Features

GLIMPSES OF COLONIAL CEYLON (1935 – 1947)

Published

10 months ago

2025/04/6

This is not meant to be a history of the colonial years, but rather a cherry-picking of childhood memories for their quaintness rather than for their historical truth, for socio-cultural insights rather than for historical facts. I can only touch on some cultural oddities of the English-speaking middleclass of those times, since I knew no other. Likewise, I can write only of the last years of colonial rule, since I lived through no others. I write as ‘an old man in a hurry’, because at the age of 88 years, I doubt that there will be others left to recount these tales.

Imperial Blessings

I remember as a small boy at Royal Prep, how excited we were about the visit of the Duke of Gloucester! It must have been around 1935, and I must have been around 6-7 years old. The brother of the King of England (George V) was actually going to visit us in Ceylon! We were all dressed up in our school uniforms and armed with little British flags. We had to stand, kneel or sit, according to our height, on benches lined along decorated Thurstan Road, along which the Duke’s motorcade was to pass. How thrilled we were when the Duke graciously acknowledged our cheers! Although this now seems absurd, it remains etched in the memory of a six-year old, even at the age of 88!

The War Years (World War II: 1939-45)

The war years weighed heavily on the whole country. Except for the LSSP and Communist Party, most Ceylonese political parties, the State Council and the people supported the British war effort, agonizing over our colonizer’s losses in Europe, as well as the repeated bombing of Britain. We seemed unaware or unafraid of the Japanese entry into the war, based on the claims of the British and re-echoed more arrogantly by General McArthur (who was in charge of the American Command in the Pacific) that they would make short shrift of the Japanese, whom they caricatured as inept, short-sighted, with protruding teeth and short legs!

The eastern defence for the British was concentrated in Singapore, which they considered impregnable. Their house of cards collapsed when the Japanese marched through Indo-China and knifed through the Malay Peninsula to take Singapore from the north by land, while the British guns were pointed out to sea! This caused the British to fall back on Ceylon as their main defence against the Japanese, with the HQ of Admiral Lord Mountbatten, the Supreme Allied Commander being based in Ceylon, in the Peradeniya Botanical Gardens, no less.

Buildings were taken over by the British Army, including Royal College. The whole Race Course as well as the Royal and University grounds was taken over for an airbase for the British fighter planes. Since Royal College had to share classrooms with the University, some classes were actually held on the University grounds under the shade of the wings of the Hurricane fighters and their camouflage nets, with me among them.

The price of all commodities rose, while the shelves of most shops were bare. Food was scarce: so a ‘Grow More Food Campaign’ was started. Since rice imports were not possible from war-torn Asia, there was an increased dependence on wheat flour from Canada and the U.S. This brought about a change in dietary habits, incorporating wheat flour in the form of bread and string-hoppers made of American piti into our diet – which persists even to this day.

There were some socio-cultural changes too. These were caused mainly by the large influx of British and allied troops, whose massive numbers and different socio-cultural habits induced subtle changes in the middle-class culture of that time. Of these, I shall describe only one, because it is the most amusing. Accompanying the many British soldiers and sailors came the British ‘Wrens’ (part of the Royal Navy), which soon resulted in British couples cuddling and fondling each other in public on our beaches.

Although this was shocking to the Ceylonese society of those days, it was greatly appreciated by the adolescent schoolboys of that time. ‘Kapping’, a euphemism for voyeurism, became a popular past-time for schoolboys from Colpetty to Mt. Lavinia, who enjoyed seeing such overt sexual activity. I recently read a book by a former school boy (who later became a Professor of English Literature in a leading British University), whose greatest exploit was to make off with the knickers (as they were called in those days) of a Wren, when she was too busy to notice!

Christmas Cheer!

As a Christian living in a mainly Buddhist country, I am now amazed at the fuss that was made over Xmas in those days. It was a fuss in which all middle-class communities, Christian, Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim participated, evincing a heart-warming give-and-take between the different communities and cultures. Even in Malaysia today, the Muslims have an ‘open house’ for all their neighbours and friends on Hari-Raya, while the Hindus reciprocate on Deepavali, and the Chinese on their New Year.

