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Libya makes waves as the Non-Aligned Conference kicks off in 1976

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President William Gopallawa, then Ambassador to Washington, with President John. F. Kennedy at the White House

(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Peiris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)

On August 6, the Prime Minister despatched me to meet President Gopallawa, and brief him on all the arrangements for the Non-Aligned Conference. The President was always dressed in spotless white cloth and a kind of formal white tunic top. He was simple in his speech, soft spoken and courteous. He also possessed a self-depreciating kind of humour. One day he told me that in 1972, when we became a Republic and the Governor General became President, he used to sometimes telephone someone and say that he was the President speaking, and invariably they asked “President of what?”

He obviously derived a great deal of simple amusement from such experiences. But behind his kindness and simplicity lay an acute intelligence, and an ability for unruffled and balanced judgment. This made him an effective non-executive President. The President listened carefully to the briefing; took down a few notes; asked a few questions; and as always, had some useful suggestions to offer. It was always a pleasure to deal with him.

A thorny security issue

We were now very close to the beginning of the conference and much of our time was spent on conference issues. Whilst Ministries such as the Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs functioned as specialized units covering their areas of responsibility, the Prime Minister’s office became a central clearing house for issues coming in from all the concerned Ministries and agencies. Decisions, now had to be taken almost immediately, because otherwise, some important activity would be held up, and that hold up invariably would impinge on other activities in a kind of chain reaction.

It was in this context, that an immediate decision had to be taken on an important security issue. The back up delegations, including the personal security details of various heads of state and government were now flying in. I have already mentioned the nervousness of the Egyptians about President Gaddafi and the Libyan delegation. One night, after an exhausting day for the Prime Minister and most of us, she and I were seated at the long main dining table at Temple Trees at about 11.30 in the night. We were finalizing some urgent matters, which had to be attended to before we could think of sleep.

The telephone switchboard operator buzzed us and said that there was an urgent call from General Attygalle, the Commander of the Army, from the airport at Katunayake. The Prime Minister had ordered the stationing of senior security forces personnel at the airport during this time, and General Attygalle was personally detailed this day because of several important back up and security delegations arriving, including the Libyans. We had obtained and installed special x-ray machines at the airport and all baggage were screened.

General Attygalle’s urgent call was now about the advance Libyan contingent that had arrived and were refusing to have their main baggage x-rayed or examined on grounds of diplomatic immunity. X-rays had already shown that some of the personnel were carrying pistols. They did not want the baggage examined. This had become both a security and a diplomatic issue and the General wished to have instructions as to what to do.

There was no time for committees or consultations. A decision had to be taken immediately. The Prime Minister and I discussed the matter briefly, after which she issued strict instructions that under no circumstances was any single un-xrayed piece of baggage be permitted to be brought in by any delegation or anybody. The Libyans were to be told that they had three options. One was to permit the x-rays and other checks. The second was to keep on the aircraft any baggage which they did not wished checked, and the aircraft to be guarded by the Sri Lankan security forces 24 hours a day until their departure. If they were not agreeable to these, the third option was for the aircraft to be refueled and for them to leave.

General Attygalle was happy. These were clear and unambiguous instructions. He rang off. The time was well past midnight and the Prime Minister appeared to be exceedingly weary. I advised her to get some sleep, and said that I would tell the Temple Trees switchboard to direct any further calls to me at home, and that I would wake her, only if I considered it important enough to do so. She thanked me and agreed. Fortunately, there were only two other calls that night, and both came before I fell asleep. One of them was from General Attygalle to announce that the Libyan’s bags were sent back to the aircraft. This fell in line with option two, which meant that a special guard was placed on that aircraft. So another working day ended, when the next day had already dawned.

Preliminary meetings before the summit

We were on a roster to meet and greet the delegations that were flying in for the conference and 8 a.m. to 12 noon on August 7 was my turn to welcome the Foreign Secretaries who were arriving. On the morning of August 9, the large Coordinating Bureau meeting of the conference had its first session. These meetings continued during the afternoon of the following three days. Important procedural and other matters were discussed and agreement reached in time to report to the Foreign Ministers’ meeting, which began work on Aug. 12th. The Foreign Ministers themselves met for three days and smoothed out many matters.

