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What Premadasa felt about Prabhakaran

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Premadasa

Continued from last week

Direct Talks with LTTE

On 15th April, Anton Balasingham from the LTTE headquarters in London responded by a fax addressed to the president, accepting the invitation and hoping that the necessary arrangements would be made to facilitate a dialogue.

Building Confidence

There were at least five specific measures that President Premadasa took before the negotiations commenced. These helped create the environment for a trusting relationship between the government and the Tamil militants. The first was his peremptory demand, made at the Chittavivekashramaya temple on the outskirts of Colombo on the 13th of April 1989, that the Government of India withdraw the IPKF completely from Sri Lanka in three months. This was seen as a very positive step by the LTTE, and also incidentally, by the JVP.

Premadasa made special arrangements for Balasingham and his Australian wife, Adele, who were then in exile in London to fly down to Colombo at government expense for exploratory discussions.

This was not all. The wife of the LTTE leader Prabhakaran and their two children, who had taken refuge abroad in a European country, were provided security and facilities to return to Sri Lanka and rejoin Prabhakaran in the Wanni.

Subsequently came his ‘directions’ to the Indian High Commissioner, Lakhen Mehotra, and his many letters to the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, to expedite the process of withdrawal/deinduction of the IPKF from Sri Lanka. He kept up One-to-One with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi,

New Delhi, September 1989 the pressure by sending personal emissaries — I was sent on two occasions — to personally convey information to the Indian prime minister. These were similarly very much appreciated by the LTTE as being completely in line with their request and their interest.

The Hilton Hotel Talks — May to September 1989

The arrangements made to ensure security for the LTTE delegation during their stay in Colombo once the peace talks started were of the highest. All the LTTE cadres who participated in the talks were permitted to keep their personal weapons. The first group of LTTE delegates for the May talks, namely Balasingham, Yogaratnam Yogi, and Paramu Murthy, arrived in Colombo from the Wanni in Air Force helicopters with their own heavily armed bodyguards. It was an unnerving experience to me and the other Sri Lankan delegates to be faced, across the table at the first meeting, by armed LTTE cadres in battle fatigues.

Accommodating the LTTE delegation for the talks in Colombo’s five-star hotels itself caused a stir among the public. But it was the logical choice. The Hilton was virtually empty of guests owing to the troubled law and order situation and in addition it was off-season for tourists.

The talks with the LTTE were conducted in two rounds. The first round of nine meetings took place in May and the LTTE was represented by Balasingham, Yogi and Paramu. Then followed a break when the team went back to the jungles. The second round commenced on 16 June and ended on 2 July. In this round Lawrence Thilakar from Paris and Hassan, Karikaran and Ibrahim from the Eastern Province also participated. The only other member from the LTTE leadership to talk with the government in Colombo was Mahattaya, the deputy to Prabhakaran who came to Colombo for a further set of talks in November/December. The interval between the two rounds when the team returned to the jungles also gave Prabhakaran an opportunity of making his input.

On the Sri Lankan side, the negotiating team was led by Minister A C S Hameed. He was supported by Ranjan Wijeratne and several other ministers and a team of officials who were changed as dictated by the agenda for the discussions. Premadasa handpicked the officials for the negotiations as well. They included General Sepals Attygalle, Secretary/Defence; Bernard Tilakaratne, Secretary Foreign Affairs; his Secretary Wijayadasa, and myself, advisor from the president’s office. Ivan Samarawickrema came in when land issues were being discussed. Felix Dias Abeyesinghe, veteran of the former All Party Conference doubled-up as Co-ordinator and Secretary.

At the end of each day, a press release giving the public some idea of how the discussions went was issued, drafted by Dias Abeyesinghe and Balasingham. Premadasa kept in touch with the proceedings through daily briefings and met the LTTE team as and when necessary at his Sucharita office.

