Connect with us

Features

EARLY CAREER AND LONDON DEGREE

Published

on

CHAPTER 8

I cannot say why I specialized in Banking and Currency – I think it was a hunch and perhaps literature was more readily available in Ceylon. (From an undated document (c.1950) in N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files. NU seemed to have an instinct for perceiving things that would become important in the economic and commercial development of Sri Lanka, as persons who watched his career over the years would observe. This would be only the first of such “hunches.”)

(N.U. Jayawardena reminiscing in the 1950s on why he selected this subject for his B.Sc. (Econ.) degree in 1931)

The 1930s were transitional years in NU’s career, when he added to his academic knowledge of economics in its practical and operational aspects. During this period, his abilities were recognized by persons of standing under whom he worked. This helped greatly in his development. What is more, his marriage gave him a certain degree of financial security and a congenial environment in which, while employed, to pursue his studies. NU in later years, often spoke with deep gratitude of the support and encouragement that his wife Gertrude gave him in his studies.

NU, even after entering the Clerical Service, did not relinquish hopes of studying for a degree. The circumstances in which he realized them were in part accidental. Shortly after he passed the London Matriculation in the First Division, he received a letter from Wolsey Hall, the well-known Correspondence College in Britain, enclosing a prospectus of study for degrees including the B.Sc. Economics. It also suggested that a knowledge of economics was greatly advantageous for public servants, especially those in colonial countries. Spurred on by this letter, NU registered for the course while working as a clerk. According to NU, if not for the Wolsey Hall letter, he never would have thought of studying economics. He had always wanted to be a doctor or lawyer but could only aspire to the clerical service. The letter from Wolsey Hall placed him on a path that would take him to heights far beyond what he then could have imagined.

Wolsey Hall, Oxford, was founded by J. William Knipe in 1894, at a time when access to a higher education – which had been largely the preserve of the elite – was beginning to become more widely available to other classes in society. Catering to this increasing demand

for education, Wolsey Hall offered tuition by correspondence for British university degrees and other examinations, especially for persons holding jobs, as well as others unable to study on campus for one reason or other. It also was a great boon for those in the colonies who wanted to qualify through external studies. Such correspondence courses and external examinations were a type of social revolution, which gave those who were poor and underprivileged, the chance for a higher education.

Montage of correspondence related to NU’s Economics degree

After four years, while working as a clerk in the Public Works Department, NU completed his B.Sc. (Econ.) degree. The degree was divided into the Intermediate, Parts I & II, and the Finals. Parts I & II included Economics, Economic History, British Constitution, Geography, Mathematics, Logic, and a language (French or German). ( According to notes in his Personal Files, NU studied both German and French. As part of its course requirements, the LSE required B.Sc. (Econ.) candidates to learn one of the two languages. The 1930 Calendar of the LSE B.Sc. (Econ.) stated that the Intermediate Part I examination would require candidates to read from works in either French, German and Italian and that they would pass the examination only if they proved able to read “with intelligence” French or German or Italian. NU’s grounding in Latin would certainly have helped him in learning French and German.) The final part consisted of Economics, Banking and Currency,

Economic History, English Law, and Statistics. Several months after his final examination in June 1931, NU was informed by Wolsey Hall that he had passed with Second Class Honours and that he was the only overseas candidate to be awarded an honours degree at the External B.Sc. (Econ.) examination. (Letter from the Registrar of Wolsey Hall, dated 11 November 1931 (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files). NU now was also the only person in the Ceylon Clerical Services to hold a B.Sc. (Econ.) degree.

Aiming for a Higher Degree

NU’s desire for higher education did not end with this achievement. Even before he received his results, he made direct inquiries to London University about the possibility of doing externally a Masters degree in Economics from the London School of Economics (LSE). He began correspondence with some of its lecturers about the courses available and the required reading. He wrote to the Advisory Service for External Students of the University of London, and registered for the postgraduate M.Sc. (Econ.) degree in 1931.

At the same time, NU asked the local Director of Education in Sri Lanka, to inquire if this examination could be held locally, a request that was eventually granted. NU also asked for written course material. This, he was told, was not possible, but the University Correspondence College could provide the services of a tutor to help devise a list of course material, that would cost 7 shillings an hour, with a minimum fee for 4 hours. NU scribbled in the margin of this letter, “too expensive!”

Excerpt from the letter

Copious correspondence followed between NU and the University to decide on both his general and special subjects. In the end, NU and his LSE advisor settled on “Organisation of Monetary and Banking Institutions” as his general subject, and significantly, “Central Banks” as his special subject. It is remarkable that NU should have chosen Central Banks as a special subject, given the relatively undeveloped banking sector existing at that time in Sri Lanka.

The cost of books and the difficulties in securing them were a hurdle.( In a letter to his father-in-law, NU estimated the cost for the required books to be Rs.125 (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files). His LSE advisor probably mistook NU’s delay in resolving this dilemma as indecision on his part. A letter from the External Department conveys what his advisor felt about NU’s interminable inquiries:

This student appears to be asking innumerable questions to postpone making up his own mind. I sympathize with the very real difficulty he must have in procuring books, but he must face the facts and realize that the M.Sc. Examination… must necessarily call for more intensive reading.

Not to be beaten, NU inquired about borrowing books from the University Library, but was told that it was against the rules for books to be sent out of Britain. Many important economic works were written in French or German, and according to his advisor, few translations were available. In deciding which subjects would be the most feasible for an external student, his advisor observed that:

The General subject of the ‘Organisation of Monetary and Banking Institutions’ with ‘Central Banks’ as a special subject would offer certainadvantages in the way of available literature.

Among the subjects available, he suggested that “Monetary Theory… might be of greater practical value to a person engaged in Government Service.”( Letter from the Secretary of the LSE External Department to NU, dated 12 September 1932 (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files).

Page from NU’s appeal to his father-in-law

NU persisted in trying to find the means to pursue his goal. In December 1931, in a moving four-page letter, he turned to his father- in-law for financial assistance. He did so “with a certain amount of diffidence.” There were three things, he wrote, that made for success in the examination: “a good brain; a strong will and money to carry on the studies.” “I believe,” he added, “I have got the first two, but am lacking the third.” NU estimated the cost of the M.Sc. (Econ.) to be a total of Rs. 548, and added that he would only be able to bear some of the cost if he got “a better appointment,” or if rubber prices improved, enabling “us to get something from the estate,” which was part of his marriage settlement. He added that, if successful in the M.Sc. (Econ.) examination, he would be “the only Ceylonese with that degree.