The determining factor in Ceylon in those days was obviously the privileged position of Christianity under the British; but it was the cultural override that was most visible. In fact, I even remember singing Christmas Carols in Royal Prep, along with Buddhist and Hindu boys, which should never have been allowed in a government-run secular school. I remember even more culturally determined events. We sang songs during World War II, such as ‘I’m Dreaming of a White Christmas’, ending with the wish that ‘All Your Christmases be White!’ And just to make sure, our middle-class families would put white cotton wool on their Christmas Trees to simulate snow! As seen before, this represented more a cultural domination rather than mere colonial rule.

Sometimes these cultural norms rode on the back of religion, going back even to Portuguese times. Living in Rome for thirty years, I discovered that Catholics in the countries of Southern Europe had a tendency to bury their dead into the side of a hill, as if in shelves going into the hillside. I was surprised to find recently that a bereaved Catholic family in Sri Lanka, in the absence of a hill in the flat sandy soil of Wennappuwa, had built a big underground vault in order to construct a vertical wall into which they could slide (laterally) their dead. They had in effect created a mountain out of a mole hill, just in order to follow the cultural (not religious) customs of the Portuguese of 500 years ago! Thus, we all carry some cultural baggage from our colonial past.

Colonial Cultural Legacies in Other Countries

In my later travels abroad, I had the chance to see the same thing on a wider scale. When visiting Japan in 1963, I was greeted with giant-sized posters at every street corner of Marlon Brando with his prominent nose and of Rita Hayworth with her lovely long legs. This was in effect a ‘beauty’ cultural message to the conquered Japanese people. Consequently, Japanese who could afford were running to get nose jobs and breast implants done in order to proximate the American standards of beauty.

A silly story from South-East Asia illustrates this even better. In the early 1960s during my travels in Asia, I could always make out the difference between a Malaysian, a Filipino and an Indonesian, despite the fact that they all shared the same physiognomic characteristics of the Malay race. Amazed at my own unerring, know-all accuracy, I began to wonder from where I had acquired this wonderful gift. It was only later that I realized that I was telling them apart only by the externalities of their colonially derived cultures. I recognized the Filipino from his American crew-cut, the Malaysian from his clipped mustache (a tribute both to Islam and to the stiff British upper lip), and the Indonesian by his batik shirt, all of which were colonially determined!

Trousers Make a ‘Mahattaya’

I always wore trousers and was always addressed as ‘Mahattaya’ or ‘Sir’ in Ceylon in the 1940s-60s, especially by anyone clad in a sarong. I took this title for granted – and even wanted my money back if I was not so addressed! But it was not long before I realized that it was NOT the wearing of trousers that had made me a ‘Mahattaya’. The trousers only marked me as belonging to the English-speaking ‘elite’, which is what entitled me to wear trousers in the first place! On the contrary, if one could not speak English, one would never presume to wear trousers! The equation went something like this: wearing trousers = English-speaking = higher class or Mahattaya. The trousers were a badge of honour, defining you as belonging to the English-speaking elite, which gave you the ‘right’ to wear trousers and to be addressed as ‘Mahattaya’!

I was to see the absurdity of this equation, applied in the same way but in a different country. When attending an international conference in Delhi in 1959, the Second Secretary at the Ceylon High Commission in Delhi, kindly offered to give me a ride to the meeting. But having lost our way, my friend drew up to a cyclist, a simple man wearing the long trousers/pantaloons worn by north Indians, with the intention of asking him the way.

My friend spoke in English, but the man replied in Hindi, saying (probably) that he could not understand English, and went on repeating the same. Exasperated and annoyed, my Embassy friend turned to me and said: ‘This b……r is pretending to know English when he clearly doesn’t!’ The poor man had been going about his business, in no way PRETENDING THAT HE KNEW ENGLISH, but was falsely accused of doing so. The problem was obviously in the mind of the Ceylonese beholder, who had assumed that the man knew English only because he had ‘dared’ to wear trousers!

