Features
Men of Stone: A Reflection on Richard Simon’s Thomia – II
(Continued from yesterday)
As stated before, the chapters describing the life of the school are interspersed with those describing its national context. The most pertinent aspect of that context is the country’s educational environment. The book starts with Governor Frederick North’s vain attempts to persuade the British Government in London to allocate a decent budget for education in the colony of Ceylon. It ends with the tensions experienced by schools like S. Thomas’ in the wake of the Christopher Kannangara cum Abeyratne Ratnayake reforms, described in the former’s own words as follows: “In spite of the most dogged opposition from a large and very influential section of the people of my land, in spite of abuse and calumny, vilification and ridicule, I have succeeded in obtaining the sanction of the State Council of Ceylon for a scheme of free education, providing for all children of the land equal opportunities to climb to the highest rung of the educational ladder … regardless of the status or financial capacity of their parents, and for obtaining for our national languages their rightful place in that scheme as an essential prerequisite for building a free and independent nation”.
Noble though the above sentiments are, and in spite of the undeniable democratisation of education bestowed by it, the overall impact of such free education has generated much controversy over the years, not least because the State Council, and succeeding legislative bodies, were unable to budget for the proposed ‘free of charge’ education. In addition, while the emphasis on the vernacular has granted employment opportunities to many who would otherwise not have had access to the same, it has probably resulted in an insular outlook without the global perspective that is available through an international language. As articulated by Warden De Saram in a prize day speech, “To the query … as to what was the use of knowing the height of Mount Everest when we did not know the height of our own mountains, we reply that knowing the height of our own mountains perfectly well, we regard it as of great importance to know that of Mt Everest – as otherwise we might think our own the highest in the world. Similarly, in the realm of intellect and of the spirit, there are eminences reached by the human intellect and the human spirit of which every cultured man should be aware. What do they know of Ceylon, who only Ceylon know?”
Richard Simon
There are some interesting contrasts that I discovered in the book, the first between the founder of S. Thomas’ College and first Bishop of Colombo (Bishop James Chapman) and the then principal of Royal College, known at the time as the Colombo Academy (Rev Dr Barcroft Boake), largely on matters of church doctrine, given that the Bishop represented the ‘high church’ tradition of the church of England, and the principal the more evangelical ‘low church’ one – an insight into a type of Royal-Thomian rivalry quite distinct from that on their playing fields.
The most dominant contrast is that between the path taken by SWRD Bandaranaike and the one maintained by Reggie De Saram. Though nurtured in the elitism of his own family, boarded at S. Thomas’ in Warden Stone’s own residence (for a while) and ‘finished’ at Christ Church, Oxford, Bandaranaike espoused a populist agenda in his political life, in order to become Prime Minister. Such an agenda was almost everything De Saram stood against, as expressed in another of his prize day speeches: “This is said to be the age of the common man. It may be so. But it is certainly also the age of the demagogue, the man with the loud voice and fluent vocabulary and specious tongue who debases his gifts by devoting them to the misrepresentation of facts, the stirring up of hatred, the vilifying of persons and causes to which he is opposed; the man with much cleverness but little wisdom who is prepared to sacrifice the peace and prosperity of the country to the gaining of some petty personal or party triumph”. “Sunny Banda” as he was apparently referred to in his school days, is portrayed in the book as maintaining his links with his alma mater wherever possible, but being cognizant of his estrangement from it.
Before arriving at the most telling contrast in the book, the narrative describes how Thomian school-leavers found it increasingly difficult to make contributions to national life, as they had before. For example, S. Thomas’ had produced four of Ceylon’s first five prime ministers. Simon portrays D.S. Senanayake, the first prime minister, as a quintessential Thomian product, particularly with respect to his racial inclusivity in a fledgling state – although he and others have been strongly critiqued in some quarters for their betrayal of the rights of Indian Tamil plantation workers. Thomians had figured prominently in the administrative services as well. Particular mention is made of two Saravanamuttu brothers.
One of them, Manicasothy (M. Sara), became a journalist who ended up in Penang; and when the British fled in the face of the Japanese invasion, found himself the only person willing and able to take over the administration of the island, and eventually hand it over to the Japanese! The other, Paikiasothy (P. Sara) was made Controller of both Tea and Rubber in Ceylon, became the first president of the then Board of Control for Cricket, and had the Oval grounds in Colombo named after him. Herbert Hulugalle is presented as Ceylon’s foremost journalist, one who had significant influence in the politics of his day as well. Lionel Wendt’s contribution to the arts is covered in some detail too.
