Features
Elections of 1994 and events thereafter
CBK narrowly wins hard fought poll and Gamini D defeats RW by one vote to become opposition leader
Soon after the results of the 1994 election were announced by the Commissioner of Elections there was a flurry of activity from the UNP camp because though it had lost the plurality of votes cast, the number of MPs in each camp was about even. Gamini thought he had a chance of getting Ashraff’s support for the UNP and sent a helicopter to fetch him from Amparai. Ashraff landed in Colombo and went straight to meet CBK and offer his support. Wijetunga’s anti-minority chickens were coming home to roost.
Wijetunga was happy about my success (at the election). He was thinking of his future now that the SLFP/PA would form a government. He asked me to negotiate with the PA for him to remain as the titular President and for CBK to be the interim Prime Minister as she had given a pledge to abolish the Executive Presidency. At that point of time the SLFP was all for abolishing the executive Presidency. I telephoned GL Peiris who was the newly appointed Minister of Justice about this proposal and he requested me to meet him in his office in Hulftsdorp.
After listening to me he said that he had asked CBK about it and that it was premature to decide on Wijetunga’s request. I did not know then that she had no intention of abolishing the Executive Presidency now that she had ascended the “Gadi”. It was rumoured that she had consulted JRJ who had advised her that with her Parliamentary majority of one it would be suicidal to let go of the Presidency which she could soon contest as Wijetunga’s term was coming to an end. According to my information JRJ had told CBK that “She would last only five months as PM but would remain for five years if she was the executive President”.
CBK apparently thought that it was good advice. There was much hostility in the faction ridden SLFP to her assuming the premiership and there was open lobbying to appoint Mrs. B as the new PM. She was requested to serve as a minister in her mother’s Cabinet. This has been confirmed in CBKs recently published biography. Wijetunga however graciously recognized CBK, made her comfortable in the new environment by serving “Kevum and Kiribath” and thereby earned the respect of the young new leader of the country. CBK was appointed PM by him and she then set her eyes on the Presidency albeit with the pledge that she would later ensure the abolition of JRJ’s “Bahubootha” creation as she colourfully described it.
It was time for the UNP to look inwards. The party which intended to “roll up the electoral map” had to face up to its electoral defeat. Wijetunga called up about fifteen seniors and asked me to brief them about GL’s response to his suggestion of becoming the titular President. I think there was some consternation about how I, a rank junior, had been selected to negotiate with the new leaders.
But they took the verdict with good grace and asked Wijetunga to reorganize the party in the face of the impending Presidential election.
All the recently elected MPs of the party were assembled in the Presidential chamber and a secret ballot was held to decide on the new leader of the Opposition. It was also “ipso facto” an election of the new UNP leader to take over once Wijetunga retired in a few months time. It was a bitterly contested election between Ranil, who up to now had as PM held the reins of succession and his challenger Gamini who had been a popular leader of the party before he was sacked by Premadasa. It was a cliff hanger of an election and Gamini won by one vote.
It was a bad defeat for Ranil who took it with ill grace and withdrew from party activities to spend time with his cronies in the outstations. He had a long memory when it came to such setbacks and Gamin’s supporters were earmarked for retribution when he came back to the leadership. Gamini took over the position of the Leader of the Opposition and taking a leaf from JRJ’s book began to reorganize the party. Perhaps in order to embarrass the UNP, and burnish its own credentials, the new Government decided to bring in laws regarding bribery and corruption as its first piece of legislation in the new Parliament. Gamini as the new UNP leader had arranged for human rights lawyer Desmond Fernando to brief our Parliamentary group regarding the proposed bill. Fernando launched a scathing attack on the proposed legislation on technical grounds.
I spoke up and said that we should support the bill anyway because the public wanted an end to corruption. Ranil strongly supported my submissions and when we left the room he came over and thanked me for my intervention. Eventually the group decided to support the bill and my maiden speech in the House was a call to end this cancer in our body politic. While being proud of my first speech I am also aware that nothing has changed and, if anything, unbridled corruption has become endemic to all regimes and leading political parties.
