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Two Years of Israeli Genocide and One Year of Sri Lankan Ambivalence

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President Dissanayake addressing the UN recently

The months of September and October mark the one-year anniversary of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s election to office and the two-year anniversary of the United States- and European-backed Israeli genocide against the Palestinians in Gaza, respectively.

On 25 September, Dissanayake addressed the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. To my knowledge, this speech was the first time he has substantially mentioned Palestine in the year since his election. But the speech was nothing special, it was neither an inspiring call to action nor an incisive analysis of the current historical conjuncture.

On Palestine, Dissanayake said, “We are deeply distressed by the ongoing catastrophe in the Gaza Strip. Gaza has been turned into an open prison full of pain and suffering, echoing with the cries of children and the innocent civilians. The United Nations Organisation and all related parties must work towards an immediate ceasefire, enable adequate humanitarian aid to these areas and to ensure the release of hostages of all parties. We recognise the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to their own state.”

What’s wrong with this statement? First, to call for a ceasefire and reiterate Sri Lanka’s recognition of a Palestinian state adds nothing above and beyond the existing status quo. Nothing is lost, no risk is taken, by saying this, and nothing is gained, in tangible terms, for the Palestinian cause – it does not move the Overton window or shift the discourse in any meaningful way. Ten western countries have recently announced they would recognise a Palestinian state; of these, five (UK, France, Luxembourg, Australia, and Canada) continue to sell weapons to Israel. The former imperial powers of Europe want to fashion a rump state out of the rubble in Gaza, stripped of any means of self-defence or economic sovereignty – the fact that they want Tony Blair, one of the butchers of Iraq, to run this authority says it all.

Second, the speech names only the UN, leaving ‘related parties’ unnamed. There is no specific call for Israel itself to stop the genocide, for Israel’s allies to stop arming it, or for a broader international movement to boycott, divest, and sanction the Zionist entity. To be fair, in 2023, an emergency session of the UN General Assembly adopted two resolutions for ceasefire in Gaza (ES-10/21 and ES-10/22). In 2024 a resolution was adopted to end Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestinian territories (ES-10/24). In June 2025, the UNGA adopted a resolution to end the Israeli blockade of Gaza and allow humanitarian aid to reach civilians (A/ES-10/L.34/Rev.1).

But the UNGA has no real executive power and it is the UN Security Council (UNSC) that calls the shots. The specific problem is the veto held by permanent members, including the United States which has thwarted resolutions for a ceasefire six times since the genocide began in 2023. For the UN to do better it must be reformed and democratised, but Dissanayake’s advocacy does not go that far. Meanwhile, African representatives (including from Nigeria, Kenya, Guinea-Bissau, and Botswana) took the opportunity to demand greater representation in the UNSC. Singapore’s Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan said that the “cynical use of vetoes” by permanent members of the UNSC “must be constrained”.

The real icing on the cake, however, was Dissanayake’s next sentence: “We also believe that legal, security and humanitarian concerns of Israel and Palestinian people need to be acknowledged”. The allusion to Israeli security concerns (while diplomatically understandable under ‘normal’ circumstances – though there is nothing normal about the Zionist occupation of historic Palestine) comes across as crass pandering at a time when Israel has dropped bombs equivalent to six Hiroshimas onto Gaza.

According to data from the Palestinian Ministry of Health, over 65,000 Palestinians has been killed in Gaza since 7 October 2023, including over 18,000 children. On 16 September the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory published a report titled ‘Legal analysis of the conduct of Israel in Gaza pursuant to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide’. This commission is led by South African judge Navi Pillay who also led investigations into the conduct of the Sri Lankan state during the last stages of the war. Despite intense criticism of Sri Lanka, including accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity, Pillay has never accused Sri Lanka of genocide – “The crucial element of the crime of genocide is [that] the prosecution has to prove an intention to destroy from the policy, the plans and the actions. This is why human rights activists don’t use the word loosely; lawyers and judges don’t either”. What Pillay did not find in Sri Lanka, her commission found in Israel:

“On the basis of fully conclusive evidence, the Commission finds that statements made by Israeli authorities are direct evidence of genocidal intent … Thus, the Commission concludes that the Israeli authorities and Israeli security forces have the genocidal intent to destroy, in whole or in part, the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.”

In sharp contrast to Dissanayake’s speech was that of Colombian President Gustavo Petro. One could be tempted to draw parallels between Petro and Dissanayake. Petro is Colombia’s first leftist President and a former militant of the 19th April Movement, an armed guerrilla organisation that later demobilised and entered electoral politics. The similarities stop there. After coming to power in 2022, Petro attempted to introduce an ambitious wealth tax on the rich (and the Catholic Church) in order to fund social programmes. In June, Petro attended the Financing for Development conference in Sevilla (which the NPP government did not attend) and called for the IMF to be dissolved and a new multilateral institution to be built in its place. In July, Colombia suspended coal exports to Israel in protest of the genocide. In the same month, the country was admitted to the BRICS’ New Development Bank, following an application made by Petro.

Petro seems to have given up the gun without giving up the fight. Here is a fragment of what he said about Palestine at the UNGA, while invoking the legacy of Simón Bolívar who led Latin America’s freedom struggle against the Spanish Empire:

“Genocide must be stopped with what follows diplomacy … [We must] form an armed force to defend the lives of the Palestinian people. A powerful army is needed from countries that do not accept genocide. That is why I invite the nations of the world and their peoples … Words are no longer enough: it is time for the sword, for Bolívar’s freedom or death, because they are not just going to bomb Gaza, not just the Caribbean, as they are already doing, but humanity itself, which cries out for freedom. Because Washington and NATO are killing democracy and reviving tyranny and totalitarianism on a global scale. We must raise the red and black flag of liberty or death that Bolívar raised, without forgetting the white flag that he also raised as a symbol of peace”.

When it came to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s turn to take the stage to speak at the UNGA, dozens of representatives, mainly from the Global South, stood up and walked out. Netanyahu addressed a mostly empty assembly. Among the few occupied seats was a lone diplomat from Sri Lanka.

(Shiran Illanperuma is a researcher at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research and a co-editor of Wenhua Zongheng: A Journal of Contemporary Chinese Thought. He is also a co-convenor of the Asia Progress Forum which can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com).

By Shiran Illanperuma ✍️



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From stabilisation to transformation without delay

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At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.

When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.

Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.

Guaranteed Changes

On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.

The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.

Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.

After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.

Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.

Inter-Connected

There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.

Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.

The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.

Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.

The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.

by Jehan Perera

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Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework

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Some of the researchers at the meeting

In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.

The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.

The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.

Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.

Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.

Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.

The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.

Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.

The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.

Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.

Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.

The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Back home … for a special occasion

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Seven Notes: Sri Lankans based in Dubai – with Niluk (second from left)

Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.

Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!

In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.

Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle

In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.

“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”

Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.

They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.

Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.

Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.

“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”

The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation

After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.

Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.

Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.

Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.

Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.

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