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Manmohan Singh, Indian ex-PM and architect of economic reform, dies at 92
Former Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh has died at the age of 92.
Singh was one of India’s longest-serving prime ministers and he was considered the architect of key liberalising economic reforms, as premier from 2004-2014 and before that as finance minister.
He had been admitted to a hospital in the capital Delhi after his health condition deteriorated, reports say.
Among those who paid tribute to Singh on Thursday were Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who wrote on social media that “India mourns the loss of one of its most distinguished leaders”.
Modi said that Singh’s “wisdom and humility were always visible” during their interactions and that he had “made extensive efforts to improve people’s lives” during his time as prime minister.
Priyanka Gandhi, the daughter of former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi and a Congress party member, said that Singh was “genuinely egalitarian, wise, strong-willed and courageous until the end”.
Her brother Rahul, who leads Congress, said he had “lost a mentor and guide”.
Singh was the first Indian leader since Jawaharlal Nehru to be re-elected after serving a full first term, and the first Sikh to hold the country’s top post. He made a public apology in parliament for the 1984 riots in which some 3,000 Sikhs were killed.
But his second term in office was marred by a string of corruption allegations that dogged his administration. The scandals, many say, were partially responsible for his Congress party’s crushing defeat in the 2014 general election.
Singh was born on 26 September 1932, in a desolate village in the Punjab province of undivided India, which lacked both water and electricity.
After attending Panjab University he took a master’s degree at the University of Cambridge and then a DPhil at Oxford.
While studying at Cambridge, the lack of funds bothered Singh, his daughter, Daman Singh, wrote in a book on her parents.
“His tuition and living expenses came to about £600 a year. The Panjab University scholarship gave him about £160. For the rest he had to depend on his father. Manmohan was careful to live very stingily. Subsidised meals in the dining hall were relatively cheap at two shillings sixpence.”
Daman Singh remembered her father as “completely helpless about the house and could neither boil an egg, nor switch on the television”.
His unexpected appointment capped a long and illustrious career as an academic and civil servant – he served as an economic adviser to the government, and became the governor of India’s central bank.
In his maiden speech as finance minister he famously quoted Victor Hugo, saying that “no power on Earth can stop an idea whose time has come”.
That served as a launchpad for an ambitious and unprecedented economic reform programme: he cut taxes, devalued the rupee, privatised state-run companies and encouraged foreign investment.
The economy revived, industry picked up, inflation was checked and growth rates remained consistently high in the 1990s.

Manmohan Singh was a man acutely aware of his lack of a political base. “It is nice to be a statesman, but in order to be a statesman in a democracy you first have to win elections,” he once said.
When he tried to win election to India’s lower house in 1999, he was defeated. He sat instead in the upper house, chosen by his own Congress party.
The same happened in 2004, when Singh was first appointed prime minister after Congress president Sonia Gandhi turned down the post – apparently to protect the party from damaging attacks over her Italian origins. Critics however alleged that Sonia Gandhi was the real source of power while he was prime minister, and that he was never truly in charge.

The biggest triumph during his first five-year term was to bring India out of nuclear isolation by signing a landmark deal securing access to American nuclear technology.
But the deal came at a price – the government’s Communist allies withdrew support after protesting against it, and Congress had to make up lost numbers by enlisting the support of another party amid charges of vote-buying.
A consensus builder, Singh presided over a coalition of sometimes difficult, assertive and potentially unruly regional coalition allies and supporters.
Although he earned respect for his integrity and intelligence, he also had a reputation for being soft and indecisive. Some critics claimed that the pace of reform slowed and he failed to achieve the same momentum he had while finance minister.

When Singh guided Congress to a second, decisive election victory in 2009, he vowed that the party would “rise to the occasion”.
But the gloss soon began to wear off and his second term was in the news mostly for all the wrong reasons: several scandals involving his cabinet ministers which allegedly cost the country billions of dollars, a parliament stalled by the opposition, and a huge policy paralysis that resulted in a serious economic downturn.
LK Advani, a senior leader in the rival BJP party, called Singh India’s “weakest prime minister”.