A new experience
The general election was held on August 16, 1994. 1 was declared elected to Parliament from Kandy district on August 17 and was sworn in as a MP on the 25th and allocated a seat in the opposition benches. Chandrika took her oaths of office as Prime Minister, coming late even on her first day in Parliament. Gamini Dissanayake was recognized as the Leader of the Opposition. The government had a wafer thin majority in the house though it had scored a much larger number of aggregate votes countrywide.
Though I had been to the Parliament often as a public servant and occupied the officials box to observe the proceedings there, I entered the chamber as a MP for the first time with a sense of awe as well as of achievement. Not many civil servants had succeeded in winning an election and entering the chamber. I could recall only C.P. de Silva, Ronnie de Mel and Nissanka Wijeratne who were my seniors in the CCS. They were good examples of efficient MPs and I was determined to follow their example. Also there were some of my university colleagues like Dharmasiri Senanayake and Neelan Tiruchelvam who were well regarded by both government and opposition. It would be fair to say that I had better recognition in the House than many other MPs, particularly among those who were newly elected and were occupying the backbenches.
Dress code
Parliament has a dress code. In the early days MPs wore western clothes, except in cases like Bandaranaike and Suntheralingam who wore variants of the “national dress”. [Cloth and long sleeved banian] I decided not follow either of those sartorial fashions but to wear long trousers with a tunic, which my friend Sarath Muttetuwegama characterized as a “Kapati Coat”. It was the least uncomfortable and flashy dress and was being adopted by many of the new entrants while leftist leaders like NM, Colvin and Bernard were always dressed in full western attire.
There were a sprinkling of mostly rural MPs who followed Bandaranaike’s style of cloth and banian with a coloured muffler or “satakaya” loosely wrapped around the neck. After the rise of the Rajapaksas, this attire and a maroon “satakaya” became “de rigeur”. However these “nationalists” were not averse to, on occasion, wearing ill cut western clothes especially for embassy parties where alcoholic drinks were freely served.
Role of Parliament
As a democracy Sri Lanka’s constitution adheres to Montesquieu’s notion of the separation of powers among the Legislature, Executive and Judicary. The legislature was made up of freely elected representatives who are “the voice of the people”. In our constitution the chief executive, the President, is also elected by the direct vote of the people. However his\her Cabinet is drawn from the legislature where he\she must command a majority in order to pass the laws that need the approval of the House. The judiciary interprets laws that have been passed by Parliament and ensures that the civic rights of citizens, as guaranteed by the constitution, are upheld.
Though this is the ideal, in reality the inter se (between themselves) position and powers of these three arms of the state are determined by a variety of factors. The first among them is the dominant philosophy prevailing at the time. For instance in the first republican constitution, the drafting of which is attributed to a Marxist, Dr. Colvin R de Silva, the legislature plays a major role since in the view of Colvin and his government, it best reflects the views of the people. Thus there is no post legislative review of the laws that are passed by the Sri Lankan Parliament. The judiciary can be addressed before a draft bill is debated and decided on by the Parliament. But once the proposed law is considered legitimate on the basis of a determination by the Judiciary and is passed by Parliament no further appeal is possible. Similarly under the Colvin dispensation appointments, transfers and disciplinary action regarding the public service were left in the hands of the Cabinet and not independent Commissions with quasi-judicial powers.
In the second republican constitution attributed to JRJ the executive in the form of the President is vested with powers which were formerly entrusted to a Cabinet of Ministers drawn from the legislature. The Prime Minister, under the JRJ constitution, has no special powers over the Ministers and is only “a peon of the President” as PM Premadasa once famously said. The glue that binds the JRJ constitution is the political party. Members of Parliament are selected on the basis of a party vote in the electoral district [not electorate]. It is only after the seats for a party are allocated by the Elections Commissioner on the basis of votes polled by a particular party that the individual “preferences” polled by each candidate is counted. The highest preference-getters get selected on the basis of seats allocated to the party depending on the aggregate votes polled by it in the district. Under this constitution it was envisaged that there would be no cross overs and by-elections. If a MP crosses over the party can ensure that he is disqualified and another party nominee take his place.