Compared to this influence in national life, Thomian influence in the Sri Lanka of the nineteen seventies had dwindled, partly because Sinhala had become the dominant language of the legislature and administration, and also because of the politicisation of that administration. Some space was left for Thomians in the business sector, and in the armed services, but the influence on national life from such sectors was probably limited. Reference is made to some contributions in science and technology too, but this sector itself needs greater national recognition.
It is in the above context that Ranjan Wijeratne is suggested by Simon as the last Old Thomian to have significantly influenced Lanka’s history. After stints in the tea trade and military, he became a State Minister of Defence, and was responsible for the suppression of both the second JVP uprising in the south and the LTTE one in the north. While held as a hero in some quarters and ultimately falling prey to an LTTE car bomb, he is seen in others as a cautionary example of alignment with the powers that be and the soft-pedalling of moral scruples; because as the Defence Minister he was engaged in some very questionable human rights violations in the process of rooting out ‘terrorism’.
Juxtaposed with the narrative on Wijeratne is that on Richard De Zoysa, “The Martyr” being the title allocated to the chapter on him. While the chapter describes De Zoysa’s contributions to English theatre both in and after school at a time when Thomian contribution to English drama was probably at its zenith, it also portrays his moves away from that relatively elite circle to broader Sinhala language dramatic pursuits, ones that were much closer to the revolutionary politics of his day. Simon says that Richard’s spectacles were subsequently found on a file containing a Sinhala manuscript in Rohana Wijeweera’s handwriting, titled “What to do about the LTTE”, that Richard had been translating into English. Was this De Zoysa’s way of finding relevance for a Thomian – i.e. the use of his English language skills to support a grassroots (and indeed radical) movement; as opposed to the Wijeratne way of using his leadership skills in the service of power, in spite of the moral compromises involved? This to me is the most poignant contrast in the book, one that all Thomians, young and old, should ponder upon, as they dwell on how to be relevant to their nation. There is no doubt where Simon’s sympathies lie – his book is dedicated to The Martyr – and many of us would doubtless identify with him.
This book is a labour of love, and I hope this reflection will encourage others to read the book, rather than being content merely with this article – book reviews sometimes have that effect, I’m afraid! I understand that the author tracked down sources, both documentary and personal, both in the U.K. and Sri Lanka, in the course of his meticulous and painstaking research. Much of his data however appears to be sourced from editions of the College Magazine, emphasizing the importance for schools to both maintain the quality of such publications and avoid missing issues or volumes. There may be more descriptions in the book of debating at S. Thomas’ than of cricket, doubtless reflecting the author’s predilections; but probably a welcome corrective.
The author’s knowledge is encyclopaedic – take for example a reference to the miasmic (as opposed to the germ) theory of disease, which saw the sea breezes of Mutwal as a ‘healthy environment’ for the school. There are many times I had to consult the internet (rather than a dictionary as I would have in the past) to find meanings of words – I have begun to use the word ‘mephitic’ in some of my conversations! There are two good indices (of subjects and persons) and some endnotes, but unfortunately all at the end of Volume II, which resulted in my not consulting them too much while reading Volume I. Some of the sentences are very long, leading me to suspect a grammatical error or two, until I looked closer and recalled the rules for parsing of sentences I learnt in middle school! I bless the author for writing this; and am proud that a Thomian has been able to generate a work such as this – which is itself a testament to continuing Thomian relevance for the nation. I commend it on the one hand to all Thomians and on the other to all serious students of history, especially the educational history of Lanka. The book is available at the Barefoot Shop and Vijitha Yapa; and from www.thomia.com.
(Priyan Dias, a Thomian schoolboy from 1965 to 1975, member of the S. Thomas’ College Board of Governors from 2002 to 2010, is an emeritus professor in civil engineering of the University of Moratuwa, professor at the Sri Lanka Institute of Information Technology, and past president of the National Academy of Sciences of Sri Lanka.)
by Priyan Dias ✍️
Maldives President Dr. Mohamed Muizzu was in Sri Lanka recently on what was apparently a goodwill visit and this event, no doubt, bodes very well for Maldives-Sri Lanka relations. Besides, the visit would go some distance in strengthening Sri Lanka’s claims to Non-Alignment.
However, the commentator on regional politics could be accused of simplistic thinking if he/she glosses over or ignores the regional politics nuances or undertones of the Maldivian President’s visit. In Sri Lanka we currently have a government which is eager to solidify its bridges, so to speak, with China and which, given the chance, would be courting increasingly close relations with Russia. In other words, the NPP government is likely to see itself as a ‘natural ally’ of the East and would prefer to distance itself to the extent possible from the West, if that is a realistic proposition.