” He ended the letter, disarmingly, saying he would understand if his “preposterous” request was turned down, but reasoned why he had to make this request. It was to ensure that he would have “no lost opportunities to regret later in my life,” and because, in his own words: “I am like that elastic piece of rubber which bounces up highest when it is pressed and trampled most” (Letter to Norman Wickramasinghe, 19 Dec. 1931). These last words would prove to be prescient. NU’s request was granted, and his letter returned to him with the emphatic words: “I would gladly comply with your wishes to enable you to take up the higher exam!” written in blue pencil at the top of the letter. However, for reasons unknown, NU did not take up his studies.

From his protracted correspondence with the university, it appears that he had managed to postpone the examination until 1935. He was, in fact, compelled to do so. Rubber prices had crashed in the early 1930s, and much of his father-in-law’s wealth came from his holdings in rubber. Two other factors may have contributed to his decision. One was an increasing workload, especially connected with the Banking Commission of 1934 (see Chapter 9); and the other was the births of his sons, Lalith (Lal) in 1934 and Nimal in 1936. However, NU’s ambition to continue his studies would be realized in 1938, when he was given a scholarship to attend the London School of Economics (LSE) to study Business Administration.

Early Interest in Central Banking

Even though NU did not formally study for the M.Sc. (Econ.) degree, it is interesting to take note of the advice and reading list his advisor had sent and the latter’s comments about Central Banking, which was a newly emerging area of study at the time (Letter from the Secretary of the LSE External Department to NU, dated 12 September 1932 (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files).

Central Banking policy is in the centre of modern theoretical discussions, and acquaintance with and understanding of these is essential for the candidate. Keynes’ Treatise and Hayek’s Prices and Production are perhaps the most important recent contributions. (N.U. Jayawardena personal files)

NU was also advised that, “in the study of modern central banks” he should “concentrate chiefly on England, USA, Germany and France,” but to also give some attention “to other countries… where the organization of commercial banks is less developed – and to countries which have at present no central bank but are thinking of establishing one” (Letter from the Secretary of the LSE External Department to NU, dated 12 September 1932 (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files).).

The exhaustive reading list sent by the advisor for the degree included documents and books on central banking in England, France, Germany and the United States. For the United States he recommended studying the annual reports of the Federal Reserve Board, as well as the Senate Banking and Currency Subcommittee report covering the operation of the national and Federal Reserve banking systems. He also advised him to read the Economist magazine, to “keep abreast of current events” (Letter from the Secretary of the LSE External Department to NU, dated 12 September 1932 (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files). This NU was to do inhis later years, also ordering the Economist Diary annually.

For a full-time internal student, the requirements for a London M.Sc. were daunting enough. Textbooks were rare at the time, and LSE students – according to one of them – had to study “an enormous number of primary sources, books and articles” (B.K. Nehru, quoted in Dahrendorf, 1995, p.190). Works also had to be read in their original languages. For an external student separated by distance, with no direct access to specialist libraries and tutors, one can only imagine how much more daunting the challenge would have been.

It is interesting to speculate that NU, who seized every opportunity and tenaciously pursued his goals, may have begun to acquaint himself with some of these recommended works, even after he was unable to take up his M.Sc. (Econ.) studies. In this context, one can better appreciate why NU often said with much pride throughout his life, “if to be educated means to be taught, then I am an uneducated man.”

Temporary Disappointments

With his degree in Economics, NU had applied for posts in which he could put his newly acquired knowledge into use. A letter of recommendation written in January 1932 by the Director of Public Works, H.B. Lees, sums up NU’s qualities at this point in time:

Mr. Jayawardena is a very promising officer and has by his own exertions succeeded in obtaining by private study good academic qualifications in Economics… He has carried out his duties… with marked efficiency and

conscientiousness… his conduct… has been exemplary. (N.U. Jayawardena personal files)

NU first applied for the post of Probationary Assessor in the Department of Inland Revenue and was interviewed by J. H. Huxham, who a few years later became the Financial Secretary. Unfortunately, NU was not selected. He then applied for the post of Assistant Accountant in the Labour Department. Here again he was not taken, apparently due to his lack of accountancy qualifications. These failures, far from discouraging him, made him more determined to press on. Apparently, during this period he took a correspondence course in Accountancy from Bennett College in Sheffield, England and “served… [his] articles under N. Sabamoorthy, an Indian who had an office in Sea Street” (N.U. Jayawardena, interviewed by”Eriq,” The Island, 25 Feb. 1998).

Constitutional Reforms and New Vistas for NU

The political situation in the country had moved forward with the Donoughmore Reforms, and the first general election was held under universal franchise in 1931. These reforms provided the country with a greater degree of autonomy and training towards self-governance and democracy. Under the Donoughmore Constitution, a “State Council” (as the legislature was known) was set up. It was composed of 50 elected members and 6 members nominated to represent minorities and special interests. There were also three “Officers of State,” the Financial Secretary, the Legal Secretary and the Chief Secretary – all British – and a Governor, with controlling powers. Each State Council member was assigned to one of seven committees, chaired by a Minister.

Several capable and dedicated Sri Lankans were selected as Ministers, including Peri Sunderam, who was the first Minister of Labour, Industries and Commerce. Peri Sunderam recognized NU’s capabilities, and over the next several years, provided him the opportunities

to apply his knowledge and to excel. Like NU, Peri Sunderam had also risen from humble origins. He had his secondary education at Trinity College, Kandy, then graduated from Cambridge University, and also qualified as a barrister in London. After returning to Sri Lanka, he won the Hatton seat, uncontested in the State Council, in the election of 1931. As Minister, he scouted for intelligent persons for his Ministry. Although NU’s application to the Labour Department had been turned down, Peri Sunderam took note of his qualifications and wanted NU at the Registrar General’s Office, which was under his Ministry. NU was transferred there in July 1932.

The Commercial Intelligence Unit

The Ministry of Labour, Industries and Commerce would be the initial training ground for NU during the 1930s and the first few years of the 1940s. The varying capacities in which he served over this period provided him with many opportunities to develop a solid grounding in commercial activities, trade, administrative and banking matters. In his work, he displayed his usual perseverance and industry. Peri Sunderam, who served as Labour Minister from 1931 to 1936, recognized the need to strengthen trade links with India. In 1932 he led the first Ceylon Government Delegation to attend the Annual Sessions of the Chamber of Industries in New Delhi, and took NU and a civil servant with him. This was NU’s first trip abroad. On his return, he reported on the need for a commercial intelligence agency.

During this period, NU served under L.J.B. Turner, who was the Registrar General. Turner was in the process of setting up a Commercial Intelligence Unit within the Ministry. Peri Sunderam suggested that NU be assigned to write up the report. On the basis of the recommendations that NU made in his report, the new unit was set up. NU was full of admiration for Turner, whom he described as “a fine civil servant,” from whom he learnt “the necessity of being terse in language, the importance of accuracy, to never print any statistic without double checking and dating all papers and correspondence” (Roshan Pieris, 1988). Turner, it may be noted, who had been in charge of the Census of 1921 and had analysed the data and authored the Report.

