Features

Transformations in Sri Lankan social sciences: From early to modern anthropology

Published

2 years ago

2024/10/7

by Amarasiri de Silva

Before the 1970s, anthropology in Sri Lanka, as an academic discipline, was relatively confined to a few studies. The country had only a few trained anthropologists, and the scope of anthropological research needed to be expanded. This reflected a broader trend in the social sciences in Sri Lanka, where subjects like sociology and anthropology are still required to be fully institutionalized or widely pursued. However, the discipline began to change significantly in the subsequent decades, particularly with the expansion of the departments of Sociology at major universities in Sri Lanka.

The expansion of the departments of Sociology in Sri Lanka’s universities was a pivotal development in the history of social sciences in the country. This expansion increased the number of students who could study sociology and diversified the subjects and research areas that could be explored within the discipline. Sociology was increasingly offered as a special degree, attracting many students interested in studying the social fabric of the country.

This shift in academic focus led to a significant increase in students pursuing higher education in sociology. After successfully completing their undergraduate degrees, with first and second classes, many of these students pursued advanced degrees, including PhDs, at prestigious universities abroad. The most common destinations for these students were India, Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, where they could receive training in the latest methodologies and theoretical frameworks in anthropology and the social sciences.

The exposure to foreign academic environments had a profound impact on the way sociology was studied and practiced in Sri Lankan universities. Students who went abroad for their PhDs were exposed to many theoretical perspectives and research methodologies that they brought back a wealth of knowledge and expertise, which they applied to their research and teaching in Sri Lanka.

One of the most significant contributions of these post 1970 foreign-trained sociologists was their emphasis on empirical research and fieldwork, and applied orientation in research. Unlike earlier generations of sociologists and anthropologists who often relied on theoretical analysis of classical anthropology, these new scholars emphasized the importance of gathering data from the field on social change and social problems. This approach led to a surge in applied anthropological and sociological studies conducted in Sri Lankan villages, as these scholars sought to understand the social dynamics of rural life in the country.

The focus of these studies reflected both the new methodologies introduced to these scholars and the distinct social and cultural landscape of Sri Lanka. With most of the population residing in rural areas, understanding village dynamics was essential to comprehending the broader social fabric of the country. Some scholars concentrated on the intricacies of caste, while others explored the rise of class and its impact on social formation, stratification and political behaviour.

By documenting various aspects of village life—such as kinship structures, economic activities, religious practices, and social hierarchies—their research provided valuable insights into how traditional social structures were being preserved or transformed amid modernization and economic change. Additionally, some researchers turned their attention to marginalized communities, including deprived caste groups and ethnic enclaves, highlighting their unique challenges and contributions to the social structure.

The documentation of village studies also significantly impacted the development of anthropology as a discipline in Sri Lanka. Although many of these scholars identified as sociologists, their research often overlapped with anthropological concerns, particularly in their focus on culture, tradition, and social organization. As a result, the line between sociology and anthropology became increasingly blurred, leading to a more integrated approach to the study of social life in Sri Lanka.

The early anthropological and sociological research conducted in Sri Lanka during this period laid the foundation for future studies. The emphasis on fieldwork and empirical research became a hallmark of Sri Lankan sociology, and many of the methodologies and theoretical perspectives introduced by these scholars continue to influence research in the country today.

Moreover, the focus on village studies has impacted how rural life is understood in Sri Lanka. The detailed documentation of village life has provided a valuable record of the social and cultural changes that have occurred in the country over the past few decades. These studies have also contributed to a deeper understanding of how global processes, such as economic development and cultural exchange, have impacted local communities in Sri Lanka.

My Exposure to Anthropological Fieldwork

My journey into the world of anthropology began during my master’s degree research in Mirissa, a fishing village located in the southern province of Sri Lanka. Having been born and raised in an agricultural village, Batapola in the Galle District, my exposure to the coastal environment of Mirissa was an entirely new and transformative experience.