All these meetings were at the BMICH. A second Prime Minister’s office was opened in a suite of rooms at the conference hall and I now worked from there. There was a great deal of co-ordination and trouble-shooting to be done. I had to strengthen this office with high quality experienced personnel. Mr. Nihal Jayawickrema, Secretary to the Ministry of Justice, and Mr. M. Sanmuganathan, by now Secretary, Constitutional Affairs kindly accepted my invitation to work in the office. They possessed experience, maturity and judgement and were of immense assistance in the large task of general co-ordination.

This arrangement was all the more important since the Prime Minister wanted me to sit in when Heads of State and Government and Foreign Ministers called on her at her own temporarily set up office at the BMICH. Scheduling these appointments and sitting in took a great deal of time, and on practically everyday, we finished well past 1 a.m. As far as my personal schedule was concerned, ever since the beginning of the Co-ordinating Bureau meeting, and until the end of the conference, a period of about 19 days, there wasn’t a single day where I could get to bed before 2 a.m. By 8 a.m. I was back again.

Vernon Mendis was to be the Secretary General of the Conference. He was the Director-General of Foreign Affairs in the Foreign Ministry, the most senior position that could be held by a Foreign Service Officer at the time. Vernon was scholarly, widely read and greatly experienced. He also possessed the confidence, energy and drive to make a success of his formidable new assignment.

Beginning of the main conference

The main conference of the Heads of State and Government began on the morning of August 16. The heads of delegations were to be brought in a series of motorcades, from the hotels they were staying, which hotels in fact were completely taken over for the conference, with no other guests permitted. The motorcades consisted of a number of cars, for the heads of delegations, other important members of the delegation and security vehicles. Each motorcade was led by a police pilot car with flashing lights. A

large number of new cars were purchased and brought down for the conference.

Each Head of Delegation had a middle level officer of the Army, Navy or Airforce attached to him or her as a liaison officer who rode in the main car. Each motorcade was to stop at the main porch at the entrance to the hall. From here, after climbing a few steps the Head of State or Government accompanied by his liaison officer smartly turned out, walked along a red carpet towards the main door leading to the foyer of the hall. Near this door stood the Prime Minister to receive the participants. Directly opposite her, on the other side of the red carpet stood a formidable array of photographers and TV camera crews, representing the World’s press and media.

In making the final arrangements, the Prime Minister did not wish to stand alone. There was no Foreign Minister to stand with her because she was also the Foreign Minister. In fact, after discussion and mutual agreement, Minister Felix Dias Bandaranaike, had been elected by the countries to Chair the Foreign Ministers meeting in view of the prevailing position in Sri Lanka. The Prime Minister, therefore, asked WT Jayasinghe the Foreign Secretary; Dr. Mackie Ratwatte her Private Secretary and myself to stand with her at the entrance to the hall.

Superintendent of Police Leo Perera and his team were in charge of motorcade arrangements and traffic control. The delegations were to arrive according to the alphabetical order of the participating countries. Therefore, President Boumadienne of Algeria, who at the time of writing happened to be the current Chairman of the Nonaligned movement, consequent to the fourth Non-aligned summit held in Algeria, was to arrive first, not because he was Chairman, but according to alphabetical order.

The instructions were that the first motorcade should arrive at the hall at 9 a.m. followed by the others. To the credit of S.P. Leo Perera and his officers, President Boumadienne arrived at the BMICH on the dot at 9 a.m. followed by the others in an unending procession for the next one hour twenty minutes or so. The inauguration of the conference was to be at 11 a.m. which was going to be a short formal session which passed the Chairmanship from Algeria to Sri Lanka. The Prime Minister was due to make her inaugural address, followed by some votes of thanks and then the passing over of the Chairmanship.

Standing by the Prime Minister, we had nothing to do but to watch the impressive spectacle unfolding before our eyes. Yugoslavia had sent a ship that was anchored in the harbour and President Tito and his wife stayed on board, rather than in a hotel. They had also got down a bullet proof Mercedes Benz stretch limousine, for their travel in Sri Lanka.

