Features
More on my time as a UNP MP(
For important decision making there must be the push and pull of circumstance. For many of us in Ranil’s UNP the push was becoming as important as the pull. I referred earlier to the treatment meted out to Wijepala Mendis, one of the “grandees” of the party who had even been considered for the post of Prime Minister by Wijetunge. Another “victim” was Nanda Mathew who was a senior in the party having entered Parliament in 1965 from Kolonne electorate. He was sidelined because he too was suspected of helping Gamini.
In fact Nanda was not a great fan of Gamini’s. But in the atmosphere of cliquism and intrigue in the UNP he was sidelined and Nanda was getting ready to take a radical decision. Susil Moonesinghe was any way not very comfortable with Ranil. He had been a member of JRJ’s inner circle. With his knowledge of business acquired under his uncle Justin Siriwardene, he was a valuable advisor to JRJ when he opened up the economy in 1977.
Susil who was at one time a Bandaranaike loyalist and a camp follower of Mrs. Bandaranaike had been appointed the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation in 1970. There he had a romantic involvement with Sumi who was an engineer in the SLBC as described in her autobiography which was published recently. The first Mrs. Moonesinghe took her woes to Mrs. B who always tended to take the side of the offended wife, as also in the case of her cousin Anuruddha Ratwatte and his wife Carmen.
She sacked Susil and notwithstanding his long standing links with the SLFP which at one stage was bankrolled by Justin Siriwardene. He joined JRJ and even successfully contested the Western Provincial Council as a UNPer and was appointed Chief Minister. He then contested the Homagama seat on behalf of the UNP and entered Parliament. After his dismissal from the post of Chairman of SLBC Susil and Sumi went to Singapore where they got to know several Singaporean and Malaysian
businessmen. When they returned to Sri Lanka they were able to employ these connections to become local agents for the import of sugar.
Sumi describes how almost by accident she heard of the difficulties of the Sirimavo regime in importing sugar on time-another of the bureaucratic foul ups of her cash strapped leftist regime. The enterprising Sumi managed to get a Malaysian ship carrying sugar diverted to Colombo and win a contract to bulk supply sugar to the Food Commissioner. This was the beginning of the rise in their fortunes and soon the Moonesinghes joined the magic circle of the super rich in Colombo and become trusted friends of JRJ.
JRJ was looking for “robber barons” to fast track foreign investments to Sri Lanka. With considerable funds behind him Susil burnished his family credentials as a grand nephew of Anagarika Dharmapala. As a result monks were pressing him to run for the Presidency on a UNP-Sinhala Buddhist ticket much to the annoyance of Ranil and Gamini Athukorale.
Party member
While these internal misunderstandings were simmering I was determined to play my role as a member of the UNP which had a proud record of politics under Dudley, JRJ, Wijetunga and Gamini with whom I had associated very closely – a record no other UNPer had at that time. Due to my association with the media, journalists were apt to call me on party issues and I would respond perhaps to the embarrassment of the party bureaucrats.
The Lakbima paper then edited by Bandula Padmakumara invited me to contribute a weekly column on men and matters which became so popular that leftists in the paper wanted it balanced with a contribution from the opposite side. They prevailed on Wickremabahu Karunaratne of the NLSSP to the enter the fray and he made a very erudite contribution which probably earned more supporters for him than through his small breakaway group from the LSSP. He was influenced by the resurgence ofTrotskyism in the UK at that time particularly under the Healyites and a Sri Lankan born left intellectual Micheal Banda [Vander Poorten].
As a new MP of the UNP I was given a difficult task in coordinating our effort to win the Wayamba Provincial Council elections by campaigning in Kurunegala district. Winning Mawathagama electorate, which adjoined my Galagedera seat, became my responsibility. I was assisted by Tilak Karunaratne who visited Mawathagama a few times during the campaign. Since there were a large number of Muslims in this area Imtiaz Bakeer Markar was asked to address meetings in their strongholds.
To put in my best effort I rented a house in the centre of the electorate and moved in there with some supporters from my electorate. Since the Mawathagama bazaar was dominated by traders from the south, MP Jinadasa from Matale, who himself was a trader from Weligama, was also asked to come over in the weekends. Our party organizer was Johnston Fernando who was my comrade from the DUNF days. He was an activist and was determined to win the seat by hook or by crook.
