Features

THE SRI LANKA PEACE PROCESS:

Published

2 months ago

2026/01/11

AN INSIDE VIEW

The brutal and prolonged ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, which nearly tore apart this otherwise peaceful South Asian island state before it was brought to a bloody but decisive end in 2009, has been the subject of much commentary over the years. The past decade and a half have seen a particular focus on the so-called Peace Process which preceded the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE); experts from academia, the foreign policy establishment, and independent think tanks, both within and outside Sri Lanka, have sought to explain, assess, praise or excoriate the process and the actors involved in it. Against that backdrop comes a seminal book, which has the distinctive merit of being authored by someone who played a central role in piloting the process from the Sri Lankan government’s side as its chief negotiator.

It could be argued that any insider’s account of an enterprise as complex, controversial and fraught as bringing uncompromising enemies to the negotiating table, let alone persuading them to make the concessions necessary for a durable peace, cannot ever be truly objective. Even with that caveat, this book should be welcomed for at least two reasons: firstly, it is written with a degree of clarity and precision that is not only rare for politicians (especially from the Indian subcontinent) but also unsusceptible to prevarication if challenged on the facts; and, secondly, there is an overall fairness to the narration which adds credibility to the work. Among other things, Peiris does not flinch from offering critical, but measured, evaluations of some of the leading personalities involved in the peace process, including those with whom he worked closely.

He is particularly acute in his diagnosis of the weaknesses of the foundations on which the peace process rested. These were, in his view, compounded by human errors, including grave errors of judgement on the part of some of the actors involved, notably the Norwegian mediators whose had a looming presence over the entire process and who were perhaps allowed a greater measure of latitude in determining the course of events than was justified by the realities on the ground (the Norwegians were also not, as Peiris convincingly demonstrates, even-handed in their dealings with the two main parties to the conflict, showing a marked indulgence towards the LTTE). Peiris’s overall verdict on the peace process is that, despite the formidable impediments that lay in the way of everyone involved, the process was by no means “predestined to failure”. It could, he says, have “yielded a positive outcome” if some of the underlying issues were “handled differently”. He backs up this conclusion with examples of errors made or opportunities missed at various stages of the tortured negotiations.

There is much in the book which will be of interest to students of constitutional law. One crucial factor which scuppered the government’s ability to deal robustly and effectively with the LTTE’s machinations was what Peiris calls “the deep schism between rival centres of power within the government of Sri Lanka” and which Peiris explains at some length. This has to do with the ever-present scope for competition between the Executive President and the Prime Minister in the exercise of power – a state of affairs which has beset Sri Lanka ever since the constitutional arrangements there were radically restructured by President Junius Jayewardene in 1978. In the context of the peace process, those tensions ballooned into a veritable crisis when, as Peiris ruefully notes, there was a concerted attempt on the part of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to keep President Chandrika Kumaratunga “in the dark” about the even the most essential aspects of the deal that had been worked out by the former with the LTTE. This included denying the President sight of the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) which the Prime Minister had signed with the leader of the LTTE on 22 February 2002 – a pivotal document which guided the destiny of the peace process.

This had serious consequences, including the marginalisation of the defence forces and the exclusion of meaningful contributions from them to the decision-making process on military matters concerning the implementation of the CFA. As Peiris points out:

The paradox was that, crucial though their input undoubtedly was, consultation with the military was precluded by the cold shouldering of the President under whose sole authority the Armed Forces functioned.

Intriguingly, Peiris also avers that “in terms of conviction and values, there was little difference between the attitudes of the President and those of the Prime Minister”. Both, he says, were “committed to a balanced and equitable constitutional system of devolution as the abiding solution to a problem which had long bedevilled Sri Lanka’s national life.” In which case, the only rational explanation for their failure to work collaboratively with each other seems to be a clash of personalities, perhaps egos.

Another constitutional issue which attracts considerable attention from Peiris is federalism, whose implications for the peace process cannot, of course, be overstated. Unsurprisingly, this superficially anodyne term can – and does – mean different things to different people, as was the case with the actors on the Sri Lankan stage. Peiris goes into a fascinating – and highly illuminating (but from the point of view of lay readers perhaps too technical) – discussion of federalism and related concepts such as self-determination, autonomy, self-government, secession etc., and makes the point at the end of that chapter that, contrary to popular perceptions, the “Oslo Declaration”, a by-product of the peace process which was, at one time, heralded as a ‘breakthrough’ in the matter of power-sharing across Sri Lanka, “simply did not possess the transformational potential which was unrealistically claimed for it”.