The Indian Prime Minister, Mrs. Gandhi had informed us that she was flying in from Bangalore, and that she could be a bit late, but would try to get in by about 10.30 a.m. Special arrangements were made, the moment she arrived to fly her by helicopter to the Saracens grounds, now the Air Force grounds in Slave Island, from where her motorcade was to commence. Everything went very smoothly. All the delegations had arrived by about 10.15 a.m. except the Indian Prime Minister.

The Prime Minister decided to wait for her. We soon received information from the police that she had arrived and was on her way. At around 10.30 a.m. Mrs. Gandhi arrived, and began walking down the red carpet in her customarily brisk manner. At this point, I was confronted with a totally unexpected and most surprising question. The Prime Minister turned to me and asked with a note of urgency in her voice, “Dharmasiri, how do I greet her?” I of course knew that on the previous occasions they had met, they had kissed and greeted each other. The Prime Minister certainly knew that. But the problem seemed to be that she suddenly felt shy to do this in front of literally hundreds of newspaper photographers and TV cameras.

The TV cameras were already rolling and we were bathed in powerful strobe lights. Secretaries to Prime Ministers, no doubt, are compelled to face many unexpected situations during their careers. This was however, one of the most unexpected. There was no time for consultation or contemplation. Mrs. Gandhi was now within a few yards of the Prime Minister. I said “Kiss her.” What happened thereafter was spontaneous, and I believe had nothing to do with any advice. The two Prime Ministers naturally and unselfconsciously embraced, and the next morning’s newspapers carried this charming picture on their front pages.



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Features

Digital transformation in the Global South

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AI Summit, India

Understanding Sri Lanka through the India AI Impact Summit 2026

Artificial Intelligence (AI) has rapidly moved from being a specialised technological field into a major social force that shapes economies, cultures, governance, and everyday human life. The India AI Impact Summit 2026, held in New Delhi, symbolised a significant moment for the Global South, especially South Asia, because it demonstrated that artificial intelligence is no longer limited to advanced Western economies but can also become a development tool for emerging societies. The summit gathered governments, researchers, technology companies, and international organisations to discuss how AI can support social welfare, public services, and economic growth. Its central message was that artificial intelligence should be human centred and socially useful. Instead of focusing only on powerful computing systems, the summit emphasised affordable technologies, open collaboration, and ethical responsibility so that ordinary citizens can benefit from digital transformation. For South Asia, where large populations live in rural areas and resources are unevenly distributed, this idea is particularly important.

People friendly AI

One of the most important concepts promoted at the summit was the idea of “people friendly AI.” This means that artificial intelligence should be accessible, understandable, and helpful in daily activities. In South Asia, language diversity and economic inequality often prevent people from using advanced technology. Therefore, systems designed for local languages, and smartphones, play a crucial role. When a farmer can speak to a digital assistant in Sinhala, Tamil, or Hindi and receive advice about weather patterns or crop diseases, technology becomes practical rather than distant. Similarly, voice based interfaces allow elderly people and individuals with limited literacy to use digital services. Affordable mobile based AI tools reduce the digital divide between urban and rural populations. As a result, artificial intelligence stops being an elite instrument and becomes a social assistant that supports ordinary life.

Transformation in education sector

The influence of this transformation is visible in education. AI based learning platforms can analyse student performance and provide personalised lessons. Instead of all students following the same pace, weaker learners receive additional practice while advanced learners explore deeper material. Teachers are able to focus on mentoring and explanation rather than repetitive instruction. In many South Asian societies, including Sri Lanka, education has long depended on memorisation and private tuition classes. AI tutoring systems could reduce educational inequality by giving rural students access to learning resources, similar to those available in cities. A student who struggles with mathematics, for example, can practice step by step exercises automatically generated according to individual mistakes. This reduces pressure, improves confidence, and gradually changes the educational culture from rote learning toward understanding and problem solving.

Healthcare is another area where AI is becoming people friendly. Many rural communities face shortages of doctors and medical facilities. AI-assisted diagnostic tools can analyse symptoms, or medical images, and provide early warnings about diseases. Patients can receive preliminary advice through mobile applications, which helps them decide whether hospital visits are necessary. This reduces overcrowding in hospitals and saves travel costs. Public health authorities can also analyse large datasets to monitor disease outbreaks and allocate resources efficiently. In this way, artificial intelligence supports not only individual patients but also the entire health system.