The transition from an agricultural backdrop to a coastal fishing community presented a set of unique challenges that I had never encountered before. In Mirissa, I was introduced to the intricacies of various fishing methods, a completely different form of livelihood compared to the farming practices I was familiar with. Learning about the techniques used in the capture of fish, the handling and processing of the catch, and the complex networks involved in fish marketing, crew formation, etc., required me to immerse myself deeply into the everyday lives of the villagers.

Beyond the technical aspects, understanding the lives of the fishermen and their families offered profound insights into the social fabric of coastal communities. I observed how the rhythms of life in Mirissa were intimately tied to the sea, shaping the village’s economy and the community’s cultural and social structures. The challenges faced by these families, their resilience, and how they navigated the uncertainties of their occupation became focal points of my research.

This experience in Mirissa not only broadened my understanding of Sri Lanka’s diverse socio-economic landscapes but also deepened my appreciation for the complexity and richness of anthropological research. Through this fieldwork, I realized the importance of adapting to new environments and the necessity of approaching research with sensitivity and respect for the communities involved.

One of the challenges I encountered during my research in Mirissa was establishing the parameters of social change in Mirissa, particularly with the introduction of mechanized boats, or the three-and-a-half-ton boats, which began to replace the traditional outrigger canoes with sails. It quickly became apparent that this technological shift was not merely a matter of economic or practical change but had profound social implications for the village. When mechanized boats were first introduced in the 1950s, the villagers were skeptical about the viability of this new technology. Some recipients even destroyed the freely given boats by submerging them in the sea. Out of the roughly 40 boats distributed to the deep-sea fishing community, only one remained operational at the time of my research. The others were either sold or damaged.

I observed that the village was divided into distinct social categories, based on the method of fishing. Some fished in the deep sea using mechanized boats or canoes (Ruwal oru), and those engaged in shallow sea fishing using beach seine nets (Ma Dal). These two communities, within the village, were highly divergent, with a strong sense of identity tied to their respective fishing practices.

The social divide between these groups was evident not only in their daily activities but also in their social interactions. Intermarriage between the two communities was rare, a reflection of the deep-seated cultural and social differences that had developed over time. Additionally, this division was spatially manifested within the village itself. The deep-sea fishermen resided by the sea in an area known as Badugoda, where they had easy access to the ocean. In contrast, the beach seine fishermen lived by the main road, a location that offered them convenient access to the beaches allocated for their fishing practices.

This geographical separation further reinforced the social boundaries between the two groups, creating distinct sections within the village, each with its traditions, practices, and way of life. Understanding this complex social landscape was crucial to my research, as it highlighted the intricate ways technological and economic changes can influence social structures and relationships within a community.

I commenced my research in the beach seine section of the village in the early 1970s. Through a mutual friend, I was introduced to Mr. Nilaweera, a schoolteacher in the village. Mr. Nilaweera played a pivotal role in helping me settle into the community. He assisted me in finding a place to live—an empty house with basic furniture that he kindly provided. Understanding the challenges of living alone in a new environment, Mr. Nilaweera also arranged for an older woman to cook for me. She prepared delicious meals, often including fresh fish caught in the beach seine nets, or embul thiyal using Alagodu maalu which added to the authenticity of my experience.

To further support my research, Mr. Nilaweera introduced me to two key informants—one from the beach seine fishing community, near Mr. Nilaweera’s house, and the other from the deep-sea fishing community in Badugoda. These informants were invaluable to my work; both were highly knowledgeable and willing to share their insights. They patiently answered all my questions, explaining even the minutest details about the village’s social dynamics, fishing practices, and the distinctions between the two communities. Their guidance was instrumental in deepening my understanding of Mirissa’s complex social fabric.

Mr. Gilbert Weerasuriya, the informant from the beach seine community, possessed knowledge far surpassed that of many average villagers. He provided me with a detailed account of how beach seine nets were introduced to the village and traced the history of their evolution. He explained the traditional method of fishing, using these nets, describing how fish were caught by encircling shoals near the shore.