Turner was succeeded by J.C.W. Rock as Registrar General, who acknowledged NU’s contribution to setting up the new department. Rock stated in 1943: “N.U. Jayawardena… and two clerks formed the nucleus from which the present Department has developed and

it was he who assisted me throughout in shaping its design and

growth” (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files).

NU, who had not only worked on the report on the Commercial Intelligence Unit, but had also advised on its creation and organization, had hoped to be appointed Assistant Director of the new unit. Much to NU’s disappointment, E.C. Paul, a barrister, was appointed instead. NU, determined to move forward, applied for other posts. On 6 September 1933, Rock wrote a letter of recommendation for NU, whom he said “possesses ability above the average and has a well-formed grasp of economic problems,” adding, “I am sorry to be losing him” (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files).

However, NU remained in the department and, a short time later, at the age of 26 in November 1934, was promoted to the post of Commercial Assistant to J.C.W. Rock. His new duties included finding markets abroad for local products, making trade investigations, dealing with changes in tariffs and trade agreements, and supplying commercial intelligence – in short, to look after the interests of Sri Lankan trade. The Sri Lankan government at this time had two trade commissioners abroad, in London and in Bombay. The Department of Commerce functioned on the lines of the Department of Overseas Trade in the UK (N.U. Jayawardena Personal Files). NU held this post until 1942. In assessing NU’s performance

as his assistant, in 1938, Rock noted that:

[NU] has acquired a very thorough knowledge of the trade and the industries of Ceylon… [and] has a sound knowledge of economics, both in its theoretical and applied aspects, and he has been of the greatest assistance

to me in carrying out the work of this Department… [He] has shown a high degree of industry, initiative and executive ability. His work is of a character requiring considerable research. (J.C.W. Rock, recommendation

dated 30 March 1938)

Shortly before his promotion, NU was to receive an even bigger break – enabling him to gain a comprehensive overview of the existing problems in banking and credit in Sri Lanka. This landmark event was his appointment by Peri Sunderam in April 1934 to the Banking Commission as its Assistant Secretary. The Commission was established to examine the deficiencies in the island’s banking system. His work in the Commission would not only provide NU with insights into the economic realities of Sri Lanka in the 1930s, but also propel his career forward. (N.U. JAYAWARDENA The First Five Decades Chapter 7 can read online on )

(Excerpted from N.U. JAYAWARDENA The first five decades)

By Kumari Jayawardena and Jennifer Moragoda ✍️



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Protection of Occupants Bill: Good, Bad and Ugly

Published

on

I.Protection of Occupants Bill: The government has introduced two Bills, namely, the Rent (Repeal) Bill and the Protection of Occupants Bill which – if enacted – will have the effect of radically reforming the rent laws of our country. These two Bills were gazetted in September 2025 and tabled in Parliament on 20th January, 2026. Although several petitions were filed before the Supreme Court, challenging the constitutionality of these Bills, the Attorney-General informed the court that the two Bills would not be proceeded with in their present form, but would, instead, be referred to an expert committee for consideration. Accordingly, the petitions were withdrawn and the Supreme Court informed the Speaker that no formal determination would be made on the constitutionality of the said Bills in their present form. In parallel to these legal developments, the Ministry of Justice and National Integration has requested the members of the public to submit their comments, suggestions, or proposals regarding these Bills by 04th March, 2026. The Minister of Justice has also assured that he would not take any steps in relation to the two Bills until this consultative process is completed. Therefore, a clear need and opportunity has arisen for a vibrant public discussion on the proposed legislation. The purpose of this lecture is to contribute to this discussion by assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the two Bills in light of their historical, political, social and economic context.

II. The Rent Act and its objective

The Rent Act No. 7 of 1972 is a landmark piece of legislation which was introduced by Mr. Pieter Keuneman, the Minster of Housing at the time. The purpose of the Act was to confer significant protection on tenants through means such as restricting the increase of rent, giving security of tenure for the tenant and formalising the process of ejectment. The Rent Act of 1972 was a bold response to the lived realities of law in society. From a doctrinal perspective, the formation of a valid contract requires animus contrahendi (the intention to enter into a contract). However, it is widely acknowledged that parties to a contact may not be equal in terms of bargaining strength. One party may be stronger than the other, both economically and socially. In such situations, the function of the law is to protect the weaker party in his dealings with the stronger party. The assumption underlying the Rent Act was that the landlord was in a far stronger position than the tenant. Thus, the law was utilised to protect the interests of the more vulnerable party, namely the tenant. This objective of the Rent Act also closely aligned with the personal philosophy of Mr. Keuneman who was a prominent member of the Communist Party, of Sri Lanka. While the Rent Act was subsequently amended in 1976, 1977, 1980 and 2002, the original legislative scheme which safeguarded the rights of the tenants remained intact. What is proposed under the Protection of Occupants Bill, however, is a fundamental departure from the premises of that law.

III. Protection of Occupants Bill: An Overview

A close comparison between the Rent Act and the Protection of Occupants Bill shows that the safeguards afforded to the occupants under the latter (Clauses 3 (a), (b) and 4) are almost identical to the provisions of the former (Sections 13(1), 15 and 16). They both prevent the landlord from discontinuing or withholding the amenities previously provided to the tenant; damaging the premises to induce or compel the tenant to vacate the premises; and refusing to maintain the premises in proper condition. Yet, there is one crucial difference between the Rent Act and the Protection of Occupants Bill in relation to these safeguards. The rights and privileges enjoyed by a tenant under the Rent Act are not absolute. The tenant is being protected by the law only so long as he is complying with the terms and conditions of the tenancy agreement. The 1972 Act, therefore, operates on the assumption that a tenant is honouring his contractual obligations while enjoying the rights under the Act. The conditional nature of these safeguards is amply evident from the provisions of the Act.

For example, section 15 of the Rent Act prevents the landlord from discontinuing amenities provided to the tenant ‘without reasonable cause’. Thus, the landlord is not prevented from discontinuing the amenities at all times but only without reasonable cause. The breach of the contractual obligations by the tenant would surely constitute a reasonable cause for the landlord to discontinue the amenities provided by him to the tenant. By contrast, the language used in the Protection of Occupants Bill does not indicate any limitations on the exercise of the safeguards afforded by the Bill except the preliminary requirement under clause 2 that undisturbed and uninterrupted occupation for three months is necessary for the application of the Bill. In other words, any person who has been in lawful occupation of premises for three months acquires an accrued right to enjoy the safeguards mentioned in the Bill unless he is stopped from doing so by a court order.