Given the foregoing backdrop, it would be in some of the NPP regime’s best interests to be on cordial terms with the Maldives which is a close ally of China in the South Asian region. However, the NPP government, given the utter financial helplessness of Sri Lanka, cannot afford to distance itself politically and diplomatically from India and the West. Sheer economic necessity compels Sri Lanka to adopt this foreign policy stance. In other words, the latter has no choice but to be ‘Non-Aligned.’
This columnist was led to the above observations on listening to a lucid and comprehensive presentation titled, ‘A Global Economy in the Shadow of the Iran War and implications for Sri Lanka’s debt recovery’, by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja, Visiting Senior Fellow, ODI Global London, at the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo on May 4th. The forum, RCSS Strategic Dialogue – 4, was moderated and presided over by RCSS Executive Director Ambassador (retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.
The forum brought together a wide cross section of society, including diplomatic personnel, academicians, public and private sector personalities and the media. After the presentation a very lively and informative Q&A followed.
Ambassador Aryasinha at the outset set an appropriate backdrop to the presentation and discussion by stressing ‘the increasing interconnectedness of geopolitical and economic developments, noting how disruptions in the Middle East could have significant ramifications for global markets, trade flows, energy prices and broader economic stability, including Sri Lanka.’
Indeed, there are occurring currently very disruptive economic and material consequences for the world from ‘the Iran War’, and with US-Iran hostilities spiraling in West Asia it may not be wrong to surmise that the worst could be yet to come, unless a peace process materializes in earnest.
Meanwhile, ‘hurting countries’ such as Sri Lanka would need to summon their best economic management capabilities to remain materially and economically afloat. ‘Economic transformation’ is what is urgently needed and not mere management and some of the insights thrown up by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja should have the local polity thinking.
There was the following observation, for instance: ‘Sri Lanka has achieved remarkable cyclical stabilization but faces critical challenges in transitioning to transformative growth, with 2027-2028 debt repayments looming and only $5.4 billion usable reserves.’
Needless to say, the path ahead to ‘transformative growth’ for Sri Lanka is strewn with multiple challenges and meeting them effectively is of the first importance. Sri Lanka must soldier on towards even a semblance of development in the short and medium terms and such initiatives cannot be separated from its foreign policy choices since the country’s economic partners and their growth prowess have a close bearing on the country’s material fortunes.
As mentioned, Sri Lanka will be compelled to be ‘a friend of all countries and an enemy of none’ going forward but it cannot afford to be seen as cultivating China as a close growth partner at the expense of India and other major economies of the region.
This is primarily because while India is remaining a major economic power, the current West Asian crisis notwithstanding, China’s economy is being seen as ‘slowing’. Dr. Wignaraja singled out the following in the main as the factors causing this slow-down: a bursting property bubble, increasing state regulation, and weakening investor confidence. Besides, the speaker sees production cycles moving away from China and India replacing China and Hong Kong as ‘manufacturing hubs’.
Accordingly, the NPP regime in Sri Lanka would need to craft its regional policy in particular with the utmost far-sightedness. It will need to have close economic links with all the growth centres that matter.
On the question of authentic economic transformation, the following observations of Dr. Wignaraja on Sri Lanka’s economy are of the first importance as well: ‘Foreign reserves are now at $ 5.4 billion, the cost of living is high, an estimated 20 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line of $ 3.65 per day, the recent cyber security breach at the Treasury would affect some 10 payments.’ These factors were termed ‘critical vulnerabilities’.
It is difficult to conceive of an economic transformation worthy of the phrase minus a steady economic empowerment of the populace. The above data point to the considerable magnitude of the local poverty problem. Right now, the disruptive effects of the West Asian crisis render swift poverty alleviation a most difficult proposition.
One possible way out of the present economic debacle is the forging of a national consensus by the present government on all outstanding problems that have been bedeviling the country’s advancement. That is, there needs to be a meeting of minds across current political divides. Considering the present inflammatory political polarities in Sri Lanka this would prove an insurmountable challenge.
Unfortunately, conscience-filled and civic minded sections in Sri Lanka have chosen to be laid back rather than seize the initiative, come centre stage and impress on politicians the need for enlightened governance and progressive change. There needs to be a historic coming together of the right thinking to ensure that the best interests of the people and of the people only are served by governments. In the absence of such a process, might would be projected as right and brute force would come to increasingly rule politics and society.