The first nets were made of coir and coconut leaves, which later used hemp thread to make the nets. The madiya, or the deep end of the net where the fish gets caught, is woven with hemp, while the side nets were made with coir lines.

Later in the 1950s nylon was introduced for beach seine nets, and the catch doubled with the new nets. According to him, the beach seine canoe fishermen originally came from the Coromandel Coast, in India, and eventually settled in beach communities, like Negombo and Mirissa, in Sri Lanka. He noted that similar fishing practices can also be found in coastal communities across India. Interestingly, the early beach seiners in these Sri Lankan communities spoke an Indian language, like Telugu, remnants of which were still present in the songs they sing while hauling the seine nets.

My search in the archives revealed that villagers in and around Mirissa had names ending in “Naide,” a corrupted form of an Indian name. In India, particularly in regions like Maharashtra or Karnataka, “Naide” could be a variant or misspelling of the surname “Naidu,” common among Telugu-speaking people. These family names can be found in school thomboos maintained by the Dutch.

In 1948, at Mirissa, there were only three groups of fishermen: beach seine fishermen, deep sea fishermen, and inshore fishermen. The total number of seine nets in 1947 was 242, owned by a group of 108 fishermen. The deep-sea canoes numbered around 50, operated by about 150 people. Inshore fishing was done in small dugout canoes known as Kuda Oru, with about 20 of them at that time. When I conducted my fieldwork, the numbers had dwindled. There were only six beach seine nets, about 50 deep sea fishermen operated boats and a few Kuda Oru operated by a handful of fishermen.

The process of beach seine fishing involved a large canoe that carried the nets out to sea. The fishermen would then lay the nets in a half-circle, encircling the shoal of fish. Once the nets were in place, the two ends of the circled net were handed over to two groups of fishermen, who began hauling the nets from the shore. At the centre of this operation was the lead fisherman, known as the “mannadirala,” who directed the entire process. The mannadirala would give precise instructions to the hauling groups, ensuring that they drew the net at a specific speed to prevent the fish from escaping through the net. His role was crucial, as the success of the catch depended on the mannalirala’s expertise in coordinating the efforts of the fishermen and controlling the net’s movement.

The beach seine net is owned in shares by various people in the village, and the shoal of fish brought to shore is distributed according to these share ownerships. One-fourth of the catch is allocated to the crew members, known as the “thandukarayo,” (rowers or peddlers) who undertake the challenging task of going out in the canoe to encircle the shoal of fish. Another one-fourth is given to the fishermen responsible for hauling the net at the two ends. A third portion is allocated to the individuals responsible for maintaining the net and the canoe.

The remaining portion is then divided among the shareholders. This division of shares occurs in monetary terms after the fish is sold to vendors and merchants in a process known as “vendesiya.” Additionally, it’s customary for every villager who participated in the fishing activity, even if they are not shareholders, to receive a few fish as a token of appreciation for their contribution. After the fish haul is taken to the shore, people like the mannadirala sort out the fish, separating the big ones from others, like sprats/anchovies or harmless fish. Fish suitable for the family, such as those beneficial for breastfeeding mothers, like kiri boollo, were taken home by the mannadirala and other key individuals.

I was particularly interested in tracing the history of deep-sea canoes, and my interviews with the key informant from the deep-sea fishing community proved invaluable in this regard. This informant, whose knowledge and wisdom were so widely respected that the villagers called him “Soulbury Sami” (Lord Soulbury), was a central figure in the community. Deep-sea fishermen frequently sought his advice on fishing grounds (hantan) and other aspects of deep-sea fishing.