There are two chapters in the book – dealing, respectively, with the “internationalisation” of the ethnic conflict, and the post-conflict pressure that the Sri Lankan government faced over alleged human rights violations – which repay study. On internationalisation, few will disagree with Peiris about the complexity of the concept, involving as it does the management of multiple expectations. But one valuable lesson which should open the eyes of many is Peiris’s acknowledgment that there is a clear need for “a reassessment of the role of Norway as facilitator”. The significance of this observation will be better appreciated upon a close and careful reading of Peiris’s comments – interspersed throughout the book – on Norway’s conduct during the entire period of its involvement in the peace process. Peiris is also, of course, right in making a broader observation about internationalisation:

The “international community”, in relation to the Sri Lankan peace process, is a misnomer, in so far as the countries involved had varying agendas and divergent priorities, so that they were not capable of a collective contribution having a homogenous character, even at the basic level.

On the human rights issue, which occupied much of Peiris’s time as Minister of Foreign Affairs under the administration of President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2010 and thereafter, he makes a cogent and reasonable case but one which, given the tetchy state of the global conversation on human rights, is unlikely to persuade everyone. His interactions with many of the international institutions and mechanisms in this ever-expanding area seems to have convinced him that even-handedness and objectivity are, generally speaking, in short supply, although he does relate some refreshing examples of principled behaviour. Specifically in relation to the Human Rights Council of the United Nations, his assessment is scathing:

Objectively viewed, the criticism that the Human Rights Council was unacceptably subjected to political manipulation, with serious erosion of credibility, was unanswerable. Sri Lanka was by no means alone in complaining about irrefutable evidence regarding the application of double standards, which irreparably damaged the statute and prestige of the Council.

The book also contains a wealth of information about how the human rights dimension was weaved into the peace process “without subjecting to avoidable strain the sequence of the process”. One singularly vexing issue which had to be negotiated in this context was the forced recruitment by the LTTE of children as combatants in the murderous war raging in the North and East of the country – which had to be dealt with sensitively but firmly.

There is much else besides in the book spanning matters of high principle as well as practical utility which cannot, for reasons of space, be covered in the present review. These include, in no particular order of importance: the treatment of the sizeable Muslim community in relation to the peace process; the gender dimension of the war; the challenges of enforcing agreed commitments; the humanitarian issues of resettlement and rehabilitation of war-affected people; management of public expectations of a “peace dividend”; the link between economic incentives and progress on political issues for those present at the negotiating table, and so on. Peiris also helpfully sets out, in an opening chapter, the historical context of the peace process going back to pre-independence Ceylon and a penultimate chapter which explains how expectations that the 2004 tsunami which devastated large sections of the Sri Lankan coastline may assist in reviving the failing peace process were cruelly dashed.

Can the experience of the Sri Lanka be replicated in other situations of ethnic conflict? The answer has to be a resounding ‘no’ because conditions on the ground, coupled with local political traditions and cultural attitudes, vary markedly from society to society. Even so, books such as these are invaluable because of the broad pointers they supply, not least for the avoidance of common mistakes. Peiris notes, with a candour that many will find refreshing, that when a peace process assumes a “quality of sustained prevarication”, coupled with complacency (“a Micawber-like expectation that the more challenging issues could be sorted out with relative ease”), the end is surely nigh.

by G.L. Peiris, ✍️
Vijitha Yapa Publications, Colombo,
2025, pp xiv + 425, LKR 7,500 (hardback), ISBN: 978-624-205-060-7.

[Reviewed by Dr Venkat Iyer, Barrister, Northern Ireland.]

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Features

Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute

Published

16 hours ago

2026/03/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

Victims: Flamingos / Birds found dead in Mannar

By Ifham Nizam

A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.

The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.

At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.

Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.

“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”

Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.

Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.

“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.

“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”

Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.

An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.

“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.

The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”

Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.

“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.

The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.

Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.

Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.

Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.

They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.

As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?

Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.

Features

‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power

Published

16 hours ago

2026/03/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Donald Trump; miscalculating in M-E / Ayatollah Khomeini; Architect of Iranian Revolution

A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.

Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.

The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.

More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.

However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.

Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.

However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.

That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.

Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.

However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.

Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).

In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.

However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.

The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.

Features

Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana

Published

16 hours ago

2026/03/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

Venerable Rahula Thera

It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.

Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.

When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.

Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:

Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.

Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:

It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.

Religious and Social Mission

The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.

Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.

Legacy and Continuing Inspiration

The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.

The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:

* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.

* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.

* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.

* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.

In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.