Features
Australia funds project to restore climate-resilient vegetable livelihoods in cyclone-affected highlands
The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, the Government of Australia, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) have launched of a AUD 2 million (USD 1.4 million) recovery initiative to restore and transform vegetable production systems in the cyclone-affected districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla.
The FAO said yesterday (5) that the agreement was formalized through the signing of the grant agreement by Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives, alongside the signing of the project document by D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture.
Cyclone Ditwah, which struck Sri Lanka in November 2025, caused widespread devastation across the country, severely disrupting agricultural production systems and livelihoods. The highland districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla, key suppliers of vegetables such as beans, carrots, leeks, cabbage, tomato and potato, were among the hardest hit, with thousands of smallholder farmers losing crops, seed stocks, and productive assets.
This 12-month initiative aims torestore and strengthen climate-resilient vegetable production systems, with a strong focus on empowering women farmers and supporting persons with disabilities. The project will directly benefit more than 2,400 smallholder farmers, through improved seed and seedling production systems, small machinery, training, and market linkages while indirectly supporting thousands more.
“This initiative is an important step not only in restoring what was lost, but in building a more resilient and self-reliant agricultural sector,” said Minister Lal Kantha. “By strengthening local seed systems and supporting smallholder farmers, particularly women and vulnerable groups, we are investing in the long-term sustainability of Sri Lanka’s food systems.”
“Australia stands alongside Sri Lanka in its ongoing recovery from Cyclone Ditwah,” said High Commissioner Duckworth. “Australia is a steadfast partner in the agriculture sector with its importance for food security, rural development and climate resilience. By focusing on climate smart practices, farmer-led solutions and inclusive economic opportunities, this project will deliver meaningful and lasting benefits to affected communities.
The project will prioritize the restoration of farmer-led seed systems for beans and potatoes, support the re-establishment of both open-field and protected cultivation systems and women led seedling supply nurseries while empowering all farmers with Climate-Smart Good Agricultural Practices (CSGAP) with small scale machinery and input support.
A key feature of the initiative is the establishment of six accessible and inclusive nurseries in Nuwara Eliya and Badulla. These nurseries will serve as sustainable agri-based enterprises, producing high-quality vegetable seedlings while creating new income opportunities and strengthening local input supply chains.
By combining recovery support with long-term resilience measures, the project will help stabilize vegetable production, improve household food security and nutrition, and reduce reliance on imported seeds.
It took several decades for the US to realise it was losing the war in Vietnam. It took a bit shorter time in Afghanistan. And what is happening in the countries the US and Israel intervened and broke up? The US has been asked to leave Iraq. Syria is talking to Russia about establishing military bases, President al-Sharaa met with Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss the project, which is vital for Russian power projection in the Middle East. Libya has been divided into two competing administrative units with the Eastern section actively engaged with Russia in defence matters. The Sudanese government has finalised a 25-year deal to allow a Russian naval facility in the Red Sea in exchange for weapons, including anti-aircraft systems. On the Eastern side of the Red Sea, Yemen remains divided, with the main power center, the Houthis maintaining a staunchly anti-US, anti-Israel stance, while the internationally recognised government remains in exile.
When the Iranian Foreign Minister recently undertook a tour of Pakistan, Oman and Russia, the US wanted to meet him and got ready to send its negotiators Vice President J. D. Vance and his team to Pakistan, but Iranian FM snubbed them and left Pakistan, saying Iran did not want to talk to the US while a blockade of their ports were in place. The Iranian FM met President Putin, who congratulated Iran for courageously defending their country and then phoned US President Trump and told him further attacks on Iran would not be acceptable. During this conversation on April 27, 2026, Putin reportedly warned Trump that further U.S. or Israeli attacks on Iran would have dangerous consequences, according to Al Jazeera). Such a sequence of events would not have been possible in the unipolar world we had in the past.
Furthermore, the damage that Iran has inflicted on the US and Israel in this war would have been unimaginable in the late 20th Century and early 21st Century. Sixteen US military bases spread across Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Jordan and Oman have been either destroyed or severely damaged. Advanced surveillance aircraft and radar systems worth more than $ 2.8 bn were destroyed. This had a far-reaching effect on the war as the US could not use these bases in the war against Iran and also in the defence of its allies in the Gulf.