One of the key questions I posed to him was about the number of canoes used for deep-sea fishing before the introduction of mechanized boats. His response was both simple and ingenious. Squatting on the beach, he explained that he could vividly recall who had parked their canoes on his deep-sea canoe’s right and left sides. He took a stick and drew the canoe the family-owned, saying, “This was our oruwa.” Then he drew two similar canoes on each side of his canoe drawn on the beach and said, “I can tell you who owned these two canoes parked beside ours.” He then suggested that I use this method as a starting point. By asking the families who had parked their canoes beside his about their neighbouring canoes, I could piece together a complete picture of the canoe ownership at that time.

This method was remarkably effective. By following his advice and speaking with the families involved, I eventually compiled a list of 48 canoes parked on the beach during the 1940s. This simple yet systematic approach gave me a clear and comprehensive understanding of the deep-sea fishing community’s history before the advent of mechanized boats.

Mirissa has now transformed from a quiet fishing village into a vibrant tourist hub over the past few decades. Once known for its beach seine fishing traditions, the village of Mirissa has evolved significantly over time. The introduction of three-and-a-half-ton boats and trollers modernized its fishing industry, moving the community from traditional fishing methods to more advanced deep-sea fishing. However, over the years, tourism has gradually overtaken fishing as the primary source of livelihood for many villagers. This shift highlights the community’s remarkable adaptability in embracing new opportunities, transforming from a primarily fishing-based economy into a thriving tourist destination.

This small but picturesque destination now boasts over a hundred hotels and boutique accommodations, offering various lodging options for visitors from all over the world. The trajectory of change and transition from being a fishing community focused on beach seine techniques—where nets were dragged ashore by hand—to deep-sea fishing and ultimately to tourism is remarkable. Today, Mirissa is known not for its fishing but for its breathtaking beaches, lush greenery, and panoramic views, making it a must-visit destination in Sri Lanka.

Mirissa’s natural beauty is complemented by an array of activities that attract adventure enthusiasts and nature lovers alike. Whale watching has become one of the village’s most prominent draws, with local boat operators offering tours where visitors can witness the magnificent blue whales, sperm whales, and dolphins in their natural habitat. Additionally, surfing and snorkeling are among the key attractions.

Tourism has brought prosperity to the local community, which depends less on traditional fishing and more on hospitality and tourism services. Many locals earn their livelihoods by operating guesthouses, hotels, and restaurants or by offering services like guided boat tours for whale watching, renting surfboards, and providing transportation for tourists. The once-close connection to the sea, driven by fishing, is now maintained through tourism, as the ocean remains central to the lives of the villagers, albeit in a different way.

Mirissa’s development into a tourist village has not only created economic opportunities. Still, it has also become a cultural melting pot where visitors can experience authentic Sri Lankan traditions, cuisine such as embul thiyal alongside the comforts of modern urban foods. This seamless blend of natural beauty, adventure, and cultural richness makes Mirissa a unique and beloved destination for travellers worldwide.

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Features

Sri Lankan Airlines Airbus Scandal and the Death of Kapila Chandrasena and my Brother Rajeewa

Published

8 hours ago

2026/05/17

Thilina Walpola

The death of Mr Kapila Chandrasena (KC), the former CEO of SriLankan Airlines, caused quite a stir in the country. A few politicians, particularly from the opposition, tried to take advantage of the confusion surrounding his death, whilst social media went into a frenzy, with everyone having a theory as to the cause of death.

Even Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL), the independent anti-corruption watchdog, issued a public statement urging the Government to ensure a full, transparent, and credible investigation into the circumstances surrounding Kapila Chandrasena’s (KC’s) death. TISL further emphasized that the Government bears a responsibility to protect the integrity of the judicial process and to ensure that individuals connected to high-profile investigations are able to participate in proceedings in a safe and secure environment.

While such concerns are understandable, I strongly believe that it is necessary to await the findings of the magisterial inquiry before reaching conclusions regarding the cause of death. To speculate irresponsibly, particularly to fit pre-existing political beliefs, is unfair not only to the deceased but also to his grieving family and loved ones.

First and foremost, I wish to convey my sincere condolences to the family of KC. I understand personally the trauma and anguish associated with losing a loved one unexpectedly and under tragic circumstances.