Since he was very much in demand in the district Johnny did not spend much time in Mawathagama. He had been brought into politics by GM Premachandra of the DUNF who had been killed in the Thotalanga bomb blast together with Gamini Dissanayake. I had an advantage in this campaign as the SLFP organizer for this electorate was DP Wickremasinghe – my old teacher from Trinity College and now a Minister in the CBK cabinet. This friendship became crucial for me because the SLFP launched a murderous attack on the opposition to “steal” this election.
Led by Anuruddha Ratwatte and Mangala Samaraweera, goons unleashed such violence during the campaign that the election became a farce. UNPers were mercilessly assaulted and some were even killed on election day. It certainly stripped the ruling party of any claims to democratic governance and embarrassed CBK and Lakshman Kadirgamar on the international stage. Thanks to my friendship with DP Wickremasinghe his goons spared me from any physical violence. But poor Jinadasa, our MP for Matale who was canvassing in the city, was roughed up while the police, then under orders of Ratwatte, looked on helplessly.
Their main target was Johnston who was seen traveling in his jeep gun in hand. Any confrontation would have led to a murder. I quickly put him into my jeep and drove to his home in Kurunegala all the while pacifying Johnny who was threatening to use his shot gun to fire at the mob. We managed to deposit him safely in his home because I had two policemen assigned to me as a MP who rode “shot gun” from the front seat of my jeep. His house was by then was full of party candidates and supporters who had been assaulted by SLFP goons.
While servile government officials declared a win in the Kurunegala district for the SLFP, we tried, without much success, to mobilize local and global opinion against this flagrant violation of democratic rights. I used my weekly column in Lakbima to highlight the brutality unleashed in Kurunegala as an eyewitness and used photos to illustrate the fact. My account was quoted in many despatches of foreign correspondents who covered the election. The Wayamba election as later acknowledged by CBK was a blot on the reputation of the party and was used by the UNP to wreak vengeance on its perpetrators after Ranil established a government in December 2001.
Though facing obstacles from my own party I was determined to speak in Parliament as much as possible since I as a bureaucrat had studied many of the issues debated in the House. For instance when the Minister of Justice Batty Weerakoon brought some amendments to the laws governing Kandyan marriage and inheritance, I consulted Savitri Goonesekera, one of the distinguished Ellepola sisters, who was my contemporary at Peradeniya and was now Professor of Law in the Colombo University. My contribution was commended by Minister Batty Weerakoon who promised to incorporate some of my suggestions in future legislation.
Unfortunately today the mouthing of sentences from instruction sheets provided by the party or dealing with parochial matters has become a habit in Parliament. In fairness to Ranil I must state that he wanted me to cover the vital Ministry of Power and Energy for the Opposition. This may have been because Gamini held this post earlier when he successfully linked the increased hydro based energy generated through the Mahaweli scheme to the national grid. It increased our use of hydro power which is much cheaper than the use of fossil fuels.
He may have also wanted me to keep a tab on my school mate Anuruddha Ratwatte who was the Energy Minister in CBK’s Cabinet. Sirikotha sent me all the information that was fed to it by our supporters and Trade Unions in the Petroleum Corporation which had become a nest of corruption under Ratwatte’s dispensation. He had appointed a stooge from Kandy named Herath who had no difficulty in going along with his Ministers demands.
They were not only corrupt but also reckless in packing the CPC with supporters from Kandy district who had helped Ratwatte at the general election. He had a bad history of losing elections in Kandy before 1994. But with these mass appointments he ensured electoral victories for himself and his progeny. One of his chief supporters from Galagedera electorate was an ex jail guard who was rewarded with a senior position in the security service of the CPC. When the LTTE attacked the Kolonnawa depot this officer ran away and was later found to be hiding in Galagedera.