The attacks on Israel have been equally damaging. In Central Israel and Tel Aviv area multiple attacks targeted military and intelligence assets, resulting in massive damage. Iranian missiles hit the Haifa oil refinery, causing a shutdown, and hit residential buildings, leading to injuries and structural damage. Residential and commercial areas were damaged in Bat Yam and Petah Tikva with significant casualties and destruction. Attacks in Dimona and Arad targeted the Negev Nuclear Research Center, with casualties reported in both towns. The Soroka Medical Center in Beersheba was hit in a strike. The strategic port and naval base in Eilat were targeted. In Rishon LeZion suburban residential areas suffered extensive damage.
Usually, Israel makes short work of its many enemies in the region, for example it took just six days to defeat the combined military of Egypt, Jordan and Syria in 1967 and grab their land as well. Hamas, Fatah and Palestinians would suffer ignominious defeats if they dare challenge Israel. However, the recent war against Hamas, following a daring wide scale invasion into Israel by Hamas in October 2023, went on for more than two years with no conclusive victory for Israel.
These significant massive military setbacks suffered by the combined forces of the US and Israel have been made possible by the unprecedented advancement in military technology achieved mainly by China and to a degree by Russia as well. Iran has been able to develop ballistic missile systems that could penetrate the “iron dome” that Israel boasted, with technological assistance from China and North Korea. Iran’s drones are very cheap yet very effective, requiring interceptors worth millions of dollars to counter them, thus making it much more costly for the US to fight this war than it is for Iran.
Further, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthies in Yemen and Hamas in Palestine are well equipped with advanced missiles and drones. Hezbollah has been able to destroy about hundred Israel tanks and stop their advance. According to Larry Johnson, former CIA intelligence analyst, Israel soldiers are much war weary and mentally affected and are being withdrawn. Netanyahu’s 40 year dream of a “Greater Israel” is telling on the poor soldiers.
If a person like Barack Obama had been the US President instead of the hyper egoistic, blustering, intellectually barren Trump, things may have been different. An attempt would have been made to reconcile with the fact that the world is changing, instead of trying to stop it and make “America Great Again”. Perhaps, it could be said that Trump is facilitating the emergence of the new world order by enabling the US citizens to see the reality, the futility of war and the fact that Israel is a liability because the US is fighting its war. Further, the war has enabled Iran to assert its place in the region and negotiate from a position of strength.
Perhaps, Israeli people may realise that the Palestine problem cannot be solved by militarily occupying their land, and that in a changing world a “Greater Israel” is a “pie in the sky”. They may have to agree to a two-state solution. US support may not always be forthcoming, certainly not at the level that Trump could extend, as this war is very unpopular and expensive. The other very significant fact is that Israeli settlers in the occupied lands feel insecure and one in three wants to leave and the numbers may grow when Palestinians and their sympathisers grow in strength in the new world order.
Moreover, the war on Iran has afforded China the opportunity to demonstrate with authority the fact that it stands for universal peace and does not tolerate illegal wars. Its message to the US conveyed its world view and its desire for peace in no uncertain terms. Trump cannot afford to disregard the Chinese position on the war on the eve of his visit to that country which may decide on future trade between the two countries as the US depends on China for several essential materials like rare earth minerals. Furthermore, China has shown that peace could be achieved by developing the economies of the underdeveloped countries irrespective of their alliances. It helps Iran as well as Saudi Arabia and try to build bridges between these foes. It welcomes Trump in the coming weeks and hopes to strengthen ties between the two countries despite the weaknesses of the latter.
Another important factor is the gradual decline of the critical value of the petro-dollar. Following the end of the gold standard in 1971, the US struck deals with Saudi Arabia and other OPEC nations (around 1974) to price oil exclusively in USD in exchange for military protection and arms sales. Dollars earned by selling oil came to be known as petro-dollar. Oil producers, holding large dollar surpluses, reinvest these funds in the US Treasury securities, real estate, and financial assets ensuring the recycling of petro-dollars. The system ensures a consistent global demand for US dollars, which helps fund the US budget deficit and maintains the currency’s dominance.
However, the petro-dollar system is on the decline and there are two main reasons for this, firstly the gradual rise of the new world order with organisations like BRICS, making a concerted effort to extricate from the dollar dominance by developing alternate currencies and methods to bypass the dollar. Secondly, the need felt by most countries to develop alternative energy sources to replace enormously harmful fossil fuel would eventually result in a decline in the demand for it and consequently the effectiveness of the petro-dollar. China is leading the world in both these endeavours; depolarisation process and renewable energy production. The war on Iran seems to have hastened the process of depolarisation as Iran insists that it will sell its oil for yuan only.
These revolutionary changes in the aftermath of the Iran war have their undeniable implications for the Global South, where more than 60% of the poor live.
by N. A. de S. Amaratunga
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