Editorial
Container controversy and flawed logic
Monday 9th June, 2025
Jaffna District MP Ramanathan Archchuna has made an absurd claim presumably to create suspicion in the minds of the public that 323 shipping containers, released by the Customs without inspection in January 2025, may have carried the LTTE’s weapons, etc. There is nothing stupider than buying into a claim by a Tiger worshipper about the LTTE’s hidden arms, but genuine concerns expressed in some quarters that the freight containers in question may have carried other types of contraband and were released under political pressure should not go unaddressed.
The Sri Lanka Customs gave a press conference yesterday to deny MP Archchuna’s claim, and defend Minister of Port’s Bimal Rathnayake, who stands accused of having the aforementioned containers green-channelled. Rathnayake has denied the allegation, and the CID and a special committee appointed by the Finance Ministry are probing it.
The two probes currently underway into a damning allegation that will be the undoing of a powerful minister, if substantiated, remind us of the local saying, which roughly rendered into English means ‘seeking the help of a female clairvoyant to catch a thief who happens to be her own son’. We are also reminded of the first Treasury bond scam investigation conducted by a committee of lawyers appointed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2015; it said the then Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran, who is Wickremesinghe’s close friend, had not been involved in the scam. Moreover, the JVP/NPP has contemptuously rejected the Alwis Committee report on the failure of the police and the state intelligence outfits to prevent the Easter Sunday carnage. So, the credibility of the two committees probing the questionable release of 323 cargo containers will also be in question.
Additional Director General of Customs Seevali Arukgoda, addressing the media yesterday, took great pains to have the public believe that there had been nothing illegal in the 323 containers. He said the Customs had perused all documents pertaining to them, and they carried goods such as cement, textiles, motor spares, solar panels and pesticides. Smugglers do not mention illegal goods in the documents submitted to the Customs, do they? Most of all, how can the Customs say for sure that there were no illegal goods concealed in those containers, which they did not inspect?
Contraband has been found even in the containers that were inspected and released by the Customs. In July 2017, a stock of cocaine weighing 218 kilos was detected in a cargo container carrying imported sugar, delivered to the Ratmalana Economic Centre. Besides, 263 containers imported between 2019 and 2019 were found to be filled with hospital waste from the UK. It was revealed that a considerable number of such containers had previously entered the country. This shows why no container should be released through the green channel. Prudence demands that the Customs inspect anything that politicians seek clearance on a priority basis. More than 131 kilos of heroin were found in a shipping container, which a coordinating secretary to the then Prime Minister D. M. Jayaratne requested the Customs to green-channel in 2013.
Arukgoda sought to obfuscate the issue at hand. He said the Customs had been releasing low-risk containers without checks to prevent congestion in the Colombo Port, since July 2024. The SLPP-UNP government, which started that questionable practice, was notorious for corruption, and its leaders allowed their cronies to amass as much ill-gotten wealth as possible before the 2024 presidential election, which, they knew, they would lose. The NPP, which campaigned on an anti-corruption platform, and captured power, should have discontinued that practice last year itself.
Arukgoda’s argument that the green-channelling of containers was intended to ease port congestion is not tenable in that there had been no persistent delays at the Colombo port prior to July 2024. He also said only low-risk containers were green-channelled, but the ones the Customs released without checks allegedly under political pressure in January 2025 were re-flagged, high-risk ones. When this was pointed out by a journalist, Arukgoda sought to muddy the water again, claiming that red-labelling was an internal arrangement! The Customs surely do not red-flag any container unless they suspect that it carries contraband. They do not even release books sent via parcel post, without checking them thoroughly.
The Customs officers who are apparently putting their heads on the block for some government politicians would do well to learn from the fate that befell two senior state officials who implemented an illegal order by the Rajapaksas to purchase sil redi (white sashes worn by Buddhist laypersons when observing sil) worth Rs. 600 million, free distribution, ahead of the 2015 presidential election and causing a loss to the state coffers. The questionable release of 323 containers will surely be probed again under a future government, and the Customs officers who are defending politicians at present will have a lot to answer for.
Editorial
Govt. set to burn bridges
Trade unions and professional associations have been cranking up pressure on the NPP government to put its education reforms on hold and invite all key stakeholders to a serious discussion. Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya struck a conciliatory note in Parliament the other day, indicating that the government was willing to take dissenting views on board. But President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has said in no uncertain terms that the government will go ahead with its education reform programme. Speaking at the launch of the Rebuilding Sri Lanka project yesterday, he made his government’s position on education reforms clear. The university teachers who naively sought President Dissanayake’s intervention to have the education reforms halted must be disillusioned.