Speech in Parliament
I decided to look into all the technical aspects of our power generation plan which had been presented to the Minister and Chairman of the Electricity Board. These big shots overrode many of the recommendations in the plan including the need to establish a coal power plant which would bring down the cost of production of electricity to a much lower level when compared to the use of other fossil fuels. My speeches were well received and frequently reproduced in the Ceylon Daily News which was edited by my friend Manik de Silva. Let me quote an extract from one of my speeches which was reproduced in the CDN in order to give the reader a flavour of my interventions:
“Now during the course of this week we will be discussing the Votes of Ministries which have a strong technical component. For example Power and Energy and Telecommunications and later Ports and Shipping. I have found very often that the relevant Minister’s time is wasted on trivialities. Instead we should expect them to take vital strategic decisions and I am frank enough to say that we have not been able to spare those Ministers and give them time to make vital decisions which mean so much for the future of our country.
“You are called upon to make critical decisions on the basis of a lot of technical information that is submitted to you. I went through some of the material pertaining to the Electricity Board and I find that they have an excellent planning branch. You are getting a lot of first class recommendations coming up from them. So we must encourage Ministers to spend their time to make strategic decisions because there are so many variables involved when it comes to decision making in ministries like Power and Energy, Telecommunications and Ports and Shipping.
“Earlier in the day we listened to Mr. Galappaththi [JVP MP]. I have never heard of such nonsense in my life. Any Government has to keep the power supply going. It has to meet increasing demand. You cannot find some little difficulty with each and every project and say that we must abandon our plans for increasing power supply. We expect MPs to undertake some analysis and thinking before they speak. I think as members of this House we have to keep at heart the vital interests of the country. We cannot remain silent when Hon. MPs like Galappaththi present misinformation in order to mislead the country.
“Let us look at some of the problems of strategic choice. All of us like to promote village electricity schemes. That is very popular. But what about the demand mix?. Today unlike in the past when people asked for schools and roads, people ask for electrification. But the Minister has to pay heed to the demands of all sectors of the country’s economy. Please look at the report which is called “Long Term Generation Expansion Studies 1995 to 2009”. What do they say? They say that electricity consumption in the commercial sector has increased from 12.9 percent to 19.6 percent. But consumption of electricity in the domestic sector has increased from 8.9 percent to 24.6 percent, largely due to rural electrification schemes.
“What conclusions do they draw? I quote “The above suggests that in the past decade consumption of electricity has shifted from productive sectors to non productive sectors”. You have plans for drawing in investment in your budget. In many countries the manufacturing sector is subsidized by way of cheap electricity to promote industrialization. On the contrary what are we doing?. We are penalizing industry and giving priority to rural electrification.
“The Minister must take strategic decisions. At present we are giving rural electricity almost solely to light up homes. We have no plans to use that electricity for any type of rural industry. When the Leader of the Opposition asked me to be the party spokesman I was very happy because Power and Energy is the platform for industrial development. If you do not have sufficient electricity you can forget about industrialization. Hon. Minister Batty Weerakoon will correct me if I am wrong, it was Lenin who said that “Communism equals big banks and electricity”.
“When an economy is spinning out of control the first clear indication is that we cannot provide power; we cannot generate electricity. I want to give the Minister some information. I am told that when investors go to the BOI they are told by BOI officials that they are not sure of the power situation. They are told “if you want to start a factory please bring your own generators”. Is that a way of confidence building on your Budget proposals?
“This is what your own officials in their power generation plans say about power cuts- “Severe supply shortages may occur in 1995 and 1996 and implementation of supply side and demand side management is proposed. Earlier the report highlighted that the expected energy shortages under weighted average conditions are 215 Gwh in 1995 and 331 in 1996 implying that the capability of the generating system to meet demand is very low. If drought conditions prevail there will be power cuts.
“The second problem is regarding the means of generating electricity. According to this document in 1993, as much as 95 percent of power generation was from hydro power while only five per cent came from thermal energy. Here I want to pay tribute to the late Gamini Dissanayake because according to this information, before the Mahaweli scheme we depended on the exploitation of the upper reaches of the Kelaniya and Mahaweli rivers – Moussakele and Castlereagh – which gave us only 335 Megawatts. After the accelerated Mahaweli scheme with its six hydro, electric projects, we were able to add 660 Megawatts to the national grid. That is a considerable improvement on our power capacity.