Manmohan Singh defended his record, saying his government had worked with “utmost commitment and dedication for the country and the welfare of its people”.
Singh adopted the pragmatic foreign policies pursued by his two predecessors.
He continued the peace process with Pakistan – though this process was hampered by attacks blamed on Pakistani militants, culminating in the Mumbai gun and bomb attack of November 2008.
He tried to end the border dispute with China, brokering a deal to reopen the Nathu La pass into Tibet which had been closed for more than 40 years.
Singh increased financial support for Afghanistan and became the first Indian leader to visit the country for nearly 30 years.
He also angered many opposition politicians by appearing to end relations with India’s old ally, Iran.
A studious former academic and bureaucrat, he was known for being self-effacing and always kept a low profile. His social media account was noted mostly for dull entries and had a limited number of followers.
A man of few words, his calm demeanour nevertheless won him many admirers.
Responding to questions on a coal scandal involving the illegal allocation of licences worth billions of dollars, he defended his silence on the issue by saying it was “better than thousands of answers”.

In 2015 he was summoned to appear in court to answer allegations of criminal conspiracy, breach of trust and corruption related offences. An upset Singh told reporters that he was “open for legal scrutiny” and that the “truth will prevail”.
After his time as premier, Singh remained deeply engaged with the issues of the day as a senior leader of the main opposition Congress party despite his advancing age.
In August 2020, he told the BBC in a rare interview that India needed to take three steps “immediately” to stem the economic damage of the coronavirus pandemic, which had sent the country’s economy into a recession.
The government needed to provide direct cash assistance to people, make capital available for businesses, and fix the financial sector, he said.
History will remember Singh for bringing India out of economic and nuclear isolation, although some historians may suggest he should have retired earlier.
“I honestly believe that history will be kinder to me than the contemporary media, or for that matter, the opposition parties in parliament,” he told an interviewer in 2014.
Singh is survived by his wife and three daughters.
[BBC]
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Harmanpreet 82* in vain as Gujarat Giants break Mumbai Indians hoodoo and seal Eliminator spot
Gujarat Giants (GG) don’t enjoy the routine. On a day when they became the first team in 41 WPL games to bat after winning the toss, they went on to reserve another trend – of not having beatenMumbai Indians (MI) in eight previous meetings. With their fifth win of WPL 2026, all of which have come while defending totals, GG qualified for the Eliminator for a second season in a row.
It did not come easy. Harmanpreet Kaur threatened to do what she did to GG in 2024 with a playoffs spot on the line. With MI needing 58 off 24 balls, she all but single-handedly brought them within reach of victory, hitting three fours and three sixes – twice clearing the rope off Ashleigh Gardner in the final over – to bring the equation down to 14 off 3. But Gardner kept her calm and closed out the over to seal GG’s first-ever win over the two-time champions.
It was a fitting end, because Gardner had been a catalyst in GG’s strong finish earlier in the evening. She scored 46 off 28 balls, and added 71 off 43 with Georgia Wareham to take GG to 167, a total that had looked distant for much of their innings.
It is not yet curtains for MI, though. They will now hope for a UP Warriorz win over Delhi Capitals in the last league fixture on Sunday, with net run rate coming into play.
While GG seemed to back a method that has worked for them this season, their toss decision was fraught with risk, especially after Beth Mooney fell cheaply. Sophie Devine and Anushka Sharma looked solid but couldn’t really force the pace until the final over of the powerplay, in which they scored 12 off Vaishnavi Sharma. Despite not picking up wickets regularly, MI had the innings under control: GG scored in double-digits in only two of the first 11 overs. When Devine and Anushka fell in successive overs, GG had to rebuild with only 45% of their overs left.
Gardner and Wareham hit at least one four in each of the first three overs of their partnership. The switch was truly flicked when Wareham danced down to Amelia Kerr and launched her over the sightscreen in the 15th over. Gardner then hit Hayley Matthews for 6, 4, 4, 4 in the 16th, and both batters hit two fours each in the 17th, Shabnim Ismail’s final over. Gardner was soon stumped off Kerr but Wareham kept the big hits coming, finishing on 44 not out off 26 as GG scored 61 in their last five overs.
