Features
Relations with US authorities and with gentleman-Minister Gamani Jayasuriya
Irritable minister was trying to give up smoking
Now I turn briefly to the overall relationship that we had developed with the United States Department of Agriculture and other US governmental and non governmental authorities on the important aspect of ensuring wheat shipments to Sri Lanka, under aid programs. During the course of handling my responsibilities as Secretary Food, I had to travel to Washington many times. During these visits I was able to establish valuable personal contacts, in the relevant US departments and agencies. It helps both sides to know whom they are dealing with. If the relationship develops, it usually evolves towards a considerable degree of friendship, understanding and trust.
The foundation and basis is always mutual respect. When you deal with people at high levels of government in other countries, your own designation however impressive it may be is only of limited value, unless it is backed by uptodate and relevant knowledge on your subject area, experience, communication skills, wide interests and the ability to talk about them, and above all, credibility. It is only on these bases that you could establish relationships with able and sophisticated people.
I have had meetings and discussions with relevant persons in the State Department, Agency for International Development (AID), and the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and above all, with several officials in the Department of Agriculture (USDA.) There was an occasion where I had to go right up to the White House, about which I will write later. During these meetings, it was possible to establish considerable personal rapport, which in turn led to benefits for the country.
We received enhanced allocations of aid to purchase wheat under PL 480. This took pressure off our foreign exchange resources, and assisted the process of ensuring food security. Some of our Ambassadors in Washington during this time such as Ernest Corea and Susantha de Alwis, who served for a fairly long period were consistently helpful. The fact that they were able people who knew a wide circle of important persons, and enjoyed credibility and respect was immensely helpful.
The fact that during that period our teams to Washington which included officials from the Food Ministry, Food Department and the External Resources Department of the Treasury were all carefully chosen and consisted of able people gave us a great advantage. US officials have told us as well as our Ambassadors and on at least one occasion, I know of, the State Minister for Food that they regarded the way we conducted business as a model which they hoped other countries would emulate. All this led to the creation of a fund of goodwill and considerable respect.
There were many occasions therefore that US officials went out of their way to be helpful. I would like as an example to refer to just one such instance. This also illustrates how developing personal relationships matter. Over a couple of years I had developed a degree of friendship with a high official of the Department of Agriculture. During our meetings, we discovered that we had an intellectual interest in history. We enjoyed spending some time, both officially and socially, when we had dinner together, discussing various eras, aspects and trends in history.
This led to our exchanging books on history. He sent me a book dealing with historical trends and I sent him two paper back books Professor E.H. Carr’s “What is History?” and Professor Herbert Butterfields “The WhigInterpretation of History.” We had also talked about our families, children and so on. On one occasion when I was in Washington and called on him in his office, after the preliminary exchange of pleasantries, he announced that he had something like an extra 12 million dollars left over under the PL 480 program, due mainly to the delay in some countries acting on the allocations given to them. “Everyone is not as efficient as you are,” he said. I thanked him and quickly asked “Don’t you think it would be fair to reward efficiency?”
He said “I take your point. But naturally I can’t give you the entire amount. I will have to deal with some other countries too.” I said “Look, I am very grateful that you told me of this availability. You need not have done so at all. You know all about us. I will therefore leave it entirely to you to give us whatever you could. It will be a great help.” He thought for sometime and said “I will give you the maximum I can – US dollars 5 million.”
I thanked him most sincerely. I was indeed grateful. I kept in touch with him whenever I could even after I left the Ministry. On one occasion, when I was Secretary to the Ministry of Education and Higher Education, I had to travel to another country, and I discovered by accident that my friend was working in the US Embassy there. I telephoned the Embassy to talk to him and also see whether we could get together to have a meal. But unfortunately he was out of the country, and I had to make do with leaving a message.
We had also built excellent relations with the US Wheat Associates, the influential apex body of US wheat farmers. They had been extremely helpful in trying to obtain for us the maximum possible allocation under PL480. Our relations were so good that they invited me to attend one of their special Board meetings in Honolulu, Hawaii and deliver one of the keynote addresses at the convention of National Wheat Growers.