My brother’s death

Unfortunately, the death of KC also resulted in renewed interest in the death of my brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, in June 2020. Some individuals on social media attempted to link his death to the newspaper article he published on the Airbus scandal involving SriLankan Airlines, KC and his wife.

Some people even circulated photographs of my brother’s body at the site of the incident across social media platforms. This was deeply insensitive and extremely distressing to my sisters and me. The loss of a sibling under tragic circumstances is something from which one never fully recovers. It took our family years to come to terms with his passing, and to have those painful images resurfaced in connection with an entirely unrelated event reopened old wounds unnecessarily.

On behalf of my sisters and myself, I wish to state unequivocally that my brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, took his own life in June 2020 due to personal circumstances. His death had absolutely no connection whatsoever to his writings regarding the Airbus scandal. Neither the Rajapaksas, nor any political actor, nor any state agency was involved in his death. The magisterial inquiry into the matter returned a verdict of suicide.

Those who know me personally are aware of my forthright and combative nature. Had there been even the slightest credible suspicion surrounding my brother’s death, I would never have rested until justice was pursued. Since this was clearly established as a case of suicide, I sincerely hope that those who continue to circulate unfounded theories will finally allow the matter to rest with dignity.

The Sri Lankan Airbus scandal

The alleged payment of a USD 2 million bribe by Airbus SE to a shell company established in Brunei by the wife of a senior SriLankan Airlines official came to light following the approval of a Deferred Prosecution Agreement (DPA) between the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO) and Airbus SE.

The DPA was approved on January 31, 2020 by Dame Victoria Sharp, President of the Queen’s Bench Division, sitting at the Crown Court in Southwark. The award represented one of the largest global anti-corruption settlements in modern corporate history.

The Airbus investigation by the SFO extended far beyond Sri Lanka. It involved allegations of bribery and corrupt practices linked to aircraft purchases by AirAsia and AirAsia X in Malaysia, SriLankan Airlines, TransAsia Airways in Taiwan, PT Garuda Indonesia, Citilink Indonesia, and military aircraft transactions involving the Government of Ghana.

The approved judgment contained specific references to the SriLankan Airlines transaction (page 12, points 41 to 44). It alleged that Airbus employees, contrary to Section 7 of the UK Bribery Act 2010, failed to prevent bribery involving individuals connected to the airline’s aircraft procurement process between July 2011 and June 2015.

According to the Statement of Facts, Airbus engaged the wife of an individual connected to the aircraft acquisition process through a shell entity described as “Company Intermediary 1”. Airbus employees allegedly offered up to USD 16.84 million in commissions in relation to SriLankan Airlines’ purchase of ten Airbus aircraft and the lease of four additional aircraft. Ultimately, only USD 2 million was allegedly paid.

The judgment further stated that Airbus employees sought to disguise the identity of the beneficial owner behind the intermediary company and misled the United Kingdom Export Finance Agency (UKEF) regarding the intermediary’s qualifications, aviation experience, and role in the transaction.

The smoking gun from Sri Lanka that commenced the UK SFO investigation

The matter became particularly significant because it was the concerns raised by UKEF regarding the SriLankan Airlines intermediary that ultimately triggered the wider SFO investigation into Airbus. UKEF questioned why an individual with little aviation experience and who was domiciled outside Sri Lanka had been engaged as a business partner in such a major transaction.

Airbus reportedly provided misleading and inaccurate responses to those concerns in February 2015. Unsatisfied with the explanations provided, UKEF escalated the matter, which subsequently contributed to the formal investigation launched by the SFO in July 2016.

Ironically, what appears to have been a poorly concealed and amateurishly structured bribe involving SriLankan Airlines ultimately became one of the catalysts for a global corruption investigation that resulted in Airbus paying penalties approaching EUR 4 billion across the United Kingdom, France, and the United States.