“We have to accept that today we can talk of foreign investment and industrialisation because of the extra megawatts added to the national grid. However according to your projections we are going to move away from hydro power to thermal substitution. According to your figures by the year 2004 of our total energy needs only 50 percent will come from hydro and the balance 50 percent will come from other sources and by 2010, some 65 percent of our energy needs will be met by thermal and other sources.
“I agree with your strategy of first trying to fully exploit our hydro capacity from Kukule, the upper Kotmale project, Uma Oya and Gin ganga. Local hydro generation is the most cost effective source of energy. But the point is that all this is simply going to be insufficient. We are still going to have an energy gap. You are right about the Sapugaskanda extension. Though I speak from the Opposition benches it is sad that our party and our own Power Minister could not make a decision on the Sapugaskanda project. It is a crime that due to various pressures our man could not do that.
“We had a shameful situation when a German Minister had to come to this country and tell the government “You are doing something wrong.” Even with all that we will still be short of power for our future requirements. So we have to look into the question of your future plans and I am sure the Minister also will not mind if I examine all our options. As far as the CEB is concerned they are supporting the proposed Trinco coal plant. I am not talking of who will do it but the need for that project as seen in your power generation plan.
“The plan shows that the Trinco coal plant can be ready for operation from 2001 onward. It is economically feasible. At that time it was to cost in the region of US dollars 500 million. But now it is obviously going to cost more. Now there are alternative proposals – Puttalam and Mavarella – but the first BOT project came for Trinco. There is now an alternative suggestion to bring a barge mounted power plant. This is a ridiculous situation. I can understand somebody saying that this is a temporary measure. Maybe you could negotiate a temporary supply. But to buy second hand barges from other countries is a desperate measure not a solution. One must have in mind the long range interests of the country. “
Looking back now I see that the country has lost millions of dollars by not only rejecting the BOT project but also relocating it in Puttalam [Norochcholai] which was only the second best site. Even the Norochcholai project was inordinately delayed by the CBK administration because it was afraid of threats by the Catholic church. The UNP administration which followed was scared of offending its Catholic MPs who are led by John Amaratunga. Finally family bandysm prevailed and the PA administration launched this project which was promoted by someone with Chinese connections. The delay caused by both administrations in proceeding with the coal power plant has caused immense losses to the Electricity Board as well as the Treasury.
I am proud that I was able to put on record in the Hansard the state of negligence and corruption that bedeviled both PA and I INP administrations. My speeches drew good responses from professionals, particularly engineers, who were unhappy about the activities of corrupt politicians managing the power sector. I highlighted their grievances and took the trouble to research issues before I spoke in Parliament. This was not always welcomed by both our side and the opposition.
Government seniors like Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, and GL Peiris spoke about my contributions with respect. This rapport with the PA leaders may have portended coming events. I was happy to have complimentary responses from veterans like Bernard Soysa, Anil Moonesinghe, Batty Weerakoon and Dharmasiri Senanayake. Even Mrs. Bandaranaike had a good word about me which I appreciated greatly.
Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)
Features
Combining local resources,traditional knowledge and science to build a food-secure Sri Lanka
World Food Day 2026: Innovating today for a better food future
by Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara
What will be on the Sri Lankan dinner table ten years from now? Will our children be able to get nutritious food at a price their families can afford? Will farmers be able to grow enough despite changing weather and rising costs? And how much of the food we produce will actually reach the consumer, instead of being lost or wasted along the way?
These questions can’t wait. A farmer faces unpredictable weather. A family faces rising food costs. Fruit goes unsold after a good harvest. Some children do not get enough nutrition. The future of food is tied to the future of Sri Lanka itself.
World Food Day 2026 is a chance to look beyond the immediate problems and ask whether we can build a food system that feeds our people well, gives farmers better opportunities, protects the environment and makes better use of what we already have. The answer can be yes, but we will have to think differently.
We are not starting from zero. Sri Lanka has diverse crops, fisheries, traditional food knowledge, indigenous varieties, research institutions, universities and a young generation able to create new solutions. What we need is to bring these together and act. Producing more will not secure our food future on its own. It will depend on how intelligently we produce, process, preserve, distribute and consume food.
Making more of what we already have
Innovation does not always mean inventing something new. Often it means finding better uses for the resources we have.