The authorities at the time took an enlightened approach to this kind of invitation, not regarding it as a mere trip abroad, but as an honour which should be accepted. They had the wisdom to see that the relationships built at these high levels would prove to be very useful to the country. I particularly say this because many are the times I have seen Ministers merely engaging in simple arithmetic just counting the number of times a public servant had gone abroad, instead of seriously pondering issues of relevance and value. This is not to say that public servants do not try to go abroad whenever a chance appears. Some of them certainly do. What I am commenting on is trivial bean counting and the absence of mature judgment.
Wider exposure
These visits to the United States also gave me a wider exposure, because our Ambassadors and other senior embassy officials generally, all of whom I knew very well, often discussed many issues with me and sought my views. Sometimes, if I had a free slot which coincided with one of their important meetings with high US officials, they invited me to go along with them. I remember one such occasion where Ambassador Corea took me to a luncheon meeting with some senior State Department officials, which included a previous Ambassador to Sri Lanka. Ambassador Ben Fonseka, our Permanent Representative at the UN, flew in from New York for this meeting.
When we met at the International Club in Washington, I could see that the atmosphere was warm, informal and friendly. During the introductions and the bantering before we sat down, I too entered into the spirit of the occasion and told the Americans, “Gentlemen, the Portuguese delegation has arrived.” There was loud laughter, because the three on our side were Corea, Fonseka and Pieris. Once the bantering was over, we got down to lunch and serious discussions. I saw that this was a professional discussion by experienced professionals. Much ground was covered during a relatively short period of time without visible or felt strain. An underlying thread of good humour permeated the whole proceedings. The place where the lunch was held, the International Club, was a very exclusive place. Membership usually cost around US Dollars 19,000. Fortunately, Ambassadors accredited to Washington were given honorary membership.
On some of these visits to Washington I also had the pleasure of meeting Ambassador Chris Van Hollen and his wife Eliza. I had a standing order from Chris that I was not to come to Washington and go without contacting him. Once I had lunch with them at their home in Virginia. But most times Chris used to take me to the Cosmos Club on Massachusetts Avenue, another one of those exclusive clubs in the area. At the time it was a club exclusively for men, although the process was on to admit women. Membership was strictly confined to professionals of a certain intellectual calibre holding positions in various areas such as administration and management; diplomacy; other professions such as law; medicine; etc., and academia.
I was taken round the club by Chris. The library devoted a special section to books written by members of the club, and a corridor contained the portraits of Nobel Prize winning members of the club. It was that kind of exclusive club. It was elitist. But it was an elitism not based on an aristocracy of birth, but an aristocracy of achievement. The club also ran an excellent restaurant, and at one of these lunches I was introduced by Chris to Jim Spain, Ambassador designate to Sri Lanka, who was awaiting confirmation by the Senate. These extra experiences were very enriching and added both to knowledge and perspective.
Relations with Minister Gamani Jayasuriya
The relationship of senior officials to ministers is a subject much talked of as well as written about. I propose to deal with this important area analytically, amongst other important issues of governance in a concluding chapter. At this point however, I wish to refer to my relationship with Minister Gamani Jayasuriya. He was a man of principle and a gentleman. At the time I worked with him, he held two portfolios, the one of Agricultural Development and Research, and Food and Co-operatives. I was his Secretary in the latter Ministry, whilst Mr. N.V.K.K. Weragoda was Secretary in the former. The Minister worked from both Ministries, although at times, for the sake of convenience, he used to get down relevant officials from one Ministry to the other.
Mr. Jayasuriya was responsible and conscientious in his approach to his duties, and made certain that he understood everything of importance, in the same manner as one of his outstanding predecessors, Mr. M. D. Banda. Like Mr. Banda and Mr. S.B. Herat, he did not interfere in appointments or disciplinary matters. He had confidence in his officials and expected them to do the right thing. Just to cite an example, there was once heavy pressure on him from Members of Parliament of his party to intervene in the appointment of Co-operative Inspectors. They wanted him to interfere in the results of the examination and appoint their favourites, based on the argument that they possessed the basic qualifications.
Mr. Jayasuriya steadfastly refused to interfere. After one meeting with him, angry MPs were seen leaving his room in Parliament severely criticizing him. One of them was overheard to say “How can we work with Bodhisatvas?!” He obviously wanted to safeguard basic principles. I recall walking into his room when he was with his constituents and hearing him say that he was prepared to recommend someone if deserving, but that he was not prepared to go further and exert pressure on the appointing authorities to take the person.
