The Colombo Powers Conference provided the momentum for Asian-African and led to 1955 Bandung Conference

(Excerpted from the Memoirs of JR Jayewardene)

I participated in this Conference held in Colombo in 1954 at which many of the Asian Regional States were represented by their Prime Ministers and led to Conferences in Bogor and Bandung and to the Non-Aligned Movement. It also gave ideas for the SAARC Organisation in the 1980s.

In April 1954, Sir John Kotelawala, Prime Minister of Ceylon, invited the Prime Ministers of Burma, India, Indonesia, and Pakistan, to meet at a conference in Colombo “for an informal discussion of matters of common interest”. In his autobiography An Asian Prime Minister’s Story, Sir John relates how he thought of the idea of a Colombo Powers Conference and makes this comment:–

The South-East Asian Prime Ministers Conference began in Colombo on April 28, 1954, and ended in Kandy early in the morning of May 2. It was a historic occasion for Ceylon, and Colombo went gay for the visitors, who were received with acclamation and whom everyone united to make happy and comfortable during their short stay with us. The visitors too made themselves immensely popular.

“I had known Nehru of India, Mohammed Ali of Pakistan, and Nu of Burma before, but this was the first time I was meeting Ali Sastroemidjojo of Indonesia. I took to him instantly. It was interesting to observe the personalities of my distinguished colleagues. Each carried his individual quality and his individual charm–Nehru, earnest, disinterested, fiery; Mohammed Ali, debonair, forceful, practical; Nu, serene, dispassionate, brief, but very much to the point; Ali Sastroemidjojo, courteous, understanding, dedicated.”

I was one of the members of the Ceylon Delegation. Here I give an account of two important discussions of the Conference regarding the Indo-China war and the menace of International Communism, and relate how the final decisions, after heated debates, were arrived at.

The Colombo Powers Conference led to the Bandung Conference where 30 nations of Africa and Asia

met at Bandung, in Indonesia, in April 1955, to–

(a) promote goodwill and cooperation among the nations of Asia and Africa; to explore and advance their mutual as well as common interests; and to establish and further, friendliness and neighbourly relations;

(b) consider the social, economic and cultural problems and relations of the countries represented;

(c) consider problems of special interest to Asian and African peoples–e.g., problems affecting national sovereignty and of racialism and colonialism;

(d) view the position of Asia and Africa and their peoples in the world of today and the contribution they can make to the promotion of world peace and cooperation.

It is not my purpose to write of the Bandung Conference, for I was not present, Ceylon being represented by the Prime Minister, Sir John Kotelawala. Suffice it to say that the final decisions arrived at Bandung have become world-famous as the Bandung Ideals, a code of international morality that nations should seek to follow.

The Colombo Powers Conference was Sir John’s idea. His original proposal was to invite his colleagues, the Prime Ministers of Ceylon’s close neigbours, Burma, India and Pakistan, for an informal discussion on matters of common interest. Indonesia was included later. These Prime Ministers represented five nations having a population of almost 500 million people and immense resources that still awaited development. The international tensions then existing in Korea, Formosa, and Indo-China made the Conference more important than it originally appeared to be.

Fortunately, the Korean war concluded by dividing Korea into two, North and South, and the future of Formosa had not assumed that stage which nearly caused a war between America and Red China early in 1955. It was the war in Indo-China, now in its seventh year, which interested the world, and simultaneously with the meeting of the five Colombo Powers, nine nations which included the United Kingdom, France, and Red ChThe Asian Scene from Colombo in 1954

The Colombo Powers Conference provided the momentum for Asian-African and led to 1955 Bandung Conference

ina, met at Geneva to find a way of preventing the Indo-China war from becoming a Third World War. No nation had a greater interest in a just and peaceful settlement in Indo-China than the five nations that now met at Colombo.

The Asian Scene

The first few years after the end of the Second World War saw more changes in the Asian scene than had occurred previously during much longer periods lasting hundreds of years. When the War commenced in 1939, the whole of Asia with the exception of Japan and the portion of Russia in Asia was under Western rule, or controlled by Western Powers as was China. Nations with great cultural traditions and ancient civilizations were, during a period of 400 years, commencing with the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope in the latter part of the fifteenth century, brought under the rule of some Western power – England, Holland, France, and Portugal – who divided Asia among themselves and in the nineteenth century. America sought to exercise her authority over China and the countries in the Pacific.

Japan alone remained free and showed that an Asian nation could equal the great nations of the West in achievements. The five years after the end of the War in 1945 saw the consummation of the hopes of many Asian leaders, the attainment of freedom by their native lands. India and Pakistan, carved out of India, Burma, Ceylon, Indonesia and the Philippines, attained freedom. Malaya was on the road to freedom. She attained freedom in 1957. China, now a red colossus, challenged the great Western powers. The wheel of destiny turned a full circle. The subject nations attained freedom and Japan was occupied for six years.