Sri Lanka grows traditional rice varieties, kurakkan, green gram, cowpea, jackfruit, breadfruit, cassava, sweet potato, coconut and palmyrah. All of them have great potential for modern, nutritious, value-added foods. Jackfruit and breadfruit can be made into flour and other convenient products. Traditional rice varieties can go into new foods that suit changing consumer needs. Palmyrah, with its strong cultural heritage, can create new income through better processing, packaging, quality assurance and market development.
The aim is to connect our traditional food knowledge with modern consumer needs and technology, while keeping our food heritage.
Stop wasting the food we produce
Reducing food loss and waste should be a major priority. Seasonal fruits such as mango, banana, papaya and pineapple can be lost in large quantities when production exceeds demand or when storage, transport and processing facilities are inadequate. With suitable technology, these fruits can become dried products, pulps, powders, beverages and other shelf-stable foods.
Agricultural and fisheries by-products are resources too. They could be turned into food ingredients, animal feed, bio-based products and other useful materials, which would move us toward a more circular food economy.
Technology alone is not enough. We need stronger local processing facilities, cold storage, efficient transport, collection centres and market information systems, especially close to where food is produced. Cutting food loss raises the value of what our farmers and fishers already produce.
Nutrition and food safety come first
Food security means more than having enough food. People also need food that is safe and nutritious.
Sri Lanka can develop affordable, nutritious foods from local pulses, grains, vegetables, fruits and fish. Children and other vulnerable groups should get particular attention. Schoolchildren in particular deserve a focus: safe, nutritious, locally sourced products for school feeding programs would support child nutrition, local farmers and domestic food industries at the same time.
Food safety must stay at the centre of food innovation. Good hygiene, quality control, laboratory testing, traceability and appropriate food safety systems are what make new products safe as well as attractive and nutritious.
A food system that can cope with climate change
Climate change is already affecting agricultural production, water availability, crop yields and food prices. We need food systems that can handle changing conditions. That means climate-resilient crops, efficient water use, soil and water conservation, better storage and resource-efficient food processing.
Traditional knowledge matters here. Generations of Sri Lankan farmers have developed practices suited to local climates and ecosystems. Combining that experience with modern science can give us solutions that fit local conditions and are sustainable. Technology alone will not build the future of food. Science, experience and local knowledge together can.
Give young people a bigger role
Sri Lanka’s universities have an important part to play in shaping our food future. Young people should be encouraged to identify real problems in the food system and work on practical solutions in areas such as food waste, sustainable packaging, nutrition, food safety, modernising traditional foods and digital technologies.
A good research project should not always end as a research paper. Where appropriate, research should be supported to move on to products, technologies, enterprises and community solutions. That needs stronger partnerships between universities and industry, along with mentoring, research funding, business support and market connections. If young researchers and entrepreneurs can turn their ideas into viable food innovations, both consumers and producers will benefit.
A pathway designed for Sri Lanka
We do not need to copy food-system models from other countries. We can build a pathway that suits our own resources, culture and needs. It would bring together local resources, traditional knowledge, scientific research, appropriate technology and entrepreneurship, with farmers, fishers, universities, research institutions, food industries, entrepreneurs and policymakers working side by side.
The goal goes beyond selling raw materials. We need to create more value, reduce waste, improve nutrition, generate jobs and strengthen rural livelihoods. This matters especially for small and medium-scale food enterprises, which can drive local economic development when they get the right technical, financial and market support.
The choices we make today
The food future will not create itself. It will be shaped by what we grow, what we research, what we process, what we consume and what we choose not to waste.
So, the question for World Food Day 2026 is this: what can we do today so that every Sri Lankan has safe, nutritious, affordable and sustainable food tomorrow?
The answers are already around us, in our farms, fisheries, food businesses, universities, laboratories and communities. We have the resources, the traditional knowledge, the scientific expertise and talented young people. What we need now is to connect them and act.
A better food future begins with the choices we make today.
Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara
Senior Lecturer, Department of Biosystems Technology, Faculty of Technology, University of Ruhuna
Features
20th Anniversary of Digampathana blast – the day Sri Lanka Navy cried
By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc
(Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
The Digampathana suicide truck attack on 16th October 2006 remains the deadliest single strike in Sri Lanka Navy history, leaving scars that time cannot erase.