An argument
Temperamentally, Mr. Jayasuriya differed somewhat from my previous Minister, Mr. Herat. Mr. Herat had a very equable temperament, and found it difficult to get angry. Mr. Jayasuriya, on the contrary demonstrated at times, a peculiar mixture of affability and irritability. He was jovial at one moment, and quite testy at another. Unfortunately one day, I ran into him when he was in one of his testier moods. I happened to walk into his room in the Food Ministry one evening at about 5.30 p.m. because I had something important to discuss. As I entered, he half glared at me, and before I could say anything, proceeded to give me an order on some matter, in a peremptory tone.
His tone and manner caught me by surprise and irritated me. But more than that I saw several harmful implications in carrying out his order. Straightaway, I could think of at least two other options that were safer and better. There could have been more, if only there was time for reflection. I started to politely tell him that there were some better options, but he interrupted me halfway and with suppressed anger said “You carry out my order,” and muttered something about “bureaucracy,” under his breath.
Now I am afraid, I lost my temper. I was as an official and a person, diligent, responsible and hardworking. I was a senior Secretary. I believed that whatever appointments I got in government was due to nothing else but my own record of performance. I was beholden to nobody. Mr. Jayasuriya’s tone and manner therefore hurt, upset and angered me. I was quite charged up by now. The last time I lost my temper with a Minister was with Mrs. Bandaranaike, an event which I have recorded in an earlier chapter.
I sat down, facing him. I told him that with every passing day, I saw very little difference between Ministers and bureaucrats, because Ministers were usurping the powers and doing the work of bureaucrats; that I had a duty as his Secretary to advice him; that a duty could be pleasant, unpleasant or neutral , that on this occasion although it was unpleasant, I was still going to discharge it and say that there were much better options, two of which I quickly mentioned. The Minister was red in face gritting his teeth and speechless. I then got up and began walking towards the door saying “Now that I have discharged my duty, I will go and carry out your order.”
As I opened the door, he bellowed “Do any damned thing you want.” This of course meant that the force of what I had said had struck him and that he was prepared to reconsider. But he was very angry. By the time I came to my room, my anger had gone, because I have had my say. But I was feeling deeply upset, and guilty that I had lost my temper, which I had no business to do. There was no question, I had lost control and I was now more upset at this failure on my part, than the Minister’s tone and manner, which had triggered off this unfortunate incident.
There was nothing one could do now. What was past was past. The Commissioner of Co-operative Development, Mr. Austin Fernando was waiting for me in my room to discuss some matters. Shortly after I started talking to him, the Minister’s office-aide came in and said that the Minister had left. This was standard practice. The Secretary is usually informed when the Minister comes in, and goes out. I continued my discussion with the C.C.D, when towards 6.45 p.m. my “Hot line,” or the security telephone hooked up to a special exchange rang. It was the Minister.
“I say, Dharmasiri, I lost my temper. I am sorry,” he said. I said, “Sir, I lost mine too, and I am very sorry.” “You know, I have been trying to give up smoking over the last few days, and it is making me irritable,” Mr. Jayasuriya went on. I promptly replied “Sir, if it would help you to stop smoking, you could blackguard me everyday.”
He laughed, and the day ended on this note of amity, but not before I related the story to a curious Mr. Austin Fernando, who overheard this telephone conversation. This happened to be a Monday, and the next day Tuesday, we as usual had the Secretaries meeting at 8.30 a.m. in the Cabinet office. Dr. Malinga Fernando, who was Secretary to the Ministry of Health, walked up to me and said “So, your Minister apologized to you yesterday.” I was mystified as to how he knew. But it turned out that both of them had been at dinner together that night, where the Minister had related this story. That was the gentleman that Mr. Jayasuriya was.
(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobigraphy of MDD Pieris)
Features
Neutrality in the context of geopolitical rivalries
The long standing foreign policy of Sri Lanka was Non-Alignment. However, in the context of emerging geopolitical rivalries, there was a need to question the adequacy of Non-Alignment as a policy to meet developing challenges. Neutrality as being a more effective Policy was first presented in an article titled “Independence: its meaning and a direction for the future” (The Island, February 14, 2019). The switch over from Non-Alignment to Neutrality was first adopted by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and followed through by successive Governments. However, it was the current Government that did not miss an opportunity to announce that its Foreign Policy was Neutral.