Arguments against the education reforms, particularly the recently created modules, are tenable. Teachers and principals have highlighted serious flaws in them, and the government is trying piecemeal remedies such as removing pages containing errors. Some modules have already found their way into the hands of private tutors, according to teachers’ unions.
Prime Minister Amarasuriya met the Mahnayake Theras in Kandy on Thursday and briefed them on the government’s education reforms and related issues. The prelates expressed their concerns, and requested the government to resolve the issues other stakeholders had flagged. Addressing the media subsequently in Kandy, the PM put a bold face on the situation and sought to make light of the no-confidence motion the Opposition is planning to move against her. Claiming that her political rivals’ efforts had no chance of succeeding, she said a debate on the no-confidence motion against her would provide the government with an opportunity to elaborate on its education reforms. However, it is the Opposition parties that usually gain propaganda mileage in debates on no-confidence motions. The beleaguered SLPP government also defeated no-confidence motions against its members in the last Parliament, but could not prevent public opinion from turning against it.
There is no gainsaying that religious leaders should be kept informed of reforms in vital sectors such as education, but what matters most in implementing education reforms is not their support or blessings however important and valuable they may be. The government should make a serious effort to enlist the support of teachers and principals if it is to achieve its goal of reforming the education system properly. They are the frontline stakeholders who interact with students and perform core operational tasks.
Teachers and principals are on the warpath, insisting that the education reforms are ill-conceived and flawed and therefore they cannot implement them. The government must heed their voice and make a course correction. Most of all, it must ensure that all schools are provided with necessary facilities, such as smart boards. Parents must not be made to pay for them. General Secretary of the Ceylon Teachers’ Union Joseph Stalin has said some schools are already collecting money to buy smart boards, etc. The government is testing the public’s patience.
Doomed is a government that succumbs to hubris. Workers’ Struggle Centre Secretary Duminda Nagamuwa has likened the NPP government’s education reform package to the organic fertiliser drive of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration, which tried to bulldoze its way through and drove the public to stage an uprising. Gotabaya secured 52.24% of the total number of valid votes in the 2019 presidential election, and the SLPP mustered a two-thirds majority the following year. He and his party did not heed public opinion and views of independent experts, whom they considered enemies, and committed political hara-kiri.
Overwhelmingly dominant governments become complacent and unresponsive to dissenting views, and this is known as the supermajority syndrome, which has affected five governments led by the SLFP, the UNP, the SLPP and the JVP since 1970. It will be a mistake for the NPP administration to cross the Rubicon in its efforts to railroad key stakeholders into accepting its education reforms.
Editorial
When power undermines law and justice
Saturday 10th Junuary, 2026
Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya has revealed in Parliament that as many as 65 court cases, withdrawn during previous governments, have been refiled since the current administration came to power. Attorney General’s Department and the Commission to Investigation Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) had withdrawn those cases, she said yesterday in answer to a question raised by an Opposition MP. In this country, governments are notorious for perverting the legal and judicial processes to let lawbreakers among their members off the hook. They employ various methods for this purpose, and the state prosecutor and the national anti-graft commission have drawn severe criticism for facilitating such sordid operations. One of the NPP’s main campaign promises was to terminate this despicable practice, which has led to a severe erosion of public trust in the legal and judicial processes.
Cases must be neither filed nor withdrawn nor refiled for political reasons. Newly elected governments in this country abuse their power to have their political opponents arrested and prosecuted for various offences. Instances are not rare where charges are trumped up against Opposition politicians and activists, who are arrested and remanded for extended periods. The fact that the Attorney General’s Department, the CIABOC and the police are under the Executive’s thumb has helped governments launch political witch-hunts in the name of pursuing justice.
Governments also abuse their power to protect their members involved in various rackets and help them cover their tracks. But for intense pressure the Opposition, the media and civil society organisations brought to bear on the SLPP government, Minister Keheliya Rambukwella and several state officials would not have faced legal action for the procurement of fake medicines for cancer patients and enriching themselves. Thankfully, that administration, on its last legs, was not politically strong to open an escape route for the culprits.
Meanwhile, the Opposition has accused the NPP government of trying to cover up a mega coal scam. SLPP MP D.V. Chanaka has alleged in Parliament that the state has incurred massive losses due to the procurement of substandard coal for power generation. He has told Parliament that only 107 metric tonnes of coal are usually required per hour to generate 300 megawatts of electricity but 120 metric tonnes of newly imported coal are needed to produce the same amount of power. In other words, 13 extra tonnes of coal are required per hour and six extra shipments of coal a year.
