two-thirds majority in 2010. It became a metaphor for corruption, and suffered a catastrophic fall. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government also became a victim of its two-thirds majority, so to speak. The JVP-NPP government is moving in the same direction, defending corrupt politicians and covering up crooked deals.

Ironically, many key Opposition figures who are flaying the JVP-NPP government for corruption and trying to engineer its ouster are themselves facing allegations of corruption. The people seem to have little option but to set thieves to catch thieves.