Agendas of the Two Sides

Getting the IPKF to withdraw from the country was the primary objective in round one of the talks. Balasingham spent much time dealing with the atrocities of the IPKF and the sufferings of the people of the north and east. This caused the impatient Ranjan Wijeratne, who had come to do some hard bargaining on a political settlement, say that what was going on was “not a dialogue but a monologue”. State sponsored colonization and forced conscription of youth by the EPRLF for the Civilian Volunteer Force (CVF) which the IPKF was training were also issues on which much discussion was centred. Follow up on these by the government was quick.

Premadasa was furious that the IPKF was training an army of Tamil youths. He felt that this could be the nucleus of a rival army under the EPRLF which could lead to immense problems in the future. This would also make it difficult for him to convince the LTTE to give up arms and agree to the eventual absorption of their cadres into the provincial police and units of the military. General A S Kalkat, the officer commanding the IPKF, was called in one day and given a dressing-down on the training of the CVF. Kalkat had an easy relationship with President Jayewardene and had meetings with him to review the security situation. Things were different under Premadasa and there was little contact between the two men.

What Premadasa Felt about Prabhakaran

Although A C S Hameed had the opportunity of meeting Prabhakaran in Jaffna after the IPKF had left the island in March 1990, Premadasa, much as he wanted to, was unable to meet Prabhakaran. During the May and June talks in Colombo, the LTTE had deemed it too dangerous for Prabhakaran to leave his jungle hideout. This inaccessability to Prabhakaran led the irascible Ranjan Wijeratne to opine that Prabhakaran in fact was dead—killed in a duel with his deputy, Mahattaya, and that A C S Hameed had only met Prabhakaran’s double in Jaffna. Be that as it may –Prabhakaran was to die and reappear several times thereafter – this elusive quality added to his charisma and image as a ruthless and implacable military leader whose battle strategies were imaginative and daring. This image was subsequently badly dented by the well-known killings of political foes – the murders of Amirthalingam and Yogeswaran of the TULF in Colombo – the mass staying of the EPRLF leadership in Madras and the 21 May suicide bombing of Rajiv Gandhi at Sriperumpudur, in Which the LTTE were the main suspects.

Premadasa had always wanted to meet Prabhakaran face to face. He had read and heard all about him—a minor official’s son from Valvettiturai, leaving school at 15, joining up with the militants and getting involved in the killing of Mayor Duraiappah in Jaffna in 1972, eliminating his rivals, especially the TELO in 1981, training for guerilla warfare in south India, and then as leader of the LTTE taking on as he called it, “the fourth largest army in the world” in 1987.

Premadasa felt he understood Prabhakaran’s motivations and his determination to achieve something for his people, albeit by terror and violent means. He believed that talking to him face to face would have convinced Prabhakaran of his sincerity in solving the ethnic problem with justice to all. He felt that the personal chemistry which builds trust would manifest itself at such a meeting. He often regretted that he had not had the chance to meet him personally especially after the breakdown in relations which occurred in June 1990.

Prabhakaran’s View of Premadasa

Premadasa’s determination and persistent efforts to get the IPKF to withdraw in 1989 and his achievement of the final deinduction of all troops in March 1990 convinced the LTTE of Premadasa’s

sincerity. They felt they could trust him. At a time when they were really feeling cornered by the IPKF and the TNA – the Tamil National Army– that was being put together by Varadaraja Perumal the chief minister of the NEPC, they decided to ask Premadasa for some arms and ammunition to retaliate against any moves against them. The request was made to Hameed by Balasingham during the second round of the Colombo Talks. As recorded by Adele Balasingham in her book The Will to Freedom’, Hameed had thought it a sensitive and controversial matter which could have been opposed by the military establishment. In her words:

Mr Hameed came along with Gen Attygalle, the Defence Secretary to our hotel. They told Bala that the president was willing to help. Since the matter was very sensitive and controversial, it had to be handled with extreme confidentiality. The army would be outraged. But it would be done covertly, the General said. Attygalle wanted a list of requirements. Bala and Yogi contacted Mr Prabhakaran through our communication channel and produced a list of weapons. Within a week, a substantial quantity of arms and ammunition was delivered to the Tigers through a bordering Sri Lankan army camp in Manal Aru (Welioya) sector in the Mullaitivu district.