Agriculture, which remains a primary livelihood for millions in South Asia, is also undergoing transformation. Farmers traditionally rely on seasonal experience, but climate change has made weather patterns unpredictable. AI systems that analyse rainfall data, soil conditions, and satellite images can predict crop performance and recommend irrigation schedules. Early detection of plant diseases prevents large-scale crop losses. For a small farmer, accurate information can mean the difference between profit and debt. Thus, AI directly influences economic stability at the household level.

Employment and communication reshaped

Artificial intelligence is also reshaping employment and communication. Routine clerical and repetitive tasks are increasingly automated, while demand grows for digital skills, such as data management, programming, and online services. Many young people in South Asia are beginning to participate in remote work, freelancing, and digital entrepreneurship. AI translation tools allow communication across languages, enabling businesses to reach international customers. Knowledge becomes more accessible because information can be summarised, translated, and explained instantly. This leads to a broader sociological shift: authority moves from tradition and hierarchy toward information and analytical reasoning. Individuals rely more on data when making decisions about education, finance, and career planning.

Impact on Sri Lanka

The impact on Sri Lanka is especially significant because the country shares many social and economic conditions with India and often adopts regional technological innovations. Sri Lanka has already begun integrating artificial intelligence into education, agriculture, and public administration. In schools and universities, AI learning tools may reduce the heavy dependence on private tuition and help students in rural districts receive equal academic support. In agriculture, predictive analytics can help farmers manage climate variability, improving productivity and food security. In public administration, digital systems can speed up document processing, licensing, and public service delivery. Smart transportation systems may reduce congestion in urban areas, saving time and fuel.

Economic opportunities are also expanding. Sri Lanka’s service based economy and IT outsourcing sector can benefit from increased global demand for digital skills. AI-assisted software development, data annotation, and online service platforms can create new employment pathways, especially for educated youth. Small and medium entrepreneurs can use AI tools to design products, manage finances, and market services internationally at low cost. In tourism, personalised digital assistants and recommendation systems can improve visitor experiences and help small businesses connect with travellers directly.

Digital inequality

However, the integration of artificial intelligence also raises serious concerns. Digital inequality may widen if only educated urban populations gain access to technological skills. Some routine jobs may disappear, requiring workers to retrain. There are also risks of misinformation, surveillance, and misuse of personal data. Ethical regulation and transparency are, therefore, essential. Governments must develop policies that protect privacy, ensure accountability, and encourage responsible innovation. Public awareness and digital literacy programmes are necessary so that citizens understand both the benefits and limitations of AI systems.

Beyond economics and services, AI is gradually influencing social relationships and cultural patterns. South Asian societies have traditionally relied on hierarchy and personal authority, but data-driven decision making changes this structure. Agricultural planning may depend on predictive models rather than ancestral practice, and educational evaluation may rely on learning analytics instead of examination rankings alone. This does not eliminate human judgment, but it alters its basis. Societies increasingly value analytical thinking, creativity, and adaptability. Educational systems must, therefore, move beyond memorisation toward critical thinking and interdisciplinary learning.

AI contribution to national development

In Sri Lanka, these changes may contribute to national development if implemented carefully. AI-supported financial monitoring can improve transparency and reduce corruption. Smart infrastructure systems can help manage transportation and urban planning. Communication technologies can support interaction among Sinhala, Tamil, and English speakers, promoting social inclusion in a multilingual society. Assistive technologies can improve accessibility for persons with disabilities, enabling broader participation in education and employment. These developments show that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a social instrument capable of strengthening equality when guided by ethical policy.

