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LOKUBANDARA; Mr SPEAKER AND ORATOR

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by Sarath Amunugama

It is a tragic coincidence that two emblematic figures of JR Jayewardene’s historic 1977 victory – Neville Fernando and WJM Lokubandara-should succumb to the Covid virus within a period of two weeks. Both were over 80 years old, having entered UNP politics over half a century ago. JRJ recruited many popular regional personalities who could stand up to the powerful United Front veterans who had been in politics for a long time.

Neville Fernando was a popular medical practitioner who had his dispensary in the heart of Panadura town. He had hundreds of patients who believed in his ‘’ath gune’’ (healing touch) and the care and commitment he brought to his profession. His rival was Leslie Goonewardene –the Secretary and unostentatious financier of the LSSP. He was the Minister of Comunications till he was dismissed by Mrs Bandaranaike when NM Perera refused to retract his sarcastic comments about Mr Bandaranaikes credentials as a leftist leader. In the 1977 general election Leslie lost to Neville Fernando by over ten thousand votes. Not only Leslie but all the leaders of the LSSP lost their seats and did not enter Parliament ever again. Colvin was nominated for the single National List set procured by his party but died before taking his oaths.

The four fifth majority of the UNP in 1977 turned out to be a disaster. There were no Parliamentary fetters imposed on the President in his new Gaullist constitution which was waved through by his newly elected throng of first time MPs. JRJs blunder was to use his majority to disenfranchise Mrs B on a charge sheet which was virtually written by NM and Colvin in their vote of no confidence in her after they were summarily dismissed from their ministerial positions on the instigation of Felix Bandaranaike.The departure of Mrs B opened the way for the JVP which aimed at filling that vacuum. The enmity which resulted prevented the possibility of a joint Pan –Sinhala approach to solving the ethnic crisis. Mrs B and the SLFP were driven to extremist Pro-Sinhala positions which were not visible during the United Front regime.

The Sinhala electorate could not accept Amirthalingam as the Leader of the Opposition and made it hark back to the strong image of Mrs B in the country and internationally at an earlier time. It did not do much for Amirthalingam either. The militant Tamil Youth looked on it as an act of collaboration and a betrayal of their militant activites. By accepting the post of Leader of the Opposition at JRJs urging, Amirthalingam literally signed his death warrant and also those of his senior party colleagues who were later massacred in their homes and offices.

Neville Fernando with his personal affluence and reputation as a political giant killer openly clashed with the President on this issue and was kicked out by JRJ, who scrupulously followed resignation protocols regarding the departure of others like MDH Jayawardene and Gamini Jayasuriya. He regretted their decision and thanked them for their services. Neville Fernando did not receive any such ‘’send off’.’ I remember that Gamini Dissanayake and Anandatissa de Alwis were also against this move but had to remain silent as they were cabinet ministers.

Gamini Dissanayake had visited Hector Kobbekaduwa at his Aloe Avenue residence. This had been seen by Gamini Atukorale who had sneaked to JRJ and the President was furious, even telling some of his confidantes that he was thinking of removing him from the Cabinet. At Gamini D’s urging I convinced my Minister Anandatissa to support him and together they were able to abate the Presidents fury. Gamini D and Atukorale remained enemies till the end. Premadasa as President encouraged this vendetta by appointing Atukorale to succeed Gamini in the Land and Mahaveli Ministry.

When Lokubandara was made the UNP organiser for Haputale many of the old guard sent petitions. JRJ asked Gamini D to look into them . He rightly decided that Uva needed ‘’Bhumiputra ‘’representation and supported WJM. Even now many of the Uva MPS are outsiders who have established links there.The estate voter bloc does not care about the origins of the candidates. I saw on U Tube that one of Lokubandara’s last speeches was a passionate appeal to his voters in Haputale to remember that his son was an authentic Kandyan.

Lokubandara’s rise in the political firmament was a tribute to the social welfare measures undertaken in our country after the introduction of adult universal franchise. A boy born in a remote village near Diyatalawa, he was taken by an idealistic teacher who saw his potential to Bandarawela Central College where he excelled in his studies. As a schoolboy he won an all island oratorical contest and that became his metier. He graduated as an external student of London University – a sure sign in our day that the candidate was serious about his education and was upwardly mobile. This was confirmed by his passing out as a lawyer from our Law College and mastering the English language. Then he joined the Legal Draftsmans Department which was woefully short of staff proficient in Sinhala, English and the Law. He made a distinctive contribution by translating legislation available in English to Sinhala, even by coining new Sinhala words which is a speciality of the ‘’Hela Hawula’’of which he was a distinguished member as a Sinhala purist.