Consequently, even if the tenancy agreement between landlord and tenant may have come to an end or the tenant may be in breach of the terms of the agreement, or he is using the premises for a completely different purpose, his rights and privileges remain unaffected. Recourse to the judicial process is the only avenue available for the landlord to revoke the safeguards given to the tenant even when the latter has blatantly breached the terms of his contract. Reciprocity and mutuality are the fundamental concepts that underlie the Rent Act, as the tenant’s protection under that Act is dependent on the reciprocity of obligations. Protection of Occupants Bill, on the other hand, provides a unilateral framework for the tenants to assert their rights without paying due regard to the interests of the landlord.

It is also important to mention, at this point, that the Protection of Occupants Bill makes an artificial and unjustifiable difference between the right of a tenant not to be ejected and the other safeguards provided to him under the Bill. In terms of clause 5, the landlord shall not eject an occupant in contravention of the terms and conditions of the lease agreement, or tenancy agreement. The necessary implication of this clause is that the landlord can eject an occupant in terms of the agreement between him and the tenant. Such a caveat is absent in the other provisions of the Bill that deal with the rights of an occupant.

Accordingly, there is a blanket prohibition on the landlord in discontinuing or withholding the amenities previously provided to the occupant or refusing to maintain the premises in proper condition. The landlord cannot take these actions even as per the agreement to which the tenant himself has given his consent. Apart from the absence of a rational basis to require the landlord to follow the tenancy agreement in ejecting a tenant but then to prevent him from doing the same with regard to the other less severe actions that he can resort to when the tenant is in breach of the contract, such a distinction also creates unfairness and inequality. Ejection of a tenant requires manpower and therefore, monetary resources as well. While a landlord who is capable of affording personnel to eject his tenant is benefited under the Bill, a landlord with modest means is left with no options other than a lengthy and cumbersome judicial process even when it is abundantly clear that his tenant is in violation of the tenancy agreement.

IV. Internal Inconsistencies in the Bill

The Protection of Occupants Bill is also poorly drafted and, thus, contains several internal inconsistencies. For example, clause 2 of the Bill provides that a person must be ‘in lawful occupation of a premises’ for him to invoke the provisions of the Bill. The term ‘occupation’ is defined in clause 13 which states that a person can be in occupation of a premises only ‘with the consent of the landlord.’ If a landlord has taken the actions mentioned above, such as discontinuing the amenities, the ‘aggrieved occupant’ is entitled to institute an action in a Court,

seeking the reliefs specified in that clause. Paradoxically, however, when a person goes to the Court to institute such actions, he is no longer ‘an occupant’ because all the eventualities against which a court order can be obtained, such as discontinuing amenities, refusing to maintain the premises, damaging the property, or ejecting the occupant, give an unmistakable indication that the person affected does not have the consent of the landlord to stay in the premises anymore. The withdrawal of the landlord’s consent is the irresistible conclusion that can be drawn from the aforementioned actions or omissions. Therefore, according to the definition of ‘occupation’ in clause 13, no person, who has faced the resistance of the landlord in the manner described in the Bill, can institute an action before the Court as he is no longer an ‘occupant’ with the landlord’s consent to stay in the premises.

V. A flawed rationale?

In addition to these structural flaws in the Protection of Occupants Bill, the rationale behind the same can also be questioned. It seems that the aim of the Bill is to bridge the gap between Haves and Have nots. It is assumed that the tenant is weaker than the landlord, both economically and socially. Thus, the Bill seeks to protect the rights of the weaker party i.e. the tenant from the arbitrary actions of the landlord. This is an extension of the political philosophy that influenced Mr. Keuneman to introduce the Rent Act. However, due to the unqualified protection given to the tenant, under the proposed new law, there is a serious question as to whether this political philosophy can truly be realised if the Bill is to be enacted in its present form. Suppose that there is a government servant who wants to build a house for his daughter. He may not be rich but manages to buy a land and build a house for his daughter with his salary. He may also want to rent the house until the daughter is married and collect the rent for his daughter’s marriage.

If the tenant, who lives in this house, stops paying the rent and also refuses to leave the property, there is nothing that this government servant can do except seeking a court order to eject him by spending more money and engaging in a lengthy trial that may take years to reach a final determination on the matter. He, of course, does not have the manpower to eject the tenant, but the Bill prevents him from engaging in unharmful actions, such as discontinuing amenities or refusing to maintain the premises, as well. He cannot collect the rent nor can he give the property to his daughter. In such a situation, the landlord becomes the victim as the Protection of Occupants Bill enables the tenant to abuse his rights. The theory of haves and have nots, which is supposed to be promoted by the Bill, breaks down at this point. The assumption that the have nots will be protected by this Act when they are pitted against the haves is simply not borne out when the provisions of the Bill are subject to pragmatic considerations of this kind.

VI. Impact on Banks

The Protection of Occupants Bill will also have a negative impact on the banking system of our country. Landlords often put their houses up as collateral for bank loans. Under the Recovery of loans by Banks (Special Provisions) Act No. 4 of 1990, the bank is empowered to sell such property at a public auction if the landlord fails to pay the money back to the bank, with the stipulated interest. It will be extremely difficult for the bank to exercise this right if the Protection of Occupants Bill is enacted without any amendments. Under the provisions of the Bill, a tenant may refuse to leave the premise, despite the breach of his contractual obligations. The bank then cannot sell the property with a tenant as it lacks vacua possessio (vacant possession). In any event, no person will buy a house with a tenant, specially when he knows that the presence of the tenant cannot be resisted under the proposed law. Thus, the bank loses its money due to its inability to sell the collateral and by extension, the members of the public, who deposited their money in the bank, will also suffer that loss.

VII. Impact on Condominium Property

With the increase of population in the urban areas, condominium property has become a convenient option for people who are looking for housing in major cities like Colombo, Kandy and Galle. Unfortunately, the Protection of Occupants Bill is bound to have a detrimental impact on at least three parties in a condominium. First, if the tenant of an apartment in the condominium does not pay his rent, the landlord, who owns the condominium, and expects to earn a certain profit from it, is undoubtedly affected. If a considerable number of tenants refuse to pay the rent, it will be difficult for the landlord to continue with his business. Second, in every condominium complex, there is a management committee which looks after the amenities and other facilities given to the apartments in that complex. However, if a tenant breaches the terms of his contract, the managers will be in a precarious position where they are compelled, under the proposed law, to provide those facilities to someone who has not honoured his contractual obligations towards to the maintenance of the condominium. Finally, the other residents in the condominium complex will be subject to grave injustice as there is a tenant who is immune from any deterrence for the breach of his contract while they continue to pay the rent and fulfil other obligations. Therefore, the condominium industry will severely be affected in multiple ways if the Protection of Occupants Bill is enacted in its current form.