(Next week: The downplaying of our national languages: the advantages of English)

(Excerpted from Fallen Leaves, an anthology of memoirs by LC Arulpragasam)

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Features

Misinterpreting President Dissanayake on National Reconciliation

Published

4 hours ago

2026/02/10

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Dissanayake

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been investing his political capital in going to the public to explain some of the most politically sensitive and controversial issues. At a time when easier political choices are available, the president is choosing the harder path of confronting ethnic suspicion and communal fears. There are three issues in particular on which the president’s words have generated strong reactions. These are first with regard to Buddhist pilgrims going to the north of the country with nationalist motivations. Second is the controversy relating to the expansion of the Tissa Raja Maha Viharaya, a recently constructed Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai which has become a flashpoint between local Tamil residents and Sinhala nationalist groups. Third is the decision not to give the war victory a central place in the Independence Day celebrations.

Even in the opposition, when his party held only three seats in parliament, Anura Kumara Dissanayake took his role as a public educator seriously. He used to deliver lengthy, well researched and easily digestible speeches in parliament. He continues this practice as president. It can be seen that his statements are primarily meant to elevate the thinking of the people and not to win votes the easy way. The easy way to win votes whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere in the world is to rouse nationalist and racist sentiments and ride that wave. Sri Lanka’s post independence political history shows that narrow ethnic mobilisation has often produced short term electoral gains but long term national damage.

Sections of the opposition and segments of the general public have been critical of the president for taking these positions. They have claimed that the president is taking these positions in order to obtain more Tamil votes or to appease minority communities. The same may be said in reverse of those others who take contrary positions that they seek the Sinhala votes. These political actors who thrive on nationalist mobilisation have attempted to portray the president’s statements as an abandonment of the majority community. The president’s actions need to be understood within the larger framework of national reconciliation and long term national stability.

Reconciler’s Duty

When the president referred to Buddhist pilgrims from the south going to the north, he was not speaking about pilgrims visiting long established Buddhist heritage sites such as Nagadeepa or Kandarodai. His remarks were directed at a specific and highly contentious development, the recently built Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai and those built elsewhere in the recent past in the north and east. The temple in Kankesanturai did not emerge from the religious needs of a local Buddhist community as there is none in that area. It has been constructed on land that was formerly owned and used by Tamil civilians and which came under military occupation as a high security zone. What has made the issue of the temple particularly controversial is that it was established with the support of the security forces.

The controversy has deepened because the temple authorities have sought to expand the site from approximately one acre to nearly fourteen acres on the basis that there was a historic Buddhist temple in that area up to the colonial period. However, the Tamil residents of the area fear that expansion would further displace surrounding residents and consolidate a permanent Buddhist religious presence in the present period in an area where the local population is overwhelmingly Hindu. For many Tamils in Kankesanturai, the issue is not Buddhism as a religion but the use of religion as a vehicle for territorial assertion and demographic changes in a region that bore the brunt of the war. Likewise, there are other parts of the north and east where other temples or places of worship have been established by the military personnel in their camps during their war-time occupation and questions arise regarding the future when these camps are finally closed.

There are those who have actively organised large scale pilgrimages from the south to make the Tissa temple another important religious site. These pilgrimages are framed publicly as acts of devotion but are widely perceived locally as demonstrations of dominance. Each such visit heightens tension, provokes protest by Tamil residents, and risks confrontation. For communities that experienced mass displacement, military occupation and land loss, the symbolism of a state backed religious structure on contested land with the backing of the security forces is impossible to separate from memories of war and destruction. A president committed to reconciliation cannot remain silent in the face of such provocations, however uncomfortable it may be to challenge sections of the majority community.

High-minded leadership

The controversy regarding the president’s Independence Day speech has also generated strong debate. In that speech the president did not refer to the military victory over the LTTE and also did not use the term “war heroes” to describe soldiers. For many Sinhala nationalist groups, the absence of these references was seen as an attempt to diminish the sacrifices of the armed forces. The reality is that Independence Day means very different things to different communities. In the north and east the same day is marked by protest events and mourning and as a “Black Day”, symbolising the consolidation of a state they continue to experience as excluding them and not empathizing with the full extent of their losses.

