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US must understand, a rising India is not a threat to Washington. It is an asset

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Moragoda

The belief that the US can pressure India into unconditional alignment is short-sighted and self-defeating

Former cabinet minister, High Commissioner to India, and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation Milinda Moragoda has questioned the US actions vis a vis India, in an article carried in The Indian Express, in its August 19th edition.

With US–India relations entering a more fragile phase, Washington’s pressure-first approach risks alienating a partner whose rise could be one of America’s greatest strategic assets in the 21st century. George Washington, in his farewell address of 1796, urged Americans to “observe good faith and justice toward all nations” and to “cultivate peace and harmony with all.” More than two centuries later, those words resonate in a very different but equally critical context.

For years, the US-India relationship has been described as a “defining partnership of the 21st century” — a rare convergence of two large democracies, diverse in their societies but united in their commitment to pluralism, innovation, and open markets. Yet in recent years, there has been a troubling shift in tone. Trust, once the hallmark of this partnership, is being replaced by suspicion.

At the heart of this erosion is a dangerous miscalculation by some in Washington: The belief that the US can pressure or “manage” India into unconditional alignment. This approach is short-sighted and self-defeating. It risks undermining one of America’s most natural, complementary partnerships at a time when the global order is becoming more multipolar and less predictable.

India is not just any large emerging economy. It is the world’s most populous democracy, a USD 4 trillion economy in the making, a leader in space exploration and digital public infrastructure, and a trusted voice in the Global South. Few countries offer such a unique blend of economic potential, democratic resilience, and geopolitical reach. From defence cooperation and technology partnerships to counterterrorism and climate action, the areas of overlap between India and the US are vast and expanding.

Despite this, US foreign policy has now taken a transactional turn. The escalation of trade disputes, the threat of secondary sanctions over energy purchases, and restrictive technology-transfer regimes all signal a willingness to apply pressure rather than build consensus. While disagreements between partners are natural, the manner in which they are pursued matters. Coercive tactics not only erode goodwill — they invite pushback.

India’s commitment to strategic autonomy is not a bargaining chip; it is a national consensus rooted in history. This is not about rejecting partnerships — it is about ensuring that they are built on equality and mutual respect. Attempts to “bully” India into alignment are destined to fail. Equally troubling is the view — still held in some quarters — that India’s rise must be tempered because it could one day compete with US interests. That mindset belongs to an era of zero-sum geopolitics and ignores the strategic reality of the 21st century.

A rising India is not a threat to the US. It is an asset. In the Indo-Pacific, where both countries share concerns about maritime security, supply-chain resilience, and the rules-based order, India’s role is indispensable. In global governance, India’s voice strengthens calls for reform of multilateral institutions — an agenda the US itself claims to support. In technology and innovation, Indian and American companies are increasingly intertwined, from Silicon Valley to Bengaluru.

If the US continues down its current, pressure-driven path, it risks alienating a partner with the best possible long-term strategic synergy. In a multipolar world, where trust is the most valuable currency, such alienation will have lasting consequences. India has options deepening engagement with Europe, expanding ties with ASEAN strengthening South–South cooperation and will use them if it feels constrained or disrespected.

This is not to say the relationship is beyond repair. Far from it. But Washington must change course before it is too late: Recognising India as an indispensable ally, one with shared democratic values, overlapping strategic objectives, and the capacity to work alongside the US in shaping a stable global order. It means replacing the mindset of managing India with one of empowering the partnership. For America, the choice is stark: Continue with mistrust and coercion, and risk losing one of its most consequential allies in Asia; or embrace India’s rise and, in doing so, strengthen its own strategic position.

George Washington also warned that “the nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave.” In today’s world, that means rejecting fear and domination as the foundation of foreign policy and replacing them with balance, respect, and mutual purpose.



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Dengue nears 70,000 cases, 47 deaths so far

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Sri Lanka has recorded 68,672 dengue cases and 47 deaths so far this year, according to the National Dengue Control Unit (NDCU).

Data released by the NDCU as of 6 a.m. yesterday shows that the Western Province is the worst affected, accounting for 36,118 cases, or 52.6 per cent of the national total. Gampaha District has reported the highest number of infections with 14,112 cases, followed by Colombo with 13,471.

The Southern Province has recorded 10,765 cases, while Sabaragamuwa and the Central Province have reported 5,807 and 5,681 cases, respectively.

The number of infections has surged in recent weeks, with 21,538 cases reported in June and a further 13,293 already recorded in July. Earlier monthly totals stood at 8,590 in May, 5,651 in April and 6,013 in March.

The case fatality rate currently stands at 0.07 per cent. Health authorities have identified 175 high-risk Medical Officer of Health (MOH) areas during Epidemiological Week 27, with an average of 2,677 new cases reported each week.

Outside the Western Province, Matara (4,885), Kalutara (4,600), Kandy (4,061) and Ratnapura (3,964) are among the districts reporting the highest number of infections. Mannar (74), Kilinochchi (47) and Mullaitivu (43) have recorded the lowest case numbers.

Health authorities have urged the public to step up mosquito-control measures and eliminate breeding sites, warning that the outbreak continues to spread.—

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Palaly won’t be vacated: Govt

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Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekara

Deputy Defence Minister retired Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekara, has told Parliament that land within the High Security Zones of the North-East, considered essential for “national security,” would not be returned to its original owners.

The Deputy Minister said that 1,661 acres would be permanently acquired for military infrastructure.

The Deputy Minister was responding to questions raised by MP Dr Archchuna Ramanathan in Parliament last week. Jayasekara said the Palaly area had been designated a critical High Security Zone (HSZ) and that legal procedures were under way to acquire the 1,661 acres permanently, with the Ministry of Lands, to compensate the private landowners as part of the process.

The Deputy Minister told Parliament that the Civil Aviation Authority, through the Sri Lanka Air Force, had advised that more land was needed for the expansion of the Palaly Airport and that the Ministry of Defence had instructed the Ministry of Lands, the Survey Department, the tri-forces and the relevant divisional secretariats to coordinate the acquisitions under a single national policy. Among the works planned within the zone is the renovation of the Palaly Military Hospital, at a cost of around Rs 99.3 million, of which Rs 55 million has already been spent.

Jayasekara declared that 64,663 acres of military-held land had been returned to civilians in the Northern and Eastern provinces, between 2009 and 2024. According to him, 692 acres had been released since the current government took office, and that a further 243 acres were due to be released within two months. Where strategic land could not be returned, he said, the state would offer either alternative plots or financial compensation, and lands not deemed necessary for national security would continue to be released in phases.

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Court postpones case against Wimal et al for causing disturbance near UN office in 2016

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The Colombo Chief Magistrate’s Court yesterday postponed until Sept. 21 the hearing of a case against six accused, including former Minister Wimal Weerawansa, over allegations that they caused a public disturbance by staging a protest that blocked the road outside the United Nations office in Colombo in 2016.

The case was taken up before Colombo Chief Magistrate Asanga S. Bodaragama.

Weerawansa was absent when the matter was called. His counsel informed the court that the former minister was unwell and said a medical report would be submitted.

After considering the submissions, the Chief Magistrate fixed Sept. 21 for the next hearing.

The case was filed by the Cinnamon Gardens Police over a protest held on Feb. 6, 2016, which allegedly obstructed Thummulla Junction and surrounding roads outside the UN office during the visit of then UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Prince Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein to Sri Lanka.

The other accused are Jayantha Samaraweera, Weerakumara Dissanayake, Piyasiri Wijenayake, Roger Seneviratne and Mohamed Muzammil.

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