Finance
The main function of Parliament is control of finance. No expenditure of public finance is permitted without Parliamentary approval. Such approval is sought by the executive-President, Cabinet and Finance administration, through the national budget and where necessary, supplementary estimates. We need not go into details here such as drawings from the Contingency Fund and procedures for obtaining covering sanctions, to emphasize that while temporary accommodations by the Executive may be possible, the function of overview of finance is the “raison d’etre” of Parliament which was won after many battles signified by the catch phrase “No taxation without representation”.
The annual budget is the main instrument of the control of finance by the legislature. In this revenue and expenditure statement the executive informs the legislature of its proposals for the collection of revenue and the manner in which that income would be disposed of in the coming year. This has been defined as “a forecast by a government of its expenditures and revenues for a specific period of time. In national finance the period covered by a budget is usually a year, known as a financial or fiscal year, which may or may not correspond with the calendar year.
In Sri Lanka towards the end of the year the Finance Minister presents the details of the budget [budget estimates] to the house which is considered as the first reading. Then after a stipulated time the outlines of the proposals are debated over a few days in the second reading. This is followed by a crucial vote on the second reading which gives the verdict of the House on the budgetary proposals. This vote must be won if the budget is to move forward. On the gaining of a favourable vote in the second reading the budget enters the “Committee stage”when the House turns into “a Committee of the whole House” where the details of the proposals are discussed, Ministry by Ministry.
Here the discussion is less formal where amendments, if necessary, can be proposed and the Minister is free to intervene and provide an explanation for the matters raised by Members of the House in their speeches. In rare cases the government may even agree to some of the members suggestions and amend the financial aggregates accordingly. After the debate on each Ministry, a vote is taken in respect of the estimates discussed and the House moves on to discuss, in Committee, the proposals of the next Ministry in line with the published budget statement. At the end of the Committee stage the House then resumes its normal status, debates and votes on the amended budget at its third and final reading. When the third reading vote is passed the budget procedures in the house is ended and the Speaker affixes his assent to the Bill.
From this it will become clear that in the Sri Lankan constitution with an Executive Presidency, the Minister of Finance plays a crucial role – perhaps more important than the Prime Minister who has only a ceremonial role. For this reason most Presidents have chosen to be Finance Ministers as well. Thus CBK, Mahinda and Ranil have held on to this post while Premadasa appointed Wijetunga nominally to this post while he pulled the strings from behind. The full time Finance Ministers in our time were Ronnie de Mel, Choksy, myself, and Mangala Samaraweera – as good a list as any in our Parliament which is not known to boast of many professionals. I had the opportunity to present three budgets to the house and that is a record of which any politician could be proud. I am especially proud of a hand written letter sent to me by Ronnie de Mel welcoming my appointment as Minister of Finance and referring to our common CCS antecedents.
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography) ✍️
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
-
News6 days agoRepatriation of Iranian naval personnel Sri Lanka’s call: Washington
-
Features6 days agoWinds of Change:Geopolitics at the crossroads of South and Southeast Asia
-
News5 days agoProf. Dunusinghe warns Lanka at serious risk due to ME war
-
Sports4 days agoRoyal start favourites in historic Battle of the Blues
-
Sports3 days agoThe 147th Royal–Thomian and 175 Years of the School by the Sea
-
News3 days agoHistoric address by BASL President at the Supreme Court of India
-
Business7 days agoSeven decades of sartorial excellence: The legacy of Linton Master Tailors in Kandy
-
News4 days agoCEBEU warns of operational disruptions amid uncertainty over CEB restructuring