Under the settlement approved in the UK, Airbus agreed to pay approximately EUR 991 million into the UK Consolidated Fund, including disgorgement of profits and financial penalties. Simultaneously, French and American authorities imposed additional penalties amounting to nearly EUR 3 billion.

Aircraft procurement and corruption

The Airbus matter once again highlighted a longstanding global reality: aircraft procurement has historically been highly vulnerable to corruption. The purchase of aircraft involves enormous financial values, complex financing arrangements, confidential negotiations, intermediaries, export credit agencies, and political influence. These factors create conditions for improper payments and abuse of authority.

Globally, there have been numerous allegations over several decades involving commissions, hidden intermediaries, and questionable consultancy agreements linked to aircraft purchases by both commercial airlines and governments. It is generally believed that the average commissions paid are between 3% to 5% of the order value.

The cost to Sri Lankan taxpayers

One of the most undesirable aspects of the Airbus affair is the financial burden ultimately borne by ordinary Sri Lankan taxpayers.

In 2015, the Government of Sri Lanka decided to cancel the order for four Airbus A350 aircraft as they were deemed unsuitable. As a consequence of that cancellation, SriLankan Airlines incurred penalties estimated at approximately USD 140 million, equivalent to roughly Rs. 19.2 billion at the time.

While Sri Lankan taxpayers absorbed these enormous losses, the United Kingdom taxpayers benefited financially from the Airbus settlement. The UK Consolidated Fund received almost EUR 1 billion arising from the penalties imposed on Airbus.

The contrast is stark. Sri Lanka suffered substantial financial losses as a result of a transaction tainted by allegations of corruption, while foreign governments received the benefit of the resulting fines and penalties.

The questions raised by my brother

My late brother, Rajeewa Jayaweera, wrote an article about the Airbus scandal in an article published in the Sunday Island on February 16, 2020, titled “SriLankan Airlines Airbus Deal”. In the article, he referred to a SriLankan Airlines Board meeting held on October 27, 2016.

According to his article, Board Minute 7.3 dealt specifically with reports that Airbus was under investigation in Europe for bribery-related offences. Rajan Brito, who was then a director of the airline, reportedly informed fellow board members about the investigations and tabled draft letters intended for Airbus, Rolls-Royce, and AerCap.

Those draft letters reportedly suggested that the aircraft transactions may not have been based solely on commercial considerations and sought information regarding the role of facilitators and intermediaries.

However, according to my brother’s article, Brito’s proposal to send those letters was reportedly ignored on the basis that the airline was negotiating favourable terms to cancel aircraft purchase commitments and that sending such letters might sour relations and disadvantage the airline.

However, my brother believed that the decision not to proceed with Brito’s letters was controversial and highly questionable, and that the airline could have sought the assistance of the PNF (Parquet National Financier) to investigate the deal and seek financial restitution, given that the order was allegedly tainted by corruption, particularly given the emerging evidence of corruption surrounding the transaction.

Even today, an important question remains unanswered: did the Government of Sri Lanka or any subsequent board of SriLankan Airlines seriously attempt to recover the USD 140 million cancellation penalty, along with any inflated amounts paid after the global corruption findings against Airbus became public?

The slow pace of Sri Lankan justice

Following the public release of the UK judgment on January 31, 2020, Sri Lankan authorities moved relatively quickly to initiate legal proceedings against KC and his wife.

On February 4, 2020, arrest warrants were reportedly sought. On February 6, 2020, KC and his wife surrendered to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and were remanded until March 4, 2020, when they were released on bail.

The allegations reportedly related to accepting a USD 2 million bribe and engaging in money laundering activities. Press reports also indicated that travel restrictions had been imposed.

However, six years later, the matter still appears unresolved. Based on publicly available information, indictments were reportedly filed before the Colombo High Court in 2022. Since then, several hearings dealing with procedural and preliminary issues have reportedly taken place, but the substantive trial itself has yet to properly commence. With KC now deceased and reports suggesting that his wife may have absconded, the prospects of successfully prosecuting the matter appear increasingly uncertain.