The policy of Neutrality has served the interests of Sri Lanka by the principled stand taken in respect of the requests made by two belligerents associated with the Middle East War. The justification for the position adopted was conveyed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to Parliament that Iran had made a formal request on February 26 for three Iranian naval ships to visit Sri Lanka, and on the same evening, the United States also requested permission for two war planes to land at Mattala International Airport. Both requests were denied on grounds of maintaining “our policy of neutrality”.
WHY NEUTRALITY
Excerpts from the article cited above that recommended Neutrality as the best option for Sri Lanka considering the vulnerability to its security presented by its geographic location in the context of emerging rivalries arising from “Pivot to Asia” are presented below:
“Traditional thinking as to how small States could cope with external pressures are supposed to be: (1) Non-alignment with any of the major centers of power; (2) Alignment with one of the major powers thus making a choice and facing the consequences of which power block prevails; (3) Bandwagoning which involves unequal exchange where the small State makes asymmetric concessions to the dominant power and accepts a subordinate role of a vassal State; (4) Hedging, which attempts to secure economic and security benefits of engagement with each power center: (5) Balancing pressures individually, or by forming alliances with other small States; (6) Neutrality”.
Of the six strategies cited above, the only strategy that permits a sovereign independent nation to charter its own destiny is neutrality, as it is with Switzerland and some Nordic countries. The independence to self-determine the destiny of a nation requires security in respect of Inviolability of Territory, Food Security, Energy Security etc. Of these, the most critical of securities is the Inviolability of Territory. Consequently, Neutrality has more relevance to protect Territorial Security because it is based on International Law, as opposed to Non-Alignment which is based on principles applicable to specific countries that pledged to abide by them
“The sources of the international law of neutrality are customary international law and, for certain questions, international treaties, in particular the Paris Declaration of 1856, the 1907 Hague Convention No. V respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land, the 1907 Hague Convention No. XIII concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Naval War, the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977” (ICRC Publication on Neutrality, 2022).
As part of its Duties a Neutral State “must ensure respect for its neutrality, if necessary, using force to repel any violation of its territory. Violations include failure to respect the prohibitions placed on belligerent parties with regard to certain activities in neutral territory, described above. The fact that a neutral State uses force to repel attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be regarded as a hostile act. If the neutral State defends its neutrality, it must however respect the limits which international law imposes on the use of force. The neutral State must treat the opposing belligerent States impartially. However, impartiality does not mean that a State is bound to treat the belligerents in exactly the same way. It entails a prohibition on discrimination” (Ibid).
“It forbids only differential treatment of the belligerents which in view of the specific problem of armed conflict is not justified. Therefore, a neutral State is not obliged to eliminate differences in commercial relations between itself and each of the parties to the conflict at the time of the outbreak of the armed conflict. It is entitled to continue existing commercial relations. A change in these commercial relationships could, however, constitute taking sides inconsistent with the status of neutrality” (Ibid).
THE POTENTIAL of NEUTRALITY
It is apparent from the foregoing that Neutrality as a Policy is not “Passive” as some misguided claim Neutrality to be. On the other hand, it could be dynamic to the extent a country chooses to be as demonstrated by the actions taken recently to address the challenges presented during the ongoing Middle East War. Furthermore, Neutrality does not prevent Sri Lanka from engaging in Commercial activities with other States to ensuring Food and Energy security.
If such arrangements are undertaken on the basis of unsolicited offers as it was, for instance, with Japan’s Light Rail Project or Sinopec’s 200,000 Barrels a Day Refinery, principles of Neutrality would be violated because it violates the cardinal principle of Neutrality, namely, impartiality. The proposal to set up an Energy Complex in Trincomalee with India and UAE would be no different because it restricts the opportunity to one defined Party, thus defying impartiality. On the other hand, if Sri Lanka defines the scope of the Project and calls for Expressions of Interest and impartially chooses the most favourable with transparency, principles of Neutrality would be intact. More importantly, such conduct would attract the confidence of Investors to engage in ventures impartial in a principled manner. Such an approach would amount to continue the momentum of the professional approach adopted to meet the challenges of the Middle East War.
