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Trump’s greatest comeback the greatest setback for the USA

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by Vijaya Chandrasoma

Last Tuesday, one of the most consequential elections in the history of the United States was concluded, with the people deciding, according to the constitution of the nation, to abandon the ideological system of governance defined by that very constitution. The living ideology of democracy, in the words of President Abraham Lincoln, of a “government of the people, by the people and for the people” has been replaced by an authoritarian kleptocracy.

The archaic Constitution of the United States written over two centuries ago will be updated, replaced by a document created by the conservative Heritage Foundation, Project 2025 – Mandate for Leadership, to reflect the traditions and ideology of pre-World War II Germany. The Good Old Days of Jim Crow and Segregation.

The inexorable progress towards a diverse democracy has given way to a society dominated by Christian white supremacists, where the movement towards a Socialist Democracy, started by the introduction of a social safety net with the New Deal of President Roosevelt in the 1940s, including Social Security and Medicare, may be curtailed, even reversed.

Donald J. Trump, the 45th President of the United States, became the first convicted felon to be elected to its Presidency at last week’s contest. The election was conducted without a trace of post-election accusations of election fraud. The Democratic candidate, Vice-President Kamala Harris, conceded defeat to Trump a few hours after the result was called in Trump’s favor. A conversation that took a little longer than expected, as it was difficult to convey the meaning of a word, concede, which was not in the President-elect’s vocabulary.

There will be no attempts to interfere with the peaceful transfer of power, and Donald Trump will be duly inaugurated as the 47th and possibly the last President of the United States, on January 20, 2025. Vice-President Harris, who, in her capacity of President of the Senate, will make the final certification of Trump’s presidency on January 6, 2025. She will carry out her constitutional duty without the slightest danger of being hanged.

I wrote in an essay last month:

“Corporate greed and Christian white supremacy will not vanish into thin air with Trump’s defeat. Project 2025 will simply be renamed Project 2029.

“However, if Trump wins the presidency in November, he will be gently eased out of the White House after a couple of years, on the eminently valid grounds that he has reached full-blown lunacy. He has served his purpose. The exercise of the 25th Amendment to oust him will be a legal and medical formality. 40-year-old Vice-President Vance will take over as president. With the two-term limit of the 22nd Amendment overturned by a suppliant, corrupt Supreme Court, Vance will begin a long reign as the President of the United States of America for Life, obediently carrying out the instructions of the dark money, billionaire class”.

Vance has proved to be a worthy successor to Trump, younger, smarter and an even more facile liar.

The demise or departure of Trump will not change the movement that was started by that segment of Christian white nationalists which has always resented the existence of the descendants of African-American slaves and recent brown-skinned/colored immigrants. Racism has been an endemic feature of North American society for centuries.

White Americans “settlers” have always recognized that the free labor of two centuries of slavery, and starvation wages paid to illegal immigrants, have made the United States the economic powerhouse of the world. They also appreciate that mass deportation of illegal immigrants may cripple the greatest economy of the world.

However, they do insist that these second-class citizens cannot enjoy the same privileges the original white European settlers/marauders have been enjoying since they committed the virtual genocide of the original natives of the continent more than four centuries ago, which led to the creation of the United States of America.

The dark money billionaire class has now emerged in the open, with the richest men in the world backing Donald Trump. They were horrified when the administration of Barack Obama accelerated the path initiated by FDR in the 1930s towards a Socialist Democracy, on the lines of governance practiced in every other developed nation in the world. Nations in Northern Europe and Australasia, where there are few homeless in abject poverty, but fewer billionaires; with a social safety net available to all, even the most vulnerable. This was not the “woke”, “Commie” future envisaged by the growing breed of billionaires for the richest country in the world.

Elon Musk funded Trump’s current campaign with tens of millions of dollars. Trump, in turn, has offered Musk a senior position in his administration, if re-elected, as a “Secretary of Cost-Cutting”, an advisory role that could give him influence over national and international policies. That such an appointment would further assist his own business ventures like Tesla, X and Space X is an anticipated bonus. Other billionaires like Jeff Bezos, Rupert Murdoch and many others have already gotten into the act, and will control most sectors of the US economy and the media during Trump’s administration. The largest tax cut in history benefiting these billionaires and corporations is imminent.

This movement of white supremacy and totalitarianism triumphed not because of Trump, rather in spite of Trump. As Trump was showing increasing signs of paranoid dementia, especially during the last few months before the election, the corporate giants, headed by Elon Musk, decided to openly show their support, finance his re-election and resuscitate the movement.

While Trump was spewing hate speech against the illegal immigrant “vermin poisoning the blood of the people”, they recognized the fact that there was just one issue that would decide the presidency: the economy. People were totally dissatisfied with their experience during the first few years of the Biden/Harris administration, of rampant inflation and high prices, of an economy when many were unable to pay their rent or put food on the table, especially when the minimum wage hadn’t seen an increase in decades.