New problems now arose. The great movements that had been launched in these countries for the attainment of freedom had unleashed forces that continued to stir the masses. Men of varying political views had joined together to secure freedom for their countries, but after freedom they differed as to how that freedom should be used. Racial and religious conflicts arose in India and Ceylon; democrats and Communists fought in Burma, Malaya, Indonesia, and the Philippines.

These differences were not yet resolved, but it could be stated that there was now no threat to the sovereignty of these new nations. They had also all accepted the principle of the well-being of the largest number, and not of a privileged few, as their economic goal. Through the Colombo Plan the developed nations had joined them in a cooperative effort to help in their economic and social development. The Colombo Plan was an example of the Asian nations joining together to protect their freedom, and to ensure peace in the Asian countries through their unity of purpose.

Indo-China required that an agreement on a cease-fire should be reached without delay. The Prime Ministers felt that the solution of the problem required direct negotiations between the parties principally concerned, namely, France, the three Associated States of Indo-China and Viet-Minh, as well as other parties invited by agreement.

The area known as Indo-China is in the land mass that juts out into the South China sea from the south-west portion of China. Before the War it consisted of the Protectorates of Tong-king, Laos, Annam, Cambodia and the colony of Cochin China, and formed part of the French Colonial Empire. These territories covered an area of almost 300,000 square miles and had a population of about 28 millions. A thousand years ago, Cambodia was a great Hindu Empire in Indo-China stretching from the Gulf of Bengal to the China Sea. The present Cambodia is only a feeble remnant of that great empire of the Khmer people, which at the height of its power produced great cities such as Angkor.

Laos, to the north-east of Cambodia, is a smaller state with a population of a million and a half and was founded by the Thai people who also founded the Kingdom of Siam or Thailand. Both these states were monarchies and the French ruled through the reigning monarchs. Tong-king, Annam, and Cochin-China, the largest land group known as Vietnam, lie between the Protectorates mentioned above and the South China Sea, and have a populationof 23 milions. The vast majority of the inhabitants are of Mongolian stock, closely allied to the Chinese in religion and culture and were governed by their own monarch before the War. The Laotians and Cambodians are Buddhists of the Theravada School, as are the Siamese, Burmese, and Sinhalese, and their culture is Hindu.

The Japanese armies swept through these territories and at the end of the War, together with other Asian countries, the peoples of French Indo-China clamoured for freedom. The French negotiated with the Kingdoms of Laos and Cambodia and agreed with them in 1949, to grant them complete internal sovereignty within the French Union. In Vietnam, the position was different, for there were two nationalistic movements, one led by Bao-Dai which was pro-democracies and purely nationalistic; and the other led by Ho-Chi-Minh was pro-Communist and was supported by Red China.

Ho-Chi-Minh resorted to force to achieve his goal, and the war with the French had now been waged with varying degrees of fortune for almost seven years. The French had employed large armies but their efforts had been in vain. Ho-Chi-Minh had gained many successes and the intervention of America on the side of the French was imminent when the Geneva Conference met to seek a way of avoiding a Third World War.

This was the position on the eve of the Colombo Conference. The Colombo Powers who were intimately concerned with the Indo-China events were not invited, yet the Conference became all the more important for that reason. It had before it certain proposals made by Nehru in the Indian Parliament, viz:

(1) An immediate ceasefire.

(2) The parties to the ceasefire should be France and the actual belligerents, the three Associated States and Viet-Minh (i.e., the territory occupied by HoChi-Minh’s forces).

(3) A complete transfer of sovereignty by the French.

(4) The setting up of machinery for direct negotiation between France and the Indo-Chinese.

(5) Non-intervention in Indo-China by any of the Great Powers.

(6) Supervision by the UNO of the implementation of these proposals.

The Prime Ministers were in agreement with the main principles underlying these proposals but differences of opinion were expressed with regard to their implementation. Indonesia thought that if Red China was admitted to the UNO the tension would cease and any help she was giving to Ho-Chi-Minh would also cease. The majority were not in favour of tying up this question with the Indo-China problem, though they all agreed that Red China should be admitted to the UNO. The other question that difficulty was the part to be played by the Western powers in the negotiations before and after the ceasefire, and also the scope of non-intervention.

Pakistan’s Premier saw the conflict as one between Communism as represented by Ho-Chi-Minh, and Colonialism as represented by France. He was not keen that either should win, but if one was to succeed, he preferred colonialism as it was a decaying force. Ultimately, a solution was found by limiting the non-belligerent invitees to the negotiations, to those “parties invited by agreement”. With regard to non-intervention the burden was placed on the Great Powers “to agree on the steps necessary to prevent a recurrence or resumption of hostilities”.