VIII. Judicial process

The proponents of the Bill argue that the aim of the Bill is simply to formalise the actions that can be taken by the landlord when the tenant is in breach of the terms of his contract. It is, therefore, pointed out that if a tenant goes to the Court against the actions of the landlord, such as discontinuing the amenities or refusing to maintain the premises in proper condition, the latter can justify his actions by referring to the breach of the tenancy agreement. In fact, clause 7 (4) lays down time limits for the completion of cases that arise under the proposed legislation. In an uncontested case, the Court is required to deliver the final judgment within 3 months and if the claims of the occupant are contested by the landlord, 9 months are given for the completion of the case. What these provisions seem to have overlooked is the backlog of cases in District Courts which will be dealing with such cases if the Bill is enacted. It is highly doubtful whether these time limits can be adhered to by the District Courts in the midst of other civil actions, such as testamentary cases, divorce cases and property disputes which occupy a significant portion of the Courts’ daily schedule. In any event, a person aggrieved by an order of the court can appeal and no time limits have been prescribed for the appeal process. Most importantly, under clause 6(2), an occupant can obtain interim relief to maintain the status quo of the premises. The effect of this provision is that even an occupant, who is in breach of his contract, can obtain an interim order to maintain the status quo and thereby prevent the landlord from enforcing the contract until the completion of the case. It is convenient for the lawmakers to lay down time limits for cases in a statute but as the previous experiences have shown, the implementation of such limits, in practice, is exceedingly difficult.

IX. Social Impact

The Protection of Occupants Bill is likely to have a catastrophic impact on the social fabric of our country. With all the above hazards discussed above, nobody will buy a house and rent it out anymore. Renting a house, under the proposed legislation, will become a considerable risk which only very few people will be prepared to take. Consequently, there will be a drastic reduction of the housing stock and the number of houses and apartments available will fall drastically. In response, there will be an inevitable rise in rent values. The objective of the Bill to protect the rights of the tenants is most certainly commendable. However, the function of the law is to balance competing interests in society without conferring undue advantage or disadvantage on a particular social group. As former Dean of the Harvard Law School, Roscoe Pound, has argued, making of law is an exercise in social engineering. Law must balance different interests in society and come up with an equitable solution. However, the proposed legislation leads to unfairness towards landlords, banks, dispositors and several parties in condominiums. From all these perspectives, impact of the proposed legislation is negative. The cumulative effect of all these consequences makes the Protection of Occupants Bill a counter-productive law which fails to achieve its purpose. Therefore, significant amendments are required before the proposed Bill is enacted into law.

Guest lecture delivered in the Faculty of Law, University of Colombo,
by Emeritus Professor G. L. Peiris
on 16 February, 2026

Continue Reading

Features

LOVEABLE BUT LETHAL: When four-legged stars remind us of a silent killer

Published

on

Aloka

From Aloka the Peace Dog to Manula the School Icon — Sri Lanka’s love for dogs is wholesome and beautiful. But, behind every wagging tail lurks a public health crisis that kills silently, swiftly, and without mercy.

Aloka and Manula: Stars with a Message

Sri Lanka fell in love, not once, but twice in the span of a few weeks. First came Aloka, the serene, soulful dog who walked alongside venerable Buddhist monks during their peace walk in the USA, matching their calm stride with a dignity that moved the nation to tears. By nightfall, Aloka was not just a Sri Lankan celebrity he was an international sensation, a symbol of compassion and coexistence that transcended borders. The world watched, and the world smiled.

Then came Manula. from the schoolyard of Tissa Vidyalaya, in the Kalutara district. A photograph went viral – a scruffy, joyful dog apparently “performing” alongside students at the school’s annual inter-house sports meet band performance. Manula, a school mascot born not by appointment but by the daily love of students and teachers, became an overnight hero.

Both dogs share something beyond their celebrity. Both are native breeds, the ancient indigenous dogs of India and Sri Lanka, lean and hardy, shaped by centuries of co-evolution with humans on this subcontinent. Both roam freely. Both are adored. And both, unknowingly, sit at the centre of a public health conversation that Sri Lanka urgently needs to have.

When Aloka walked among the crowds, children rushed forward, small hands reaching out, eager to touch this gentle, famous dog. Manula, it is safe to assume, is petted by dozens of schoolchildren every single day. These are acts of love instinctive, natural, beautifully human. But they are also, without the right precautions, potentially dangerous.

The disease these encounters could transmit is rabies. And, in Sri Lanka, rabies is not a distant theoretical threat. It is the country’s number one public health emergency one that kills, maims, and drains the economy, all while remaining almost entirely preventable.

What is Rabies? Understanding the Invisible Enemy

Rabies is a viral disease caused by the Rabies lyssavirus, a member of the Rhabdoviridae family. It is one of the oldest known infectious diseases in human history, described in ancient Mesopotamian texts over four thousand years ago. It is also one of the most terrifying: once symptoms appear in a human being, rabies is almost universally fatal. The mortality rate after symptom onset approaches 100%.

Courtesy Today’s Veterinary Practice

The virus attacks the central nervous system the brain and spinal cord causing progressive and irreversible neurological deterioration. There are two clinical forms. Furious rabies, the more common form, produces the haunting symptoms most people associate with the disease: extreme agitation, hydrophobia (an irrational, violent terror of water), aerophobia (fear of air currents), hallucinations, excessive salivation, and aggressive behaviour. Paralytic rabies, sometimes called “dumb rabies,” progresses more quietly with gradual muscle paralysis, weakness, and eventual coma and is often misdiagnosed.

Death typically follows within two to 10 days of the onset of symptoms, caused by respiratory failure or cardiac arrest. There is no cure once the virus reaches the brain.

How Rabies Travels from Dog to Human

The transmission route is straightforward but sobering. The rabies virus lives in the saliva of infected animals. It enters the human body through a bite, or when infectious saliva contacts broken skin, a scratch, or mucous membranes such as the eyes, nose, or mouth. A lick from an infected dog on an open wound or a child’s eyes can, in rare cases, be sufficient.

Once inside the body, the virus travels along nerve fibres towards the brain at a rate of approximately 12 to 24 millimetres per day. This journey, called the incubation period, is deceptively long. It typically ranges from one to three months, though it can be as short as a week or as long as a year, depending on the site of the bite (bites closer to the head are more dangerous), the severity of the wound, and the viral load introduced.

This long incubation period is simultaneously a tragedy and an opportunity. It is a tragedy because people often forget about or dismiss a dog bite weeks later, believing they are safe. It is an opportunity because there is a window, a precious, life-saving window during which post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP), a series of rabies vaccinations, can prevent the virus from reaching the brain and save the patient’s life with near-complete certainty.