Professor KNO Dharmadasa has paid a tribute to WJM as a Sinhala scholar of the highest rank. His numerous books and articles attest to his eminence. I would pick his book interpreting some of the verses inscribed on the mirror wall of Sigirya entitled ‘’Sigiri Gee Siri’’as one of his best. All ‘’Hela Hawula’’enthusiasts are marked by their fascination with the evolution of what they believe to be the ‘pure‘ Sinhala in contrast to mixed or ’mishra’ Sinhala which show the influence of Sanskrit and Pali. Though some’’Hela’’ fanatics are stimulated by their jigsaw puzzle approach, WJM belonged to a less orthodox school and retained good relations with the linguists of the Peradeniya school who were acolytes of Sugathapala de Silva, the father of modern Sinhala structural linguistics. This obsession with the history of the evolution of Sinhala words can be an advantage in the appreciation of period poetry of the type found on the mirror wall.

Since Paranaviratne had copied, deciphered and translated to English and published this graffiti in his truly monumental work entitled ‘’Sigiri Graffiti’’scholars had easy access to the poems. Lokubandara with his knowledge of the evolution of words does a brilliant analysis of some of the verses which, I’m sure, would have drawn the approval of Paranavitarne if he was alive.

WJM was a brilliant orator. In my opinion he was the best orator that the UNP ever had. He was even better than Premadasa who was no mean speaker. Unlike Premadasa he was not venomous and offensive. WJM had a total command of the language and brought a folksy humour and sarcasm which had the audience in fits of laughter. Ranil made a bad mistake in immobilising his chief attack orator by making him Speaker of the House. During Ranil’s leadership the UNP’s frontline speakers were boring, badly briefed and lacking in magnetism. When he and other leaders came up to the mike, the audience started to head for home uninspired and uneducated. What a debacle for a party platform that had the likes of Premadasa, Gamini, Lalith, Ronnie ,Anandatissa and G. M Premachandra If Lokubandara continued in active UNP politics, in a few years he would have been a strong contender for the leadership of the UNP which was losing votes day by day ending up with no elected representatives – a fate none could envisage in the pre-Ranil age.

I had a good personal rapport with WJM because of our common interests. We had many mutual friends. I may be one of the few alive today who attended his wedding and the party afterwards in Araliya Gardens in Nugegoda. The Weerasekeras – the bride Malathi’s uncles were my friends from Peradeniya days. Her uncle P.Weerasekera of the SLAS read Sociology at the University when we were a small group on Campus.He later became the DRO of Hiniduma and I used to frequent his quarters in Tawalama when researching in the villages in the vicinity with Gananath Obeyesekere. I was invited as a guest from Malathi’s side. Since then I belonged to his group of close friends whom he invariably addressed as ‘’Macho.’’ As Speaker he was exceedingly kind to me when I was on my feet in the House.

The circumstances of WJM s death is tragic and leaves us in dismay. If he had been vaccinated he would not have died. Mr SWRD Bandaranaike was assassinated by Somarama, a Buddhist monk and a self proclaimed Ayurvedic physician. He was being promoted by the then Minister of Health Wimala Wijewardene. In our time too the Health Ministry was unfortunately side tracked by faith healers and snake oil salesmen when it should have been on the lookout for an early procuring of the vaccine. The Irony and tragedy is that in both cases –Bandaranaike and Lokubandara – dysfunctional nativism has taken the lives of two of its most dynamic advocates.



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Features

The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics

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Zahran and other bombers

Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.

There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.

The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.

Determined Attempt

The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.

The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.

This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.

Another Tragedy

It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.

Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.

The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.

by Jehan Perera

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China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka

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Image courtesy The Global Times

The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.

Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.

On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.

This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.

Implications for Global Trade

This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.

This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.

Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.

Implications for Sri Lanka

China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.

The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.

Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!

(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Daughter in the spotlight …

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Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!

The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.

Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”

Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.

‘Nidahase’,

says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.

In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.

Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.

The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo

Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.

“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.

“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.

Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.

She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.

And this makes interesting reading:

“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”

Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.

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