CONCLUSION
The manner in which Sri Lanka acted, first to deny access to the territory of Sri Lanka followed up by the humanitarian measures adopted to save the survivors of the torpedoed ship, earned honour and respect for the principled approach adopted to protect territorial inviolability based on International provisions of Neutrality.
If Sri Lanka continues with the momentum gained and adopts impartial and principled measures recommended above to develop the country and the wellbeing of its Peoples, based on self-reliance, this Government would be giving Sri Lanka a new direction and a fresh meaning to Neutrality that is not passive but dynamic.
by Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Lest we forget
The interference into affairs of other nations by the USA’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) started in 1953, six years after it was established. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company supplied Britain with most of its oil during World War I. In fact, Winston Churchill once declared: “Fortune brought us a prize from fairyland beyond our wildest dreams.”
When in 1951 Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh was reluctantly appointed as Prime Minister by the Shah of Iran, whose role was mostly ceremonial, he convinced Parliament that the oil company should be nationalised.
Mohammed Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh said: “Our long years of negotiations with foreign companies have yielded no result thus far. With the oil revenues we could meet our entire budget and combat poverty, disease and backwardness of our people.”
It was then that British Intelligence requested help from the CIA to bring down the Iranian regime by infiltrating their communist mobs and the army, thus creating disorder. An Iranian oil embargo by the western countries was imposed, making Iranians poorer by the day. Meanwhile, the CIA’s strings were being pulled by Kermit Roosevelt (a grandson of former President Theodore Roosevelt), according to declassified intelligence information.
Although a first coup failed, the second attempt was successful. General Fazlollah Zahedi, an Army officer, took over as Prime Minister. Mosaddegh was tried and imprisoned for three years and kept under house arrest until his death. Playing an important role in the 1953 coup was a Shia cleric named Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Mostafavi-Kashani. He was previously loyal to Mosaddegh, but later supported the coup. One of his successors was Ayatollah Ruhollah Mostafavi Musavi Khomeini, who engineered the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Meanwhile, in 1954 the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company had been rebranded as British Petroleum (BP).
Map of the Middle East
When the Iran-Iraq war broke out (September 1980 to August 1988), the Persian/Arabian Gulf became a hive of activity for American warships, which were there to ensure security of the Gulf and supertankers passing through it.
The Strait of Hormuz, the only way in and out of the Gulf, is administered by Oman and Iran. While there may have been British and French warships in the region, radio ‘chatter’ heard by aircraft pilots overhead was always from the US ships. In those days, flying in and out of the Gulf was a nerve-wracking experience for airline pilots, as one may suddenly hear a radio call on the common frequency: “Aircraft approaching US warship [name], identify yourself.” One thing in the pilots’ favour was that they didn’t know what ships they were flying over, so they obeyed only the designated air traffic controller. Sometimes though, with unnecessarily distracting American chatter, there was complete chaos, resulting in mistaken identities.
Air Lanka Tri Star
Once, Air Lanka pilots monitored an aircraft approaching Bahrain being given a heading to turn on to by a ship’s radio operator. Promptly the air traffic controller, who was on the same frequency, butted in and said: “Disregard! Ship USS Navy [name], do you realise what you have just done? You have turned him on to another aircraft!” It was obvious that there was a struggle to maintain air traffic control in the Gulf, with operators having to contend with American arrogance.
On the night of May 17, 1987, USS Stark was cruising in Gulf waters when it was attacked by a Dassault Mirage F1 jet fighter/attack aircraft of the Iraqi Air Force. Without identifying itself, the aircraft fired two Exocet missiles, one of which exploded, killing 37 sailors on board the American frigate. Iraq apologised, saying it was a mistake. The USA graciously accepted the apology.
Then on July 3, 1988 the high-tech, billion-dollar guided missile cruiser USS Vincennes, equipped with advanced Aegis weapons systems and commanded by Capt. Will Rogers III, was chasing two small Iranian gun boats back to their own waters when an aircraft was observed on radar approaching the US warship. It was misidentified as a Mirage F1 fighter, so the Americans, in Iranian territorial waters, fired two surface-to-air Missiles (SAMs) at the target, which was summarily destroyed.