It was a seemingly ordinary Monday morning on 16 October 2006, but the calm of that day would soon be shattered in a way none of us could have imagined. As the Commandant of the Naval and Maritime Academy and Flag Officer Commanding Naval Fleet at Trincomalee, I was aware that a number of my cadets were travelling that morning, part of a convoy of fifteen buses carrying naval personnel from Trincomalee, Colombo, and other bases, heading toward Dambulla to rendezvous with another group. The convoy also included trucks and escort vehicles, a routine movement planned and coordinated with the army to ensure the roads were clear. The morning started quietly. Some personnel greeted friends, handed over their weapons, or strolled to a nearby tea shop. It all seemed so ordinary—too ordinary for what would come next.

Sri Lanka Navy sunk LTTE Ships carrying arms, ammunition and warlike materials thousand miles away from Sri Lanka in Indian Ocean in September and October 2007.
By late morning, both convoys had reached the small ground at Digampathana, near the Sigiriya junction, and personnel mingled briefly, unaware that a carefully orchestrated act of terror was waiting. Then, suddenly, an empty half-truck veered directly into the convoy. It exploded with a ferocity I can still recall as if it were yesterday. Nuts, bolts, and high explosives tore through the air. Pandemonium erupted instantly. I later learned that 107 of our naval personnel were killed on the spot and another 153 critically injured. The scene was indescribable—bodies scattered, vehicles mangled, personal effects strewn across the ground. I remember later hearing that the head of the suicide bomber was recovered more than 100 meters away from the blast, a grim testament to the sheer force of the explosion.
I was in my office at the Naval and Maritime Academy when my mobile phone rang. A young midshipman from the 21st intake called, his voice trembling: “Sir, there was a huge explosion at the convoy point! Many are dead … my batch mate Wijesundara is among them.” I immediately jumped into my jeep with my escort Chief Petty Officer and driver and rushed to Digampathana, relying on every ounce of my driving skill to reach the scene. The journey, which usually took little more than an hour, felt endless that day, each passing mile weighed down by dread.
When I arrived, I was confronted with a sight that no training can prepare you for. The injured were being rushed to Dambulla Hospital, where doctors and nurses worked tirelessly, improvising in ways that saved lives despite the overwhelming chaos. I went back to the site after visiting the hospital. The remains of our naval personnel were scattered across the ground, and someone had begun collecting weapons and protective gear. I immediately contacted Surgeon Rear Admiral Nico Jayasekara and received his instructions: collect all body parts in separate bags and transport them to the Trincomalee Naval Hospital mortuary. This gruesome work had to be done with care and dignity, and it filled the icebox in my vehicle. Through DNA testing initiated by Rear Admiral Nico, we were able to identify every naval personnel lost that day, bringing some closure to grieving families.
The Navy Commander at the time, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, was devastated. I had worked closely with him and knew how deeply he cared for his men. He ensured that the fallen were honoured with full ceremonial naval funerals at Welisara Naval Base, attended by families and comrades. Sixty-seven funerals were conducted in a single day—a number that still haunts me.
The Digampathana attack remains the largest single loss of naval life in our history. It was a day of sorrow, but also a day that reinforced our resolve. The tragedy galvanized the Navy to target the LTTE Sea Tiger wing with renewed determination and reshaped our maritime operations forever. Every time I think of that day, I remember not just the lives lost, but the courage, professionalism, and dedication of those who survived, those who treated the injured, and those who ensured the fallen were honored properly. May the souls of our naval hero’s rest in peace, their sacrifice guiding us and inspiring generations of naval personnel to come.
Features
‘Murder at Whitby Abbey’
Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 24
I was intrigued by the title of a book I found in a book drop at the condominium of a friend, Murder at Whitby Abbey, and I brought it home with me though I will not be able to return it in the near future. It was described on the cover page as ‘a standout in the crowded medieval mystery field’, though I fear I do not know of other books in this field, apart from the Cadfael series, which I have dealt with earlier.