MP Chanaka has said tests conducted at the Lakvijaya Coal Power Plant revealed that the calorific value of the first two newly imported coal shipments ranged from 5,600 and 5,800 kilocalories per kilogram (kcal/kg). But under the coal tender guidelines, the minimum required calorific value was 5,900 kcal/kg.
Energy Minister Kumar Jayakody has said the test reports issued by the Lakvijaya laboratory cannot be accepted because it does not have an accredited laboratory and action will be taken once the report from an accredited laboratory is received. One is intrigued. Coal has been tested at the Lakvijaya laboratory all these years, according to the Opposition and media reports, and why has the government refused to accept its test reports? What guarantee is there that the coal samples will be tested properly at the so-called accredited lab? Is the government trying to obfuscate the issue?
A thorough probe must be conducted into the alleged coal scam without further delay. What the members of the incumbent government must bear in mind is that they will not be in power forever; they will have to face legal action for their transgressions one day. Former ministers have been jailed for misusing fuel allowances and offences such as causing staggering losses to the state through coal scams will not go unpunished.
Editorial
Reform imbroglio
Friday 9th January, 2026
The SJB-led Opposition is in overdrive to move a no-confidence motion against Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, who is also the Minister of Education, for numerous shortcomings in the government’s education reforms, including content deemed unsuitable for children, flaws in modules, etc. The Opposition’s move is bound to fail in Parliament, where the government commands a two-thirds majority. But a debate on the no-confidence motion will provide the Opposition with an opportunity to gain some propaganda mileage at the expense of the JVP-led NPP, and the Prime Minister. Therefore, speculation is rampant that the government will do everything in its power to scuttle the Opposition’s no-faith motion. The JVP/NPP does not scruple to violate parliamentary traditions and Standing Orders when it has to defend its interests. The deplorable manner in which it prevented the Opposition from moving a no-confidence motion against Deputy Minister of Defence Aruna Jayasekera over some matters related to the Easter Sunday terror strikes is a case in point.
The general consensus is that education reforms are long overdue. However, reforming the education system is a very intricate task that has to be carried out carefully with the help of all key stakeholders. Intoxicated with power, the NPP government has blundered by rushing headlong to prepare an education reform package and trying to shove it down the throats of other stakeholders, triggering a backlash.
It has now been revealed that most of the modules prepared hurriedly under the current education reform programme contain flaws. But the government has declared that it will forge ahead no matter what. The arrogance of power blinds governments to reality. Supermajorities are jinxed in this country; they drive governments to perform dangerous high-wire acts without safety nets and suffer falls. Secretary of the Workers’ Struggle Centre Duminda Nagamuwa has aptly likened the NPP’s education reform programme to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s disastrous organic farming experiment which contributed to the downfall of the SLPP government.
A group of representatives of several education sector trade unions and professional associations, at a press briefing in Colombo, yesterday, pointed out numerous flaws in the NPP’s education reforms. They also said the government had not provided schools with facilities needed for the implementation of the education reforms. General Secretary of the Ceylon Teachers’ Union Joseph Stalin claimed that some schools were collecting money from students to buy smart boards, etc. The soaring cost of living has left most parents struggling to make ends meet. They cannot cough up any more money for their children’s education. Therefore, the government must put an end to the practice of schools raising funds at the expense of parents.
The critics of the controversial education reforms have called upon President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to direct PM Amarasuriya to abandon them. They are labouring under the misconception that President Dissanayake is not responsible for the education reforms at issue, and the blame for them should be laid solely at PM Amarasuriya’s doorstep. What they should bear in mind is that the controversial education reform package carries the imprimatur of President Dissanayake, who has been defending it to the hilt both in and outside Parliament. One may recall that in July 2025, taking part in a parliamentary debate, President Dissanayake waxed eloquent, endorsing the education reforms; he said no one could be satisfied with the current education system, the young generation it had produced, or the economy it has fostered. “Therefore, we urgently need comprehensive education reform. The proposed education reform is not merely limited to curriculum revision but will simultaneously elevate both the social and economic spheres of the country.”
Interestingly, both the opponents and proponents of the education reforms have concocted conspiracy theories. In response to the government’s claim of a conspiracy behind the campaign against the education reforms, the SBJ has argued that the conspirators may be some JVPers trying to smoke out PM Amarasuriya so that one of them could secure the premiership. If so, isn’t the SJB giving a boost to their campaign by singling out the PM for attack and moving a no-faith motion against her?
The only way the government can pull itself out of the current imbroglio is to put its education reform package on hold without delay and bring the key stakeholders to the table for a serious discussion.
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