By way of contrast, the president’s objective was to ensure that Independence Day could be observed as a day that belonged to all communities in the country. It is not correct to assume that the president takes these positions in order to appease minorities or secure electoral advantage. The president is only one year into his term and does not need to take politically risky positions for short term electoral gains. Indeed, the positions he has taken involve confronting powerful nationalist political forces that can mobilise significant opposition. He risks losing majority support for his statements. This itself indicates that the motivation is not electoral calculation.

President Dissanayake has recognized that Sri Lanka’s long term political stability and economic recovery depend on building trust among communities that once peacefully coexisted and then lived through decades of war. Political leadership is ultimately tested by the willingness to say what is necessary rather than what is politically expedient. The president’s recent interventions demonstrate rare national leadership and constitute an attempt to shift public discourse away from ethnic triumphalism and toward a more inclusive conception of nationhood. Reconciliation cannot take root if national ceremonies reinforce the perception of victory for one community and defeat for another especially in an internal conflict.

BY Jehan Perera

Features

Recovery of LTTE weapons

Published

4 hours ago

2026/02/10

Sahan Weerasooriya

Sri Lanka Navy in action

I have read a newspaper report that the Special Task Force of Sri Lanka Police, with help of Military Intelligence, recovered three buried yet well-preserved 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers used by the LTTE, in the Kudumbimalai area, Batticaloa.

These deadly weapons were used by the LTTE SEA TIGER WING to attack the Sri Lanka Navy ships and craft in 1990s. The first incident was in February 1997, off Iranativu island, in the Gulf of Mannar.

Admiral Cecil Tissera took over as Commander of the Navy on 27 January, 1997, from Admiral Mohan Samarasekara.

The fight against the LTTE was intensified from 1996 and the SLN was using her Vanguard of the Navy, Fast Attack Craft Squadron, to destroy the LTTE’s littoral fighting capabilities. Frequent confrontations against the LTTE Sea Tiger boats were reported off Mullaitivu, Point Pedro and Velvetiturai areas, where SLN units became victorious in most of these sea battles, except in a few incidents where the SLN lost Fast Attack Craft.

Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers

The intelligence reports confirmed that the LTTE Sea Tigers was using new recoilless rocket launchers against aluminium-hull FACs, and they were deadly at close quarter sea battles, but the exact type of this weapon was not disclosed.

The following incident, which occurred in February 1997, helped confirm the weapon was Carl Gustaf 84 mm Recoilless gun!

DATE: 09TH FEBRUARY, 1997, morning 0600 hrs.

LOCATION: OFF IRANATHIVE.

FACs: P 460 ISRAEL BUILT, COMMANDED BY CDR MANOJ JAYESOORIYA

P 452 CDL BUILT, COMMANDED BY LCDR PM WICKRAMASINGHE (ON TEMPORARY COMMAND. PROPER OIC LCDR N HEENATIGALA)

OPERATED FROM KKS.

CONFRONTED WITH LTTE ATTACK CRAFT POWERED WITH FOUR 250 HP OUT BOARD MOTORS.

TARGET WAS DESTROYED AND ONE LTTE MEMBER WAS CAPTURED.

LEADING MARINE ENGINEERING MECHANIC OF THE FAC CAME UP TO THE BRIDGE CARRYING A PROJECTILE WHICH WAS FIRED BY THE LTTE BOAT, DURING CONFRONTATION, WHICH PENETRATED THROUGH THE FAC’s HULL, AND ENTERED THE OICs CABIN (BETWEEN THE TWO BUNKS) AND HIT THE AUXILIARY ENGINE ROOM DOOR AND HAD FALLEN DOWN WITHOUT EXPLODING. THE ENGINE ROOM DOOR WAS HEAVILY DAMAGED LOOSING THE WATER TIGHT INTEGRITY OF THE FAC.