Many Sri Lankans understandably feel frustrated by the slow pace at which corruption-related cases proceed through the judicial system. This frustration is particularly acute where allegations involve politically connected individuals or transactions involving massive losses to the public.

The public perception is that investigations move slowly, prosecutions are delayed for years, and accountability is often ultimately avoided through procedural delays, political changes, or the passage of time.

To be fair, corruption cases involving international financial transactions are inherently complex. They require cooperation between multiple jurisdictions, access to banking records, mutual legal assistance processes, forensic accounting, and substantial documentary evidence. Nevertheless, the extraordinary delays contribute to growing public cynicism regarding the administration of justice.

It is also worth noting that the UK proceedings against Airbus did not publicly identify KC by name. Much of the public discussion in Sri Lanka has therefore relied on local investigations and media reporting rather than the UK judgment itself.

According to information available in the public domain, the alleged funds connected to the USD 2 million payment ultimately found their way into an Australian bank account linked to KC. Given the reputation of Australian authorities for cooperating with international law enforcement investigations, many members of the public expected a faster and more decisive legal process in Sri Lanka.

In that context, a detailed public explanation by the Attorney General’s Department regarding the legal and evidentiary challenges affecting the case may help improve public understanding and confidence.

SriLankan Airlines: A continuing national burden

The Airbus controversy cannot be viewed in isolation from the broader failures surrounding SriLankan Airlines over several decades.

The national carrier has accumulated debts estimated at approximately USD 1.2 billion, equivalent to nearly Rs. 350 billion. This translates to a burden of roughly Rs. 16,000 per Sri Lankan citizen, including millions who have never travelled on the airline.

Successive governments have interfered extensively in the airline’s operations. Political appointments, weak governance, lack of commercial discipline, and poor strategic decision-making have contributed significantly to the airline’s decline.

Far too often, individuals lacking meaningful aviation expertise have been appointed to key board and management positions. Political loyalty has frequently taken precedence over competence and experience.

The decision to terminate the management and ownership partnership with Emirates remains one of the most controversial episodes in the airline’s history. Many industry observers believe that decision alone cost Sri Lanka billions of rupees in lost opportunities and operational deterioration.

Despite repeated financial losses and mounting taxpayer burdens, very few individuals have ever been held accountable for the disastrous decisions that contributed to the airline’s decline.

The current Government faces an unavoidable reality. SriLankan Airlines cannot continue indefinitely as a financially unsustainable state enterprise funded by taxpayers already struggling under severe economic hardship. Decisions regarding the future of the airline must be guided by commercial reality rather than political ideology or emotional nationalism.

Ultimately, the Airbus scandal is not merely about one individual or one alleged bribe. It reflects deeper structural weaknesses involving governance, political interference, accountability, and institutional failure within Sri Lanka.

Sadly, a relatively young man has now lost his life amidst these events and controversies. Regardless of the allegations against him, that remains a human tragedy. At the same time, the country must continue to demand transparency, accountability, and institutional reform so that such scandals are never repeated.

(The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of any organization or institution with which the author is affiliated).

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera

Features

High stakes and hidden hands: Navigating the maze of electronic financial fraud

Published

8 hours ago

2026/05/17

Thilina Walpola

Electronic or digital financial fraud is the current, extremely distasteful description of a blight that has hit the entire globe; a menace that is perpetrated through an unbelievable labyrinth of interconnected dishonourable and nasty manoeuvres. In an era where our financial lives are increasingly becoming digital, the “perfect financial crime” no longer requires a getaway car. It just needs a high-speed internet connection and stupendously brilliant, depraved and Machiavellian minds.