True, there were concerns about immigration, reproductive freedom, LGBTQ rights, gun violence; but they paled by comparison with the difficulties caused by the economy, which ironically, had recovered to be the “envy of the world” by the time the election came along. Unfortunately, these improvements do not bring immediate relief, and people are still suffering under the burden of inflation.

Musk and other corporate leaders will play a leading role in the new Trump administration. Although Trump’s misstated economic policies for the future, especially on tariffs, have been denounced by economists, his supporters will rely on the most successful entrepreneurs in the world to get the country out of its current financial woes. Especially as the spadework has already been made by the Biden administration to rescue the near-recession they inherited from the criminal post-Covid management of Trump’s first term. They will also be assisted in their task by the imminent removal of regulations and controls, all the while making Trump and themselves richer than God.

Trump is determined to “keep promises made”. He will end the Russian/Ukraine war before he is inaugurated, with a total surrender of the Ukrainians; he will encourage Israel’s Netanyahu to complete the genocide of the Palestinians, once and for all. The US will withdraw from NATO and Trump will associate himself with the strongmen he admires, his mentor, Russian President Putin, Viktor Orban of Hungary, his erstwhile lover, North Korea’s Kim Jong-Un. He has promised to begin the largest mass-deportation program ever of illegal and even legal immigrants. He has also vowed to ban “sanctuary cities”. He will pardon the January 6 insurrectionists, who in his eyes are fellow patriots and “hostages”. He will instruct his Justice Department to appoint a Special Prosecutor to investigate into the greatest crime family in US history, the Bidens; he will also start the process of investigating and jailing his political opponents, the “enemy within”. He will enact a nationwide ban on women’s reproductive freedom, endangering the health of all women in the USA.

He will force the Education Department to stop the teaching of Critical Race Theory and other subjects which denigrate the lily-white history of the nation. And of course, as a direct descendant of our Saviour Jesus, the Bible (preferably his own leather-bound, God Save the USA Bible, made in China, soon to be available at the White House Gift Shop at the bargain-basement price of $59.99 per copy) will be required reading in every classroom in America.

All this, and more, will happen. And when it does, are the Democrats going to let them get away with it, or are they going to fight to save democracy?

The world has coped with such madmen before. And survived. What the planet will not survive is Trump’s policy on Climate Change. He has vowed to enhance exponentially US reliance on, and the drilling for, fossil fuels (“Drill, Baby, Drill”), again calling Climate Change a “hoax”, against virtually every scientific opinion in the world.

The United States, and the rest of the world, will be assailed with natural disasters of every type, floods, droughts, tornadoes, hurricanes, wildfires, earthquakes and all the weapons in nature’s fearful arsenal. Perhaps we have already passed the tipping point, and we will continue to be so assailed with increasing frequency that will cause irreparable destruction of the planet.

This may well be the ultimate legacy of Trump’s presidency, and conclusive evidence of the cataclysmic stupidity of the decision made by “the people” on November 5, 2024.

On a personal note, I had planned to publish a selection of articles I have written to the Sunday Island over the past 15 months, which was to end with a triumphant account of Trump’s ignominious defeat in last week’s election, and his subsequent conviction and imprisonment on 91 felonies, including Incitement of an Insurrection, Sedition, Espionage and Obstruction of Justice.

Alas, it was not to be. So I have decided that the final essay in my book will be an abject admission of my complete failure to understand the psyche of a country which gave me a second chance, and welcomed me with open, if long-delayed and investigatory arms. A country which has changed beyond recognition with the advent of Trumpism.

I have to thank my old friend and schoolmate, the editor of the Sunday Island, for providing me with something to do in my old age. Venting my hatred for the most evil man in living memory gave me the sort of occupational therapy which went against the wisdom of all those religions that preach hatred is an evil emotion which only causes personal harm. Hating Trump has done me a power of good.

My many Sri Lankan friends and admirers of Trump now are having the last laugh on me. Sadly, we will all be sharing the grief when we see the depths to which Trump and his Christian, white supremacist minions will drag the most beautiful country in the world. Soon.

I will take a few months off till I get over my distress as to where the home of my children is headed, with a prayer that they will continue to prosper.



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Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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Regional Universities

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Development initiatives: Faculty of Technology, University of Jaffna and NCDB

The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.

At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.

In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.

In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.

Regional context

The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.

Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.

Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.

Reimagining development

In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.

One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.

I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.

In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

by Ahilan Kadirgamar

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‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change

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The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.

He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.

The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.

The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.

With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.

SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.

Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:

“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”

For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:

Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”

Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.

It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.

The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”

Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.

In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.

Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.

Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.

Can’t wait for it!

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