Premadasa took a calculated risk in making this decision. But he felt its important in the final design he had in mind, that the LTTE be not completely eliminated and another Tamil force – the EPRLF – be supported by India to become a surrogate for India’s continuing interest in northern Sri Lanka. That to him would have been a worse scenario than the former. This was his convoluted thinking for the high-risk venture he had embarked on, of ensuring that India, or the IPKF, leave Sri Lanka at the earliest opportunity.

The whole affair was kept very much under cover and most of us around the president were very much in the dark until the story broke some months later. I learnt about it from a news story in the Island newspaper. The Indian high commissioner was at my door that morning and sought an explanation. How could it have happened when we had an agreement with India and had invited the IPKF over to restore normalcy in the island? He was not convinced that, if the story was true, it must have been something done at a local field commander level with the “top” completely unaware; that only a small quantity was involved, and that it was to be used against the TNA by the LTTE and not against the IPKF.

Later on, when the war restarted in June 1990, the media brought up the matter again and again, now making out that the arms and ammunition handed over, in or around July/August 1989, were in fact being used against our own security forces. It was an extremely difficult situation for Premadasa to wriggle out of As is the practice of most governments in embarrassing situations such as this, the first line of response was total denial, and later, as the criticism became more strident, a belated statement in Parliament.

LTTE Stance on the Separate State

On the question of ‘them separate state’ itself, the attitude of the LTTE during the talks had been that their striving for that objective would be dependent on the performance and sincerity shown by the government in moving forward with the political measures which had been discussed. These centred firstly around, the repeal of the sixth amendments to the Constitution which decreed that all MPs should take an oath to safeguard the unity, integrity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka and eschew the promotion of separatism.

The other was the early dissolution of the North-East Provincial Council (NEPC). The LTTE’s idea, apparently, was that in such event the LTTE could contest and become legitimate representatives of the people of the north-east. The LTTE maintained that the NEPC elections had been rigged and that the EPRLF had only been able to obtain a majority of seats in the NEPC because of the IPKF’s illegal support, (even stuffing of ballot boxes was alleged) the IPKF being the only effective power in the north and east during that election.

The opportunity for the dissolution of the NEPC presented itself when Vartharajah Perumal, the chief minister, inexplicably announced his intention to unilaterally announce a Declaration of Independence in February 1990. The chief minister did not actually do so but said that if a list of demands was not acceded to before a given date he would.

All political parties in Parliament, except the EPRLF, condemned Vartharajah Perumal’s move. Under the Provincial Council Law of 1987, one of the safeguards to guarantee some autonomy to the Provincial Council had been that the government could not dissolve a Provincial Council by Executive fiat. Vartharajah Perumal’s UDI provided the opportunity for the government to bring on amending legislation which enabled the government to dissolve, where “more than one half of the total membership of a Provincial Council expressly repudiated or manifestly disavowed obedience to the Constitution”. But the amending legislation came too late; after the war had started again on the 11th of June 1990. If Hameed, to whom Premadasa had entrusted the job had been able to push it through Parliament earlier perhaps the sought after “sincerity” would have been overtly displayed and the calamity might have been averted.

(To be continued)

(Excerpted from Rendering unto Caesar, autobiography of Bradman Weerakoon) ✍️



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‘The devil is in the details’ in West Asian peace

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President Donald Trump at the current G7 summit in France. Evelyn Hockstein/Getty Image

It is obviously too early for an outpouring of joy over the seeming cessation of hostilities between the main antagonists in West Asia. While the prospect of there being a measure of calm in the region is being welcomed by considerable sections of the international community, what is ‘on the table’ currently is only a Memorandum of Understanding between the US and Iran to give peace a chance. The hard part in the peace effort remains to be achieved.