What To Do Immediately If a Dog Bites You

Every second matters. The following steps must be followed without hesitation:

Step 1 — Wash the wound immediately and thoroughly.

This is the single most important first-aid measure. Wash the bite site vigorously with soap and running water for a minimum of 15 minutes. The mechanical action of washing physically removes viral particles. Research shows that thorough wound washing alone reduces the risk of rabies transmission by up to 50%. Do not panic. Wash, wash and wash.

Step 2 — Apply an antiseptic.

After washing, apply povidone-iodine, ethanol, or another virucidal antiseptic to the wound if available. Do not cover the wound tightly and allow it to breathe.

Step 3 — Go to hospital or a rabies clinic immediately.

Do not wait. Do not adopt a “wait and see” approach. Do not be reassured by the dog appearing healthy as healthy animals can shed the rabies virus before showing symptoms. Present yourself to the nearest government hospital or Anti-Rabies Clinic (ARC). Sri Lanka has a nationwide network of these clinics.

Step 4 — Begin Post-Exposure Prophylaxis (PEP).

A doctor will assess the category of exposure and recommend the appropriate PEP regimen. This typically involves a course of intramuscular rabies vaccines administered over 14 to 28 days. For severe bites (Category III), Rabies Immunoglobulin (RIG) will also be injected into the wound site to provide immediate passive immunity. PEP is safe, effective, and free of charge at government hospitals in Sri Lanka.

Step 5 — Complete the full vaccine course.

This is where many patients fail. The vaccines work only if the complete schedule is followed. Missing doses can leave a person unprotected. PEP must be completed, regardless of whether the dog is found, tested, or appears healthy afterward.

One critical caution: if you are bitten on the face, head, neck, or hands areas with rich nerve supply close to the brain treat this as the highest emergency and reach a hospital as fast as humanly possible.

Rabies in the World: A Disease That Refuses to Disappear

Despite being entirely vaccine-preventable, rabies remains a significant global public health challenge, responsible for an estimated 59,000 human deaths annually, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO). This figure is almost certainly an undercount; many deaths in rural areas of Africa and Asia go unreported or are misattributed. The WHO estimates that 99% of human rabies cases are caused by dog bites.

Africa and Asia bear the overwhelming burden of the disease, together accounting for approximately 95% of all global rabies deaths. The countries worst affected include India which alone accounts for roughly 36% of global rabies deaths, with an estimated 18,000 to 20,000 fatalities per year along with Bangladesh, Ethiopia, China, and the Philippines. Shockingly, children, under 15 years of age, account for up to 40% of all rabies victims, largely because they are more likely to engage with stray dogs and and are less likely to report bites.

The economic cost of rabies, globally, is staggering. A 2015 study published in PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases estimated the annual global cost of rabies, including lost lives, healthcare expenditure, and livestock deaths, at over USD 8.6 billion.

The encouraging news is that rabies can be eliminated. Several countries, including Japan, the United Kingdom, Australia, and most of Western Europe, are certified rabies-free, having achieved this through sustained dog vaccination campaigns, stray dog management, and public education. The WHO, together with the World Organisation for Animal Health (WOAH) and the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), has set the ambitious target of zero human deaths from dog-mediated rabies, globally, by 2030.

South Asia: A Region Under Threat

South Asia represents one of the world’s most severe rabies hotspots. India’s enormous burden has already been noted. Bangladesh has made significant progress in recent years through mass dog vaccination, reducing human rabies deaths substantially. Nepal continues to struggle with high exposure rates, particularly in rural areas. Bhutan has made commendable strides with its dog vaccination programme.

Sri Lanka stands at a critical juncture. While the country has reduced its annual rabies death toll, significantly, over the decades, from hundreds of deaths per year, in the 1970s and 1980s, to the current figures of approximately 20 to 40 deaths per year, this progress masks a troubling reality: the disease has not been eliminated. And every death from rabies is entirely preventable.

Sri Lanka’s Rabies Crisis: Dogs, Schools, and a Cultural Paradox

Sri Lanka’s relationship with dogs is ancient and complex. In Buddhist tradition the faith of the majority of Sri Lankans compassion extends to all living beings. Feeding stray animals is considered an act of merit (pin). Harming an animal is considered morally reprehensible. This cultural and religious fabric has, over centuries, created a society extraordinarily generous to stray dogs and, unintentionally, a society extraordinarily vulnerable to the diseases they carry.

Across Sri Lanka, from Colombo’s busy urban streets to the most remote village in the deep south or the far north, stray dogs are everywhere. They sleep in temple grounds. They loiter near marketplaces. They gather at rubbish dumps. And they congregate in numbers that would astonish any visitor — at school gates, school canteens, and school playgrounds.

The school dog phenomenon is perhaps the most acute expression of Sri Lanka’s rabies vulnerability. Across the country, virtually every school, urban or rural, large or small, has its unofficial resident pack of stray dogs. These animals are fed daily by students sharing their lunch, by teachers, and by school staff. They become familiar, named, beloved – like Manula. And because they are beloved and familiar, children touch them, play with them, hug them, and allow the dogs to lick their faces, all without any thought of risk.

This is not carelessness. This is kindness, rooted in culture and religion. But it is kindness, without knowledge, and that gap between compassion and information is where rabies lives and kills.

The Economic and Social Toll of Rabies in Sri Lanka

The cost of rabies in Sri Lanka is far greater than the death toll alone suggests. It exacts a profound economic and social price that touches families, the healthcare system, and the broader economy.

Each year, Sri Lanka’s Anti-Rabies Clinics manage an estimated 100,000 to 150,000 dog bite cases. The provision of Post-Exposure Prophylaxis vaccines and immunoglobulin for these patients imposes a massive and recurring burden on the public health budget. The cost of a single PEP course, if purchased privately, runs into tens of thousands of rupees. Multiply this across over a hundred thousand patients annually, and the numbers become daunting.

Beyond direct medical costs, there is the cost of lost productivity. Dog bite patients require multiple hospital visits for vaccine doses. Working adults lose workdays. Farmers and labourers in rural areas, often the most vulnerable to dog bites, face income losses that can devastate already fragile household economies. Children bitten during the school day lose schooling time and, in some cases, develop lasting psychological trauma and cynophobia (fear of dogs).

Then there is the immeasurable social cost: a rabies death in a family is uniquely devastating. It strikes with grotesque swiftness once symptoms appear. Families watch helplessly as a loved one, often a child, deteriorates into terror, agony, and death within days. The psychological scars endure for generations. And the cruel irony is that this death, had the family sought treatment promptly, was entirely and easily preventable.