Modern scams have advanced far beyond the poorly spelt emails of the past. They are now extremely sophisticated operations exploiting psychological manipulation and deep-fake technology. Financial fraud has evolved from simple street-level deception into a complex, multi-billion-dollar industry. It has been manipulated through many different currencies in different parts of the world. In Sri Lanka, the landscape of scams has shifted from traditional “pyramid” schemes to sophisticated digital heists and institutional bond scandals that threaten the very fabric of our national economy. From an international outlook, financial fraud is becoming increasingly transnational. Sri Lanka is currently under intense scrutiny by the FATF (Financial Action Task Force). Sri Lanka falling onto the “Grey List” again would have severe repercussions, potentially causing international banks to suspend payments to the island, severely upsetting our exporters.

The financial fraud profile of Sri Lanka has gone from “Bonds” to “Glitches”. Our country has been rocked by high-profile financial irregularities that serve as a stark warning about institutional integrity. First was the Treasury Bond Scandal. Often cited as the largest financial scam in the nation’s history, the Central Bank bond issuance of 2015 highlighted the risks of Insider Trading and the manipulation of government securities. The fallout cost the public billions of rupees, demonstrating how high-level collusion can bypass traditional safeguards.

The recent problem where the Treasury remitted a very large amount of foreign currency to a different portal to which money should not have been sent is a special type of Financial Fraud problem that seems to have been instigated by a deceptive email. It is under investigation at present, and it appears that it is the money that had been earmarked for foreign debt reconciliation. It is the taxpayers’ money that has been allowed to be swindled by unscrupulous crooks.

Then there is the National Development Bank (NDB) “Glitch” Controversy.

The entire banking sector was shaken to its roots by reports of a massive multi-billion-rupee fraud at the NDB. This incident, often referred to in local circles as “The Glitch,” involved the alleged diversion of funds through a sophisticated manipulation of the bank’s internal accounting systems.

Then there are the perceived Guardians, who often serve as Whistleblowers. The fight against such deep-seated corruption rarely begins with a regulator; it often starts with an individual. It is just someone who smells a rat. Maya Senanayake, a forensic expert at NDB, has emerged as a symbol of integrity in this landscape by identifying anomalies that others chose to ignore. Whistleblowers like Senanayake face immense personal and professional risks. Their role is a “Herculean effort”, very often battling institutional stonewalling to bring the truth to light. Without such individuals, “Suspense Account” spikes and “shell-company diversions” would remain invisible to the public eye.

Having mentioned just two of the buzz phrases in circulation, given in Italics above, it is pertinent to provide definitions for some of these phrases that are being bandied about very frequently in articles on the main subject of this article.

· SCAM – It is a fraudulent scheme or deceptive act performed by an individual or group to trick a victim into giving up something of value, typically money, personal information, or assets. It is a blatant lie or a misrepresentation of the truth. Unlike theft (where something is taken by force), a scam usually involves the victim “willingly” handing over assets because they believe the fraudster’s story. Scams often rely on psychological manipulation, such as creating a sense of urgency, fear, or the promise of a “too good to be true” reward.

· HACKERS –

The term has evolved significantly and carries different meanings depending on the context. In the broadest sense, a hacker is someone who uses technical skills to overcome a problem or bypass a system’s limitations. The cybersecurity industry generally classifies hackers by their intent, often using a “hat” colour system.

The White Hat Hackers are an ethical group that is hired to detect vulnerabilities. They are legal and helpful as they improve security by reporting bugs.

The Black Hat Group are cybercriminals who break into systems illegally. They are malicious, steal data, plant malware, or disrupt services.

The Grey Hats Individuals who may break laws to access a system, but without malicious intent. They are individuals who might find a bug without permission and then offer to fix it for a fee.

· MONEY LAUNDERING – It is the process of “cleaning” illicitly-earned money by passing it through complex bank transfers or commercial transactions.

· TREASURY BOND –

A government debt security that provides a fixed interest rate. Manipulating these affects the nation’s debt and interest rates.

· WHISTLEBLOWER –

It is an “insider” who reports and even makes public, concealment of illegal or unethical activities within an organisation to the public or relevant authorities.

· SUSPENSE ACCOUNT –

A temporary account used