In the Middle East of today we have one of the most complex conflicts to break out in modern international politics and the observer would be naive in the extreme to expect a facile and early closure to the tangle. Yet, for the sake of the world’s publics who have been hurting badly in the prolonged hostilities one could only hope that the US-Iran MoU that is expected to be signed by the sides on Friday would lead eventually to a substantive peace. The world’s thanks are due to Pakistan in this connection for its sustained support in the peace drive.

While the sides have agreed to a ceasing of hostilities in the most general terms and have reached accord on the facilitation of uninterrupted oil and gas supplies to the rest of the world, for instance, the ‘devil will prove to be in the details’ in an envisaged comprehensive peace settlement. It is these details that would make or break peace if the negotiations go on in earnest.

Nevertheless, the details would need to be worked out consensually in a spirit of compromise with an eye to the greater good of the world community. Realpolitik or a narrow focus on solely the national interest among the protagonists, for example, would need to give way to a measure of humanity that would encompass within it a consideration of the overall well being of the world. In other words, it is statesmanship that would crucially matter.

The next few weeks would establish whether humanists are ‘asking for far too much’ when they broach the questions at issue in these terms. Yet it is essentially self interest and national security considerations of the first importance that drove the conflict from even prior to February this year and these questions would need to be taken up and resolved to the satisfaction of the US and Iran in the main if some headway is to be made towards a durable settlement.

The nuclear issue would prove to be the proverbial Gordian Knot. From a realistic viewpoint, Iran could not be expected to be without a potential nuclear deterrent in the face of perceived nuclear threats emanating for it from the West and Israel. In the short term, Iran would need to possess this deterrent to a measure, within a mutually agreed international legal framework maybe, until wide agreement is reached on the nuclear tangle. Specifically, Iran’s immediate threat perceptions with regard to her nuclear-powered rivals would need to be defused during initial negotiations.

Ideally it is a world free of nuclear weapons that must be aimed at but since this goal cannot be achieved in the near or medium terms, unfolding negotiations would need to ensure Iran’s absolute security in a world of powers that continue to swear by the nuclear deterrent, if it is to give up the suspected latter capability.

However, it is to the degree to which the present nuclear powers divest themselves of this capability that Iran could be put at ease on this score. Accordingly, it is nothing short of a complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the world that could dissuade keenly security conscious states from developing nuclear weapons of their own with a mass destruction capability.

This is the number one dilemma the international community needs to grapple with going forward and it is to the extent to which it resolves it that a nuclear weapons free world could be envisaged. No doubt, an uphill challenge.

Compelling Israel to support the present negotiatory process constitutes another grueling challenge for the US. Currently the Iranian position essentially is that a Middle East peace is inseparable from a normalization of the security situation in Lebanon. That is, the present Israeli attacks on the Hezbollah presence in Lebanon must cease if a comprehensive peace is to be realized in West Asia.

However, Israel is showing no signs of drawing back from its attacks on Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon since the security of the Israeli state is being seen as threatened by the militant group. Co-opting Israel into the negotiatory effort therefore would turn out to be a matter of paramount concern for the US.

Moreover, elements in the rightist administration in Israel are seeing the current peace efforts as a ‘sell out’ to the enemies of Israel. They would have none of it. It is left to be seen how the US would be managing these virtual storm centres in the diplomatic process that could very well bring down the overall purported peace drive.

A recent pronouncement by US Vice President J.D. Vance points to yet another problem area in the US’ current peace overtures. He said that, ‘Regional peace and stability includes stopping the funding of terrorist organizations.’ He was obviously referring to the support extended by Iran to Hezbollah when he mentioned ‘terrorist organizations’ but he has given fresh life to the age-old conundrum of ‘Who is a terrorist?’ by these words.

To the Netanyahu government the Hezbollah and other militant organizations fighting Israel are ‘terrorists’ but from the viewpoint of the Iranian regime they are ‘freedom fighters’. This seemingly insurmountable definitional issue would not only stubbornly bedevil the peace effort but could even figure in bringing about its collapse, unless judiciously handled.