Symbolic shift

Ultimately, the India AI Impact Summit 2026 represents a symbolic shift in the global technological landscape. It indicates that developing nations are beginning to shape the future of artificial intelligence according to their own social needs rather than passively importing technology. For South Asia and Sri Lanka, the challenge is not whether AI will arrive but how it will be used. If education systems prepare citizens, if governments establish responsible regulations, and if access remains inclusive, AI can become a partner in development rather than a source of inequality. The future will likely involve close collaboration between humans and intelligent systems, where machines assist decision making while human values guide outcomes. In this sense, artificial intelligence does not replace human society, but transforms it, offering Sri Lanka an opportunity to build a more knowledge based, efficient, and equitable social order in the decades ahead.

by Milinda Mayadunna

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Governance cannot be a postscript to economics

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Kristalina-Georgieva

The visit by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to Sri Lanka was widely described as a success for the government. She was fulsome in her praise of the country and its developmental potential. The grounds for this success and collaborative spirit go back to the inception of the agreement signed in March 2023 in the aftermath of Sri Lanka’s declaration of international bankruptcy. The IMF came in to fulfil its role as lender of last resort. The government of the day bit the bullet. It imposed unpopular policies on the people, most notably significant tax increases. At a moment when the country had run out of foreign exchange, defaulted on its debt, and faced shortages of fuel, medicine and food, the IMF programme restored a measure of confidence both within the country and internationally.

Since 1965 Sri Lanka has entered into agreements with the IMF on 16 occasions none of which were taken to their full term. The present agreement is the 17th agreement . IMF agreements have traditionally been focused on economic restructuring. Invariably the terms of agreement have been harsh on the people, with priority being given to ensure the debtor country pays its loans back to the IMF. Fiscal consolidation, tax increases, subsidy reductions and structural reforms have been the recurring features. The social and political costs have often been high. Governments have lost popularity and sometimes fallen before programmes were completed. The IMF has learned from experience across the world that macroeconomic reform without social protection can generate backlash, instability and policy reversals.

The experience of countries such as Greece, Ireland and Portugal in dealing with the IMF during the eurozone crisis demonstrated the political and social costs of austerity, even though those economies later stabilised and returned to growth. The evolution of IMF policies has ensured that there are two special features in the present agreement. The first is that the IMF has included a safety net of social welfare spending to mitigate the impact of the austerity measures on the poorest sections of the population. No country can hope to grow at 7 or 8 percent per annum when a third of its people are struggling to survive. Poverty alleviation measures in the Aswesuma programme, developed with the agreement of the IMF, are key to mitigating the worst impacts of the rising cost of living and limited opportunities for employment.

Governance Included

The second important feature of the IMF agreement is the inclusion of governance criteria to be implemented alongside the economic reforms. It goes to the heart of why Sri Lanka has had to return to the IMF repeatedly. Economic mismanagement did not take place in a vacuum. It was enabled by weak institutions, politicised decision making, non-transparent procurement, and the erosion of checks and balances. In its economic reform process, the IMF has included an assessment of governance related issues to accompany the economic restructuring process. At the top of this list is tackling the problem of corruption by means of publicising contracts, ensuring open solicitation of tenders, and strengthening financial accountability mechanisms.

The IMF also encouraged a civil society diagnostic study and engaged with civil society organisations regularly. The civil society analysis of governance issues which was promoted by Verite Research and facilitated by Transparency International was wider in scope than those identified in the IMF’s own diagnostic. It pointed to systemic weaknesses that go beyond narrow fiscal concerns. The civil society diagnostic study included issues of social justice such as the inequitable impact of targeting EPF and ETF funds of workers for restructuring and the need to repeal abuse prone laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Online Safety Act. When workers see their retirement savings restructured without adequate consultation, confidence in policy making erodes. When laws are perceived to be instruments of arbitrary power, social cohesion weakens.

During a meeting between the IMF Managing Director Georgeiva and civil society members last week, there was discussion on the implementation of those governance measures in which she spoke in a manner that was not alien to the civil society representatives. Significantly, the civil society diagnostic report also referred to the ethnic conflict and the breakdown of interethnic relations that led to three decades of deadly war, causing severe economic losses to the country. This was also discussed at the meeting. Governance is not only about accounting standards and procurement rules. It is about social justice, equality before the law, and political representation. On this issue the government has more to do. Ethnic and religious minorities find themselves inadequately represented in high level government committees. The provincial council system that ensured ethnic and minority representation at the provincial level continues to be in abeyance.