Protecting Yourself: How to Avoid Dog Bites

Awareness and behavioural change are the first and most important shields against rabies. The following practices, especially when taught to children, can dramatically reduce the risk of dog bites:

Never approach a dog that is eating, sleeping, or caring for puppies. These are the moments when even gentle dogs are most likely to bite defensively. Never run towards or away from a stray dog — sudden movements trigger the chase instinct. Stand still, avoid eye contact, and back away slowly if a dog approaches aggressively.

Never attempt to pet a dog through a fence or gate. Never reach into a dog’s sleeping space. Do not disturb a dog that appears ill or injured without professional assistance. A sick dog is an unpredictable dog.

Teach children at home and at school that while loving animals is wonderful, there is a safe way to do so. Children must understand that they should always ask an adult before approaching an unfamiliar dog, and should never put their faces close to a dog’s face, however friendly the animal appears.

Good Practices When Petting a Dog with an Unknown History

For a dog like Aloka or Manula – a dog beloved by many but with an unknown vaccination history – some simple, common-sense practices can significantly reduce your risk:

Always let the dog come to you rather than approaching it forcefully. Extend the back of your hand slowly, at the dog’s nose level, and allow the dog to sniff and initiate contact. If the dog turns away or shows signs of discomfort ears flattened, tail tucked, growling does not persist.

Pet the dog on the sides of the neck, chest, or back. Avoid the top of the head, initially, and never reach over a dog’s head with a stranger this can feel threatening to the animal. Do not allow a stray dog to lick your face, lips, eyes, or any open wound or sore. After touching any stray or unfamiliar dog, wash your hands thoroughly with soap and water before touching your face or food.

If you have children with you, maintain physical supervision at all times. A child’s instinct is to rush forward, kneel down, and hug a dog all of which can be risky with an animal of unknown temperament and health. Channel the child’s love into safe, supervised interaction.

Being a Responsible Dog Owner in Sri Lanka

If you have a dog at home or if you are considering getting one, responsible pet ownership is not just an ethical commitment to your animal. It is a public health responsibility. Here is what every Sri Lankan dog owner must do:

Vaccinate against rabies every year, without exception.

A single dose of rabies vaccine for your dog costs a fraction of the cost of a human PEP course. Your vaccinated dog cannot transmit rabies. Vaccination is available at government veterinary offices island-wide, often at minimal or no cost during mass vaccination campaigns. There is no excuse to leave your dog unvaccinated.

Register your pet.

Dog registration with your local municipal or pradeshiya sabha authority is a legal requirement in Sri Lanka. Registration facilitates rabies vaccination tracking and helps authorities manage stray dog populations.

Sterilise your dog.

Population control is central to rabies elimination. Sterilised dogs do not reproduce, reducing the number of unowned, unvaccinated puppies on the street. Many government and NGO programmes offer low-cost or free sterilisation services.

Do not allow your dog to roam freely.

A dog that roams unsupervised can be bitten by other animals, exposed to rabies in the environment, and can itself bite others. Leashing and containing your dog within a secure space is a basic responsibility of ownership.

Monitor your dog’s health.

Know your dog. Watch for changes in behaviour, like sudden aggression, disorientation, excessive salivation, difficulty swallowing, or aversion to water and light. These can be early signs of rabies. If you suspect your dog has been bitten by an animal of unknown rabies status, contact a veterinarian immediately.

Educate your household and neighbours.

Share information about rabies, wound washing, and the importance of seeking medical attention after dog bites. In Sri Lanka, a significant proportion of dog bite victims, particularly in rural areas, do not seek treatment because they are unaware of the risk or fear stigma. Education saves lives.

Love Your Dog. Protect Your Community.

Aloka and Manula represent something genuine and beautiful about Sri Lankan character, a capacity for compassion, a willingness to extend kindness to creatures beyond our species, a recognition that every living being deserves love. These are not values to be abandoned. They are values to be celebrated, protected and informed.

The goal is not to make Sri Lankans fear dogs. The goal is to make Sri Lankans safer in the love they already give so freely. Wash your hands after petting a stray. Vaccinate your dog. Teach your children. Seek treatment immediately after a bite. These are small acts with life-saving consequences.

Aloka walked in peace. Manula played in joy. May every dog in Sri Lanka, stray or owned, campus icon or temple companion live in a country where they are loved safely, vaccinated consistently, and managed with the compassion and the wisdom that Sri Lanka’s great religious and cultural traditions have always, at their best, demanded.

And may every child who reaches out to touch a dog do so knowing they are safe because adults around them have done their duty.

by Dr. Niroshan Gamage
Director – Public Health Veterinary Services, Ministry of Health

Continue Reading

Features

Zelensky tells BBC Putin has started World War 3 and must be stopped

Published

on

By

The government enclave in Kyiv is heavily-protected [BBC]

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky continues to send out a firm message of defiance.

When we met this weekend in the government headquarters in Kyiv, he said that far from losing, Ukraine would end the war victorious. He was firmly against paying the price for a ceasefire deal demanded by President Vladimir Putin, which is withdrawing from strategic ground that Russia has failed to capture despite sacrificing tens of thousands of soldiers.

Putin, Zelensky said, has already started World War Three, and the only answer was intense military and economic pressure to force him to step back.

“I believe that Putin has already started it. The question is how much territory he will be able to seize and how to stop him… Russia wants to impose on the world a different way of life and change the lives people have chosen for themselves.”

What about Russia’s demand for Ukraine to hand over the 20% of the eastern region of Donetsk that it still holds – a line of towns Ukraine calls “fortress cities” – as well as more land in the southern regions of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia? Isn’t that, I asked, a reasonable request if it produces a ceasefire?

“I see this differently. I don’t look at it simply as land. I see it as abandonment – weakening our positions, abandoning hundreds of thousands of our people who live there. That is how I see it. And I am sure that this ‘withdrawal’ would divide our society.”

But isn’t it a good price to pay if that satisfies President Putin? Do you think it would satisfy him?

“It would probably satisfy him for a while… he needs a pause… but once he recovers, our European partners say it could take three to five years. In my opinion, he could recover in no more than a couple of years. Where would he go next? We do not know, but that he would want to continue the war is a fact.”

A map showing Russian military control in Ukraine as of 2100GMT on 18 February 2026

I met Volodymyr Zelensky in a conference room inside the heavily-guarded government enclave in a well-to-do corner of central Kyiv. In the interview he spoke mostly in Ukrainian.

You get a sense of the weight of leadership carried by Zelensky from the diligence of his security guards.

Visiting any head of state requires rigorous checks. But entering the presidential buildings in Kyiv takes the process to a level I have rarely experienced before.

It is not surprising in a country at war, with a president who has already been targeted by Russia.