Thus, it’s the thorny details that need to be watched to keep the West Asian peace process afloat, once it gets going in earnest. There is no doubt that US President Trump would be receiving a considerable amount of support from the G7 in this historic peace undertaking and his personal appeals to the grouping currently meeting in France for continuous support are likely to elicit a positive response from it.

Likewise, Trump would need to appeal to also the BRICS countries if almost total global support is to be garnered for the peace drive in West Asia. BRICS’ solidarity with the US and the West is likely to carry considerable weight with Iran and other Eastern actors who are key to a sustained peace drive in the Middle East.

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Sri Lanka’s elephant paradox: Govt. counts tourism dollars while playing a dangerous numbers game: Expert

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At a time when Sri Lanka is enjoying a resurgence in wildlife tourism, with elephants remaining the undisputed stars of the country’s national parks and one of its most marketable natural assets, elephant conservationist Supun Lahiru Prakash has sounded a stark warning: the nation is in danger of losing the very species that helps attract millions of tourism dollars while sustaining some of the island’s most important ecosystems.

Supun says repeated claims by authorities that Sri Lanka’s elephant population is increasing, despite the absence of a final survey report and amid continuing elephant deaths, risk creating a misleading narrative that could undermine conservation efforts and encourage retaliation against elephants.

According to Supun, the issue is not merely about numbers. It is about political priorities, scientific credibility and the future of one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic species.

“Repeatedly claiming that the elephant population is increasing appears to be an attempt to hide the Government’s inability to manage the rising annual elephant death rate and the complications of human-elephant conflict,” Supun said.

For decades, the Sri Lankan elephant has been a symbol of the country’s rich natural heritage. It is the centrepiece of wildlife tourism, drawing visitors from across the globe to national parks such as Yala, Udawalawe, Minneriya, Kaudulla and Wilpattu. International wildlife documentaries, tourism campaigns and social media promotions frequently place elephants at the heart of Sri Lanka’s nature tourism brand.

Yet, according to Supun, the country’s conservation policies do not reflect the value of the species.

“On one hand, the Government is enjoying increasing tourism revenue, and elephants remain one of Sri Lanka’s most important wildlife attractions. On the other hand, narratives are being promoted that could encourage retaliation against the very species that contributes significantly to the country’s tourism industry,” Supun said.

According to the First Countrywide National Survey of Elephants conducted in 2011, Sri Lanka had 5,879 elephants. However, official statistics show that 4,167 elephants died between 2012 and 2024.

Supun stressed that these figures represent only the deaths officially recorded by the Department of Wildlife Conservation.

“In a context where more than 70 percent of the country’s elephant population reported in 2011 has died within 13 years, it is difficult to accept claims that the population has increased,” Supun said.

The conservationist pointed out that elephants have the longest gestation period among land mammals and that scientific studies have reported increasing interbirth intervals among female elephants together with high calf mortality.

“When such biological realities are taken into consideration, claims of a dramatic increase in elephant numbers become difficult to understand,” Supun said.

Supun believes that repeated references to increasing elephant populations risk fuelling public hostility towards elephants, particularly among farming communities already affected by crop raids and property damage.

“Such claims can create the impression that elephant populations are exploding and thereby promote retaliation against elephants as well,” Supun said.

According to Supun, Sri Lanka’s elephant crisis cannot be understood solely through population estimates. The real issue lies in the country’s failure to address human-elephant conflict through long-term, science-based solutions.

Sri Lanka continues to record among the highest levels of human-elephant conflict in the world. Every year, hundreds of elephants and dozens of people lose their lives as competition for land and resources intensifies.

Despite the scale of the crisis, Supun says authorities continue to rely on strategies that have repeatedly failed.

Lahiru Prakash

These include driving elephants into protected areas, strengthening electric fences to confine them there and allocating additional manpower to maintain fencing systems.

Supun was also critical of several proposals that emerged from district-level discussions on conflict mitigation, including the sowing of paddy and corn using Air Force drones and the planting of fruit orchards within protected areas.

“Such proposals fail to address the real ecological and social dimensions of the conflict,” Supun said.