The stage was set for the final communique and this was telegraphed to Anthony Eden at Geneva. His hands were strengthened by the unanimous decision of the five Colombo Powers and the Geneva Conference ended successfully with the cessation of hostilities and the possibility of a permanent settlement in Indo-China. Today Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam are independent nations. The original Vietnam was divided into two states, the dividing line being the 17th parallel.

Communism

The problems caused by the spread of Communism and the influence exercised by International Communism raised a heated debate. The controversy showed more the attitude of certain countries towards the Soviet Union and Red China rather than their views on Communism, which academically they unanimously disliked. There was also the influence of local Communist parties, such as in Indonesia, which made that country’s Prime Minister lean heavily on the side of Red China and Communism.

Burma, led by its Buddhist Prime Minister U Nu, while expressing its strong disapproval of Communism, did not wish to annoy Red China, its neighbour. India and Pakistan carried their private quarrel into the international sphere too, and Nehru and Mohammed Ali clashed. Ceylon’s Prime Minister opened the discussion and pointed out that the greatest danger to the countries of the region arose from the subversive activities of International Communism.

He said: The countries of the region should, therefore, combine and assist each other in meeting this menace. The infiltration activities of International Communism took many forms. Funds were brought into the country by various means to help local Communists and Communist organizations. The countries of the region were flooded with Communist literature. Russian agents established contacts with local Communists.

At the recent ECAFE Conference held in Ceylon, for instance, the Soviet Delegation had consisted of 22 persons while the other delegations contained far smaller numbers. These delegates had attempted to establish clandestine contacts with local Communists. Another of the undesirable activities of International Communism was the attempt made by Communist countries to induce nationals of non-Communist countries to visit them by awarding generous scholarships and arranging attractive free tours. During these tours the persons concerned were indoctrinated with Communist ideas. All these activities involved interference in the internal affairs of other countries, and the conference should therefore adopt a strongly worded resolution condemning the activities of International Communism.

Pakistan and Burma supported Ceylon. India thought otherwise. She was anxious to avoid aligning with any one of the two Great Power blocs. The countries of the region were aware of the dangers of Communism, yet each must decide how best to deal with the problem in the context of the country’s politics. England dealt with it in one way and America in another. He preferred the former. Dr Sastroemidjojo adopted India’s attitude. In Indonesia they permitted Communist parties to function and they were of the Tito brand and not Stalinist. His government was “non-Communist” but not “anti-Communist”.

The debate produced fierce words between India and Pakistan, and was adjourned for the discussion to be continued in the cooler atmosphere of Kandy, up in the hills. Here too, it was not until in the morning of May 2 that an agreement was reached and the signatures of all five Prime Ministers appended to the communique. Nehru’s contributions had a great effect in producing this unanimity. On one occasion he used eloquent words.

He said that in his long experience of dealing with issues involving large numbers of human beings, he always felt that the better approach was to try to win the confidence of the people and wean them away from something which was evil rather than attempt to suppress anything by force. Such a course often had the effect of encouraging and strengthening the very thing it was desired to suppress.

He was certainly in favour of each country taking all possible steps, either by law or more efficient administrative methods, to stop Communist intervention or infiltration into its territory, but he thought that in dealing with Communism little could be achieved by merely denouncing it. A different approach was necessary: an approach to people’s minds and an attempt to influence them against the attractions of Communism would, he thought, be more effective.

He said that, after all, if one attempted an analysis of the situation, one would find intellectuals in every country who were strongly attracted towards Communist ideologies. The challenge of Russian Communism today was really the challenge of her economic system. The real test was which economy, Communist or Capitalism, would pay better dividends to the people. It therefore boiled down to a conflict of ideas. The idea that would prevail in the end would be that which would be more acceptable to humanity, and it was for this reason that the approach should be by reason and persuasion, rather than by compulsion.

Ultimately, difference of views could not be reconciled. So the communique mildly stated that: “The Prime Ministers made known to each other their respective views on and attitudes towards Communist ideologies” and continued to affirm “their faith in democracy and democratic institutions”. They were all resolved “to resist interference in the affairs of their countries by external Communist, anti-Communist or other agencies”.

On other matters there was controversy and the Conference adjourned. The Colombo Powers met again at Bogor in 1955. Another meeting was held New Delhi in 1956. It would be a pity if the unity, on many matters of national and international interest forged at Colombo was allowed to weaken; the one way of preserving this unity was for these Powers to meet often and express their views, which carry weight in the Councils of the World.