Despite all that, the man who started as an entertainer, who won the Ukrainian version of Strictly Come Dancing in 2006, and played the role of an unexpected president of Ukraine in a TV comedy, before becoming the real-life president of Ukraine, seems to be remarkably resilient.

US President Donald Trump said on the eve of the most recent ceasefire talks in Geneva that “Ukraine better come to the table fast”.

He continues to default to putting more pressure on Ukraine than on Russia.

Western diplomats have indicated since last summer that Trump agrees with Putin that territorial concessions from Ukraine to Russia are the key to the ceasefire Trump wants, ideally before this coming summer.

Plenty of analysts outside the White House also judge that Ukraine cannot win the war and, without making concessions to Moscow, will lose it.

I asked Zelensky whether Trump and the others had a point.

“Where are you now?” Zelensky asked in return. “Today you are in Kyiv, you are in the capital of our homeland, you are in Ukraine. I am very grateful for this. Will we lose? Of course not, because we are fighting for Ukraine’s independence.”

Zelensky has often said that Ukraine can win, but what would victory look like?

Of course, he said, victory meant restoring normal lives for Ukrainians and ending the killing. But the wider view of victory he presented was all about a global threat that he says comes from Putin.

“I believe that stopping Putin today and preventing him from occupying Ukraine is a victory for the whole world. Because Putin will not stop at Ukraine.”

You are not saying that victory is getting all the land back, are you?

“We’ll do it. That is absolutely clear. It is only a matter of time. To do it today would mean losing a huge number of people – millions of people – because the [Russian] army is large, and we understand the cost of such steps. You would not have enough people, you would be losing them. And what is land without people? Honestly, nothing.”

“And we also don’t have enough weapons. That depends not just on us, but on our partners. So as of now that’s not possible but returning to the just borders of 1991 [the year Ukraine declared its independence, precipitating the final collapse of the Soviet Union] without a doubt, is not only a victory, it’s justice. Ukraine’s victory is the preservation of our independence, and a victory of justice for the whole world is the return of all our lands.”

A year ago, Zelensky visited the White House and received a reception one senior Western diplomat described to me as a pre-planned public “diplomatic mugging” from Donald Trump and his Vice-President, JD Vance.

Their argument, in the presence of the world’s media, was watched by millions around the world.

Trump, just inaugurated as president for the second time, was sending the strongest possible signal that the era of support Zelensky and Ukraine had relied on from President Joe Biden was over. Nato members were already on notice from the new administration. Vance had just got back from shattering Western European illusions about the strength of the trans-Atlantic alliance.

Since then, reportedly coached by Britain’s National Security Adviser Jonathan Powell among others, Zelensky has avoided public confrontations with Trump.

The US president has stopped almost all shipments of military aid to Ukraine. But the US still provides vital intelligence, and European countries are spending billions buying weapons from the Americans to give to Ukraine.

Getty Images U.S. President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky meet in the Oval Office at the White House on February 28, 2025 in Washington, DC. Trump is raising a finger at Zelensky and leaning in close, while Zelensky is gesturing in frustration
Trump publicly berated Zelensky at the White House in February 2025 [BBC]

I asked Ukraine’s president about Trump’s often contradictory statements, recalling that among the untruths he has uttered is the accusation that Zelensky is a dictator who started the war – a precise echo of claims made by Vladimir Putin.

Zelensky laughed.

“I am not a dictator, and I didn’t start the war, that’s it.”

But can you trust President Trump? If you extract a security guarantee from him, I asked, would he keep his word? He is after all a man who changes his mind.

“It is not only President Trump, we’re talking about America. We are all presidents for the appropriate terms. We want guarantees for 30 years for example. Political elites will change, leaders will change.”

He meant that US security guarantees needed approval from Congress in Washington DC to make them watertight.

“They will be voted on in Congress for a reason. It’s not just presidents. Congress is needed. Because the presidents change, but institutions stay.”

In other words, Donald Trump might be unreliable, but he will not be there for ever.

Zelensky says those security guarantees would have to be in place before he could consider another American demand – the US demand for Ukraine to hold a general election by the summer, echoing another Russian talking point that Zelensky is an illegitimate president. Trump has not demanded elections in Russia, where Putin became leader for the first time on the last day of the 20th Century.

Zelensky said he had not decided whether to stand again, whenever an election is held: “I might run and might not.”

Elections were due in 2024, but they could not be held under martial law that was introduced after Russia’s full-scale invasion.

Holding postponed elections, Zelensky said, was technically possible if they had time to change the law to allow them to happen. But he needed security guarantees for Ukraine first.

He went on to raise so many potential problems about holding an election with millions of Ukrainians abroad as refugees and significant tracts of the country occupied by Russia that I suggested that in reality he was against the idea.

“If this is a condition for ending the war, let’s do it. I said, ‘honestly, you constantly raise the issue of elections’. I told the partners, ‘you need to decide one thing: you want to get rid of me or you want to hold elections? If you want to hold elections, (even if you are not ready to tell me honestly even now), then hold these elections honestly. Hold them in a way that the Ukrainian people will recognise, first of all. And you yourself must recognise that these are legitimate elections'”.

Volodymyr Zelensky has opponents and harsh critics here in Ukraine.

His government was rocked last autumn by a corruption scandal that led to the departure of his closest adviser.

But Zelensky, with a new team, still commands approval ratings that most leaders in Western Europe can only dream about.

He has irritated his allies at times with constant demands for more and better equipment. One of the accusations directed at him in the Oval Office by Trump and Vance a year ago was that he was not sufficiently grateful.

The latest item on his list is permission to manufacture American weapons under licence, including Patriot air defence missiles.

“Today the issue is air defence. This is the most difficult problem. Unfortunately, our partners still do not grant licenses for us to produce systems ourselves, for example, Patriot systems, or even missiles for the systems we already have. So far, we have not achieved success in this.”

Why won’t they do that?

“I don’t know. I have no answer.”

At the end of the interview, he switched from Ukrainian to English.

Given everything he had said, I asked him whether we needed to get ready for an even longer war in Ukraine.

“No, no, no, it’s two parallel tracks… you are playing chess with a lot of leaders, not with Russia. There is not one right way. You have to choose a lot of parallel steps, parallel directions. And one of these parallel ways will, I think, bring success. For us, success is to stop Putin.”

But Vladimir Putin isn’t going to end this war, is he? Unless he’s under massive pressure and he doesn’t seem to be.

“Yes and no. We will see. Yes and no. He doesn’t want, but doesn’t want doesn’t mean he will not. God bless. God bless, we will be successful. Thank you.”

And with that, he posed for photographs, shook hands with the BBC team, and strode out of the room.

[BBC]

Continue Reading

Trending