While welcoming reports that the Government intends appointing a national-level mechanism to tackle human-elephant conflict, Supun said the challenge required intervention at the highest level of government.

“Given the gravity, complexity and geographical spread of human-elephant conflict, appointing any committee other than a Presidential Task Force is not useful,” Supun said.

He argued that a Presidential Task Force chaired by either the President or the Secretary to the President would be better positioned to overcome the bureaucratic delays and institutional fragmentation that have hindered previous efforts.

Supun also stressed the urgent need to restore and protect elephant corridors and home ranges that allow elephants to move safely across landscapes.

He cited the Koholankala elephant corridor in Hambantota as one example where removing obstacles could help reduce conflict while improving habitat connectivity.

At the same time, Supun questioned policies that permit the allocation of forest lands in areas identified by environmental assessments as crucial elephant ranges and movement corridors.

“The opening of elephant corridors and the protection of elephant home ranges must be carried out scientifically and consistently if they are to succeed,” Supun said.

Beyond tourism, Supun emphasised the ecological importance of elephants.

“Elephants are ecosystem engineers. Through their feeding habits and movements, they help maintain habitats that support numerous other species. In many ways, they create safer and healthier environments for wildlife,” Supun said.

According to Supun, protecting elephants means protecting entire ecosystems and the biodiversity upon which Sri Lanka’s wildlife tourism industry depends.

“By protecting elephants, we are also protecting the biodiversity that makes Sri Lanka one of the world’s premier wildlife tourism destinations,” Supun said.

As Sri Lanka seeks to expand tourism earnings and strengthen its reputation as a wildlife destination, Supun believes the country faces a defining choice: continue with policies that have failed to stem elephant deaths and human-elephant conflict, or embrace a science-based conservation strategy that safeguards both people and wildlife.

Without a fundamental shift in policy and political will, Supun warned, Sri Lanka risks losing not only one of its most iconic species but also the ecological and economic benefits that elephants continue to provide.

“The suffering of both farmers and elephants will only intensify unless meaningful action replaces rhetoric,” Supun said.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Top Model of the World 2026

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Back-to-back victory for Colombia

Katherine Castaño of Colombia claimed the Top Model of the World 2026 crown, securing a historic back-to-back victory for her country. Angelica Sanchez of Puerto Rico was named first runner-up, and Eunice Deza of the Philippines finished as second runner-up.

Katherine was crowned by outgoing titleholder Natalia Garizabal Vera of Colombia.

Several special category awards, and subsidiary titles, were also presented during the Top Model of the World 2026 pageant.

These awards recognised excellence in modelling, peer support, and regional representation.

Primary Subsidiary Titles

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage: Top 16 at
the grand finale

Miss Globe 2026: Valentina Tabares (Ecuador) — Awarded to the contestant who perfectly balances fashion modelling with traditional beauty queen qualities.

Queen of Europe 2026: Mia Danielle Williams (United Kingdom) — Given to the highest-ranking candidate from a European nation.

Special Awards Recognition

Audience Iconic Award: Charly (Dominican Republic) — Won via the official public online vote, granting her a fast-track direct entry into the Top 6.

Exotic Model of the World: Angel Emeka (Nigeria) — Awarded for exceptional editorial presence and strong runway performance.

Best Body Award: Thailand — Voted directly by fellow contestants at the Flow Spectrum Hotel. The highest-ranking runners-up for this category included Zambia, South Africa, Colombia, and Ghana.

Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico): 1st Runner-up

Final Placement

Winner: Katherine Castaño (Colombia)

1st Runner-Up: Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico)

2nd Runner-Up: Eunice Deza (Philippines)

Top 6 Finalists: Included contestants from the Dominican Republic, Romania, and Germany.

The pageant, known for focusing on professional modelling careers over just beauty, brought together 36 models from around the globe for two weeks of runway, photoshoots, and cultural events.

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage walked among 36 of the world’s best and powered her way into the Top 16 at the grand finale.

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