The book, by Cassandra Clark, is set during the reign of Richard II and has as a backdrop his precarious position, which led to his being replaced, and murdered, by his cousin Henry, who reigned as Henry IV. It is a gloomy book, the action taking place in the twelve days of Christmas leading up to the Epiphany. And the gloom is pervasive, even though this is supposed to be a time of festivity, with mummers performing, and many of those in the guest house where the heroine stays going to town to enjoy themselves, with much drinking and much music, which also fills the guesthouse.
The heroine Hildegarde is a nun, sent to try to acquire a relic being sold by Whitby Abbey, though this was also a penance set by the Abbot of the monastery that governed her abbess because she had had sex with a man. Soon after she and her companions reach the Abbey set high on a cliff, she finds that there are other bidders, and soon suspects that the hierarchy, not perhaps the Abbot who seems a weakling, but his rapacious bursar, is determined to make money, and not above creating false relics to sell to several aspirants.
After Hildegarde and her Cistercian companions – Whitby is a Benedictine Foundation – two monks, Gregory and Egbert, and a young priest Mark, reach the abbey, they find that Aelwyn, a monk they had met on their way to the guesthouse had died. This was in the apple store, and they realize, when they find the surplices of novices stuffed into the air vents, that he had been left to suffocate in the overwhelming scent of apples.
The Cistercians are asked to look into the death, perhaps because they are likely to get no cooperation from the Abbey folk, but perhaps because those in charge are keen to know what happened. And the infirmarer, an old monk, suggests Hildegarde talk to a man called Edred who worked for the bursar, and had been a friend of Aelwyn’s. But Edred too is killed, before he can keep an appointment he had made with Hildegarde, drowned in a pool near the farmhouse of the Abbey.
Meanwhile tensions arise between the fisherfolk and the abbey for the bursar wants to charge them for using the beach that technically belongs to the abbey to dry their fish and their nets. This leads to physical battles, when the guards used by the abbey, under the command it seems of the bursar whose determination to make money is not resisted by the abbot and the prior, try to storm the area where the fishermen live.
Hildegard finds out more about what had happened through two youngsters, one of whom Torold is the son of Aelwyn by a woman who worked as a prostitute for a cartel, and with whom Mark fell in love. The other works on the farm and had seen Edred meet someone near the pool, after which that someone left the place by himself. And the boy had also found in the pool a sort of dagger with the seal of the abbey.
He and his dog, and Torold who follows her, rescue Hildegarde from a man at arms who has waylaid her and tries to rape her earlier. Escaping into the abbey she was nearly been raped then by the bursar, but she managed to escape, in the process setting fire to him and the muniments room, which led, when he was rescued, to the discovery of a box with the money he said had been stolen, blame being cast on both Aelwyn and Edred.
Matters come to a head when the fisherfolk try to storm the abbey, being resisted by the men at arms stationed on the towers. But then Hildegarde realizes that behind the murders was the bursar’s clerk, whom she pursued to the cathedral. There is great drama then as she escapes from him when he tries to kill her, and then from the man at arms who had tried to both rape and kill her, but they both fall from the scaffolding she had climbed, the latter coming from a tower where he had been stationed.
Both of them think they run the rapacity of the abbey, the latter claiming to work for the nobles opposed to Richard, who is presented throughout the book as devoted to his subjects, not to power or money. But though the villains die, the bursar continues, having got over the hysteria the fire had caused and his acknowledgment then of guilt – and though the abbot and the prior seem less vicious, whether they will be able to assert themselves is questionable.
Before the climax, when the others in the guesthouse were leaving, Hildegarde found that two of them were in possession of the relic, for which they seem to have paid well. Hildegarde herself had made a derisory offer, but before she leaves the abbot gives her the relic, perhaps in gratitude for what she and her fellow Cistercians had discovered, the abbey having made as much money as it needed and more from the gullible other buyers.
Mark’s inamorata is saved from the stews because she moves in with Edred’s widow whom the bursar had thrown out of the rooms he occupied when her husband was found dead. Hildegarde had paid for lodgings, in a house run by the man who ran the brothels, but he had a kindly side and was going to finance them to make nets for the fishermen.
So, the Cistercians set off for their home as swiftly as they can to get there on the day of the Epiphany, having stopped en route to pray for King Richard whose birthday it was.
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