With GG going spin-heavy, Harmanpreet began finding the boundary regularly. She particularly targeted the shorter leg-side boundary (51m vs 59m) against Rajeshwari Gayakwad’s left-arm spin, hitting her for two sixes and a four in the space of seven balls spread across two overs. But GG clawed back, with Gayakwad getting Amanjot Kaur stumped and Wareham trapping Sanskriti Gupta for a first-ball duck. Harmanpreet ended the night with the Orange Cap on her head, but it was the team in orange that progressed to the next round.
Brief scores:
Gujarat Giants Women 167 for 4 in 20 overs (Sophie Devine 25, Anushka Sharma 33, Ashleigh Gardner 46, Georgia Wareham 44*; Shabnim Ismail 1-29, Nat Sciver Brunt 1-36, Amelia Kerr 2-26) beat Mumbai Indians Women 156 for 7 in 20 overs (Sajeevan Sajana 26, Harmanpreet Kaur 82*, Amelia Kerr 20, Amanjot Kaur 13; Kashvee Gautam 1-12, Rajeshwari Gayakwad 1-46, Sophie Devine 2-23, Georgia Wareham 2-26, Ashleigh Gardner 1-26) by 11 runs
[Cricinfo]
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Myanmar election delivers walkover win for military-backed political party
Myanmar’s military-backed party secured a sweeping victory in the country’s three-phase general election, according to state media, following the tightly controlled voting held amid civil war and widespread repression.
The final of three rounds of voting last weekend wrapped up an election that began on December 28, more than four years after the military seized power in a coup that overturned the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi.
Dominating all phases of the vote, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won an overwhelming majority in Myanmar’s two legislative chambers, state media reports.
The USDP secured 232 of the 263 seats up for grabs in the lower house and 109 of the 157 seats announced so far in the upper chamber, according to results released on Thursday and Friday.
A spokesman for the country’s military rulers, Zaw Min Tun, said Myanmar’s parliament is now expected to convene to elect a president in March, with a new government set to take over in April, according to a report in the pro-military Eleven Media Group.
Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, has been in political turmoil since the 2021 coup, with the crushing of pro-democracy protests prompting a nationwide rebellion. Thousands have been killed, and about 3.6 million people have been displaced, according to the United Nations.

The 11-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has said it will not endorse Myanmar’s electoral process, and human rights groups and some Western countries have also expressed concerns about the credibility of the election.
The UN human rights office said that large segments of the population, including minorities such as ethnic Muslim majority Rohingya, were excluded from voting since they have been denied citizenship, and many have also been displaced outside the country.
At least 170 civilians were killed in air strikes during the election period, and about 400 people were arrested, according to the UN.
“Many people chose either to vote or not to vote purely out of fear,” UN human rights chief Volker Turk said.
Myanmar’s military rulers insist the polls were free and fair, and supported by the public.
A spokesperson for the United States Department of State, which has muted its critiques of foreign elections in the second Trump administration, said it was monitoring the situation and “will assess the military regime’s next steps”.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy was dissolved along with dozens of other parties, and some others declined to take part, drawing condemnation from critics who say the process was designed to legitimise military rule.
Under Myanmar’s political system, the military is also guaranteed 25 percent of parliamentary seats, ensuring continued control even if power is formally transferred to a civilian-led administration.
[Aljazeera]
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ICC and World Cricketers Association clash over player terms ahead of T20 World Cup
The ICC and the global players’ body the World Cricketers Association (WCA) are locked in a fresh tussle over player terms, including name, image and likeness (NIL) rights, ahead of the 2026 Men’s T20 World Cup.
The WCA claims the ICC has sent a version of the squad participation terms to players from several countries in the tournament that does not align with an agreed version signed by both bodies in 2024. The WCA claims the new, non-agreed version is exploitative when compared to the 2024 version.