The Vincennes had issued numerous warnings to the approaching aircraft on the military distress frequency. But the aircraft never heard them as it was listening out on a different (civil) radio frequency. The airplane broke in three. It was soon discovered, however, that the airplane was in fact an Iran Air Airbus A300 airliner with 290 civilian passengers on board, en route from Bandar Abbas to Dubai. Unfortunately, because it was a clear day, the Iranian-born, US-educated captain of Iran Air Flight 655 had switched off the weather radar. If it was on, perhaps it would have confirmed to the American ship that the ‘incoming’ was in fact a civil aircraft. At the time, Capt. Will Rogers’ surface commander, Capt. McKenna, went on record saying that USS Vincennes was “looking for action”, and that is why they “got into trouble”.
Although USS Vincennes was given a grand homecoming upon returning to the USA, and its Captain Will Rogers III decorated with the Legion of Merrit, in February 1996 the American government agreed to pay Iran US$131.8 million in settlement of a case lodged by the Iranians in the International Court of Justice against the USA for its role in that incident. However, no apology was tendered to the families of the innocent victims.
These two incidents forced Air Lanka pilots, who operated regularly in those perilous skies, to adopt extra precautionary measures. For example, they never switched off the weather radar system, even in clear skies. While there were potentially hostile ships on ground, layers of altitude were blocked off for the exclusive use of US Air Force AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) aircraft flying in Bahraini and southern Saudi Arabian airspace. The precautions were even more important because Air Lanka’s westbound, ‘heavy’ Lockheed TriStars were poor climbers above 29,000 ft. When departing Oman or the UAE in high ambient temperatures, it was a struggle to reach cruising level by the time the airplane was overhead Bahrain, as per the requirement.
In the aftermath of the Iran Air 655 incident, Newsweek magazine called it a case of ‘mistaken identity’. Yet, when summing up the tragic incident that occurred on September 1, 1983, when Korean Air Flight KE/KAL 007 was shot down by a Russian fighter jet, close to Sakhalin Island in the Pacific Ocean during a flight from New York to Seoul, the same magazine labelled it ‘murder in the air’.
After the Iranian coup, which was not coincidentally during the time of the ‘Cold War’, the CIA involved itself in the internal affairs of numerous countries and regions around the world: Guatemala (1953-1990s); Costa Rica (1955, 1970-1971); Middle East (1956-1958); Haiti (1959); Western Europe (1950s to 1960s); British Guiana/Guyana (1953-1964); Iraq (1958-1963); Soviet Union, Vietnam, Cambodia (1955-1973); Laos, Thailand, Ecuador (1960-1963); The Congo (1960-1965, 1977-1978); French Algeria (1960s); Brazil (1961-1964); Peru (1965); Dominican Republic (1963-1965); Cuba (1959 to present); Indonesia (1965); Ghana (1966); Uruguay (1969-1972); Chile (1964-1973); Greece (1967-1974); South Africa (1960s to 1980s); Bolivia (1964-1975); Australia (1972-1975); Iraq (1972-1975); Portugal (1974-1976); East Timor (1975-1999); Angola (1975-1980); Jamaica (1976); Honduras (1980s); Nicaragua (1979-1990); Philippines (1970s to 1990s); Seychelles (1979-1981); Diego Garcia (late 1960s to present); South Yemen (1979-1984); South Korea (1980); Chad (1981-1982); Grenada (1979-1983); Suriname (1982-1984); Libya (1981-1989); Fiji (1987); Panama (1989); Afghanistan (1979-1992); El Salvador (1980-1992); Haiti (1987-1994, 2004); Bulgaria (1990-1991); Albania (1991-1992); Somalia (1993); Iraq (1991-2003; 2003 to present), Colombia (1990s to present); Yugoslavia (1995-1995, and to 1999); Ecuador (2000); Afghanistan (2001 to present); Venezuela (2001-2004; and 2025).
If one searches the internet for information on American involvement in foreign countries during the periods listed above, it will be seen how ‘black’ funds were/are used by the CIA to destabilise those governments for the benefit of a few with vested interests, while poor citizens must live in the chaos and uncertainty thus created.
A popular saying goes: “Each man has his price”. Sad, isn’t it? Arguably the world’s only superpower that professes to be a ‘paragon of virtue’ often goes ‘rogue’.
God Bless America – and no one else!
BY GUWAN SEEYA
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
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