THE PROJECTILE WAS LATER HANDED OVER TO THE NAVAL WEAPONS EXPERTS WHEN THE FACs RETURNED TO KKS. INVESTIGATIONS REVEALED THE WEAPON USED BY THE ENEMY WAS 84 mm CARL GUSTAF SHOULDER-FIRED RECOILLESS GUN AND THIS PROJECTILE WAS AN ILLUMINATER BOMB OF ONE MILLION CANDLE POWER. BUT THE ATTACKERS HAS FAILED TO REMOVE THE SAFETY PIN, THEREFORE THE BOMB WAS NOT ACTIVATED.

Sea Tigers

Carl Gustaf 84 mm recoilless gun was named after Carl Gustaf Stads Gevärsfaktori, which, initially, produced it. Sweden later developed the 84mm shoulder-fired recoilless gun by the Royal Swedish Army Materiel Administration during the second half of 1940s as a crew served man- portable infantry support gun for close range multi-role anti-armour, anti-personnel, battle field illumination, smoke screening and marking fire.

It is confirmed in Wikipedia that Carl Gustaf Recoilless shoulder-fired guns were used by the only non-state actor in the world – the LTTE – during the final Eelam War.

It is extremely important to check the batch numbers of the recently recovered three launchers to find out where they were produced and other details like how they ended up in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka?

By Admiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

Features

Yellow Beatz … a style similar to K-pop!

Published

4 hours ago

2026/02/10

Sahan Weerasooriya

Yes, get ready to vibe with Yellow Beatz, Sri Lanka’s awesome girl group, keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-pop!

With high-energy beats and infectious hooks, these talented ladies are here to shake up the music scene.

Think bold moves, catchy hooks, and, of course, spicy versions of old Sinhala hits, and Yellow Beatz is the package you won’t want to miss!

According to a spokesman for the group, Yellow Beatz became a reality during the Covid period … when everyone was stuck at home, in lockdown.

“First we interviewed girls, online, and selected a team that blended well, as four voices, and then started rehearsals. One of the cover songs we recorded, during those early rehearsals, unexpectedly went viral on Facebook. From that moment onward, we continued doing cover songs, and we received a huge response. Through that, we were able to bring back some beautiful Sri Lankan musical creations that were being forgotten, and introduce them to the new generation.”

The team members, I am told, have strong musical skills and with proper training their goal is to become a vocal group recognised around the world.

Believe me, their goal, they say, is not only to take Sri Lanka’s name forward, in the music scene, but to bring home a Grammy Award, as well.

“We truly believe we can achieve this with the love and support of everyone in Sri Lanka.”

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz as they have received an exceptional opportunity to represent Sri Lanka at the World Championships of Performing Arts in the USA.

Under the guidance of Chris Raththara, the Director for Sri Lanka, and with the blessings of all Sri Lankans, the girls have a great hope that they can win this milestone.

“We believe this will be a moment of great value for us as Yellow Beatz, and also for all Sri Lankans, and it will be an important inspiration for the future of our country.”

Along with all the preparation for the event in the USA, they went on to say they also need to manage their performances, original song recordings, and everything related.

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz

“We have strong confidence in ourselves and in our sincere intentions, because we are a team that studies music deeply, researches within the field, and works to take the uniqueness of Sri Lankan identity to the world.”

At present, they gather at the Voices Lab Academy, twice a week, for new creations and concert rehearsals.

This project was created by Buddhika Dayarathne who is currently working as a Pop Vocal lecturer at SLTC Campus. Voice Lab Academy is also his own private music academy and Yellow Beatz was formed through that platform.

Buddhika is keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-Pop and Yellow Beatz began as a result of that vision. With that same aim, we all work together as one team.

“Although it was a little challenging for the four of us girls to work together at first, we have united for our goal and continue to work very flexibly and with dedication. Our parents and families also give their continuous blessings and support for this project,” Rameesha, Dinushi, Newansa and Risuri said.

Last year, Yellow Beatz released their first original song, ‘Ihirila’ , and with everything happening this year, they are also preparing for their first album.