Beyond IMF

The significance of addressing governance issues is not only relevant to the IMF agreement. It is also important in accessing tariff concessions from the European Union. The GSP Plus tariff concession given by the EU enables Sri Lankan exports to be sold at lower prices and win markets in Europe. For an export dependent economy, this is critical. Loss of such concessions would directly affect employment in key sectors such as apparel. The government needs to address longstanding EU concerns about the protection of human rights and labour rights in the country. The EU has, for several years, linked the continuation of GSP Plus to compliance with international conventions. This includes the condition that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) be brought into line with international standards. The government’s alternative in the form of the draft Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PTSA) is less abusive on paper but is wider in scope and retains the core features of the PTA.

Governance and social justice factors cannot be ignored or downplayed in the pursuit of economic development. If Sri Lanka is to break out of its cycle of crisis and bailout, it must internalise the fact that good governance which promotes social justice and more fairly distributes the costs and fruits of development is the foundation on which durable economic growth is built. Without it, stabilisation will remain fragile, poverty will remain high, and the promise of 7 to 8 percent growth will remain elusive. The implementation of governance reforms will also have a positive effect through the creative mechanism of governance linked bonds, an innovation of the present IMF agreement.

The Sri Lankan think tank Verité Research played an important role in the development of governance linked bonds. They reduce the rate of interest payable by the government on outstanding debt on the basis that better governance leads to a reduction in risk for those who have lent their money to Sri Lanka. This is a direct financial reward for governance reform. The present IMF programme offers an opportunity not only to stabilise the economy but to strengthen the institutions that underpin it. That opportunity needs to be taken. Without it, the country cannot attract investment, expand exports and move towards shared prosperity and to a 7-8 percent growth rate that can lift the country out of its debt trap.

by Jehan Perera

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MISTER Band … in the spotlight

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MISTER Band: For the past four consecutive years, they have performed overseas, during New Year’s Eve

It’s a good sign, indeed, for the local scene, to see artistes, who have not been very much in the limelight, now making their presence felt, in a big way, and I’m glad to give them the publicity they deserve.

On 10th February we had Yellow Beatz in the spotlight and this week it’s MISTER Band.

This outfit is certainly not new to our scene; they have been around since 2012, under the leadership of Sithum Waidyarathne.

The seven energetic members who make up MISTER Band are:

Sithum Waidyarathne (leader/founder/saxophonist/guitarist and vocalist), Rangana Seram (bass guitarist), Vihanga Liyanage (vocalist), Ridmi Dissanayake (female vocalist), Nuwan Cristo (keyboardist/vocalist), Kasun Thennakoon (lead guitarist), and Nuwan Madushanka (drummer).

According to Sithum, their vision is to provide high quality entertainmen to those who engage their services.

“Thanks to our engaging performances and growing popularity, MISTER Band continues to be in high demand … at weddings, corporate events and dinner dances,” said Sithum.

They predominantly cover English and Sinhala music, as well as the most popular genres.

And the reviews that come their way, after a performance, are excellent, they say, and this is one of the bouquets they received:

It was a pleasure to have you at our wedding. Being avid music fans we wanted the best music, not just a big named band, and you guys acceded that expectations. Big thanks to Sithum for being very supportive, attentive and generous.

The best thing is the post feedback from all the guests. Normally we get mixed reviews but the whole crowd was impressed by you.

MISTER Band was one of our best choices for our wedding.

What is interesting is that for the past four consecutive years, this outfit has performed overseas, during New Year’s Eve, thereby taking their music to the international stage, as well.

The band has also produced a collection of original songs, with around six original tracks composed by the band leader, Sithum Waidyarathne, including ‘Suraganak Dutuwa,’ ‘Landuni,’ ‘Dili Dili Payana,’ ‘Hada Wedana,’ and ‘Nil Kandu Athare.’

Two more songs are set to be released this month: ‘Hitha Norida’ and ‘Premaye Hanguman.’

In addition to their original music, they have also created a strong online presence by performing and uploading over 50 cover songs and medleys to YouTube.

“We’re now planning to connect with an even wider audience by releasing more cover content very soon,” said Sithum, adding that they are also very active on social media, under the name Mister Band Official – on Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and TikTok.

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