WCA had written to the ICC about these concerns and ESPNcricinfo understands the ICC, in its response, disagreed, saying the 2024 agreement was only applicable to eight member boards (referred to as National Governing Boards, or NGBs). The ICC told WCA that the remaining members who are part of this World Cup were not bound by the 2024 agreement.
The eight NGBs are Australia, England, New Zealand, South Africa, West Indies, Ireland, Netherlands and Scotland – in as a replacement for Bangladesh, who have been excluded after they refused to travel to India. Of the remaining 12 participating countries, boards from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Oman and the UAE do not recognise WCA and hence their players are not affiliated with it. Italy, Zimbabwe, Afghanistan, Namibia, USA and Canada have player bodies but had not received the squad terms as of January 15, and were expected to get the non-approved version, the WCA said in a memo.
In its follow-up response, WCA told the ICC that the 2024 agreement stated it was applicable to all players affiliated with the players body – both that were participating in the World Cup and from countries that were not part of the 20-team tournament. As a result, WCA noted, all players should be protected by the 2024 agreement, which it believes is legally binding.
WCA sent a memo on January 15 informing players that the squad terms distributed by ICC were “substantially different” to the agreed 2024 version. It is understood WCA also sent an email to ICC on the same day.
Tom Moffat, the WCA CEO, highlighted differences across eight areas between the two versions: content/media appearances, behind the scenes content, changing room access, biological player related data, licensing, name, image likeness (NIL), player agreement and dispute resolution.
The WCA’s broader contention was that the 2024 agreement gave players the right to decide, and negotiate via the global players body, whereas the ICC version says player consent is not needed, with their boards having that authority.
An example of the significant differences is NIL rights, according to the communication Moffat sent to players. In the ICC’s new version, “the player is required to license their NIL to any third party; 3 players from the same team can be used by an ICC Partner for commercial content which can directly relate to the promotion of the Partners brand or product; the player’s national board approves all use of NIL on behalf of the player; Any use of NIL outside of the Squad Terms can be agreed by the player’s national board.”
In the 2024 agreement, the NIL rights were “restricted” only to the ICC’s commercial partners and the event hosts and the WCA is authorised on behalf of the players to negotiate terms and use. The 2024 version also said a group of players – not three per team – would be “represented in all content” promoting the ICC tournament.
There are significant differences in the terms for the usage of player data during the event as well. The WCA said in the ICC version, the governing body “can use and commercialise player data with the agreement of the player’s national board” and that the ICC “owns” the data. The approved version, WCA said, says the player owns the data and their consent is necessary “given the sensitivities.”
In the ICC version, once the players participate in a global tournament, “he /she is deemed to have accepted the Squad Terms regardless of whether they sign the Terms.” In the version agreed between the WCA and ICC, the players are required to agree the terms and sign for every event separately.
In the memo to players, Moffat accused the ICC and member boards of “deliberately removing” all the protection that players were assured of in the 2024 terms, while “attempting” to “own” players and “claim an almost unlimited ability to use and commercialise it with third parties without your consent, with the only recourse to an in-house dispute resolution process run by the ICC itself .” Moffat also said the ICC and member boards were trying to “exploit the most vulnerable, and worst paid player groups at this World Cup, some of whom are amateur,” through the non-approved version.
This week, Moffat told ESPNcricinfo that the WCA did not want to disrupt the World Cup, but admitted being “deeply concerned” by ICC presenting terms that did not “align” with the 2024 agreement. “The (ICC) terms provided significantly erode player rights and protections including around image and commercial use, compared to those agreed,” Moffat said. “It is especially concerning that it is the most vulnerable playing groups who appear to have been targeted and expected to compete under different terms and conditions to other playing groups participating in the same Men’s T20 World Cup. For many players affected, participation in ICC Events represents a primary source of income and career progression.
“The WCA supports the growth of the game and ICC events, but these objectives should be pursued in partnership with players, not at their expense. The agreed Squad Terms have now been signed by impacted WCA players, and our expectation is for these terms to be honoured by the ICC for the T20 World Cup.”
It is understood the ICC has not responded to WCA’s follow-up mail sent earlier this week. The ICC has been asked for a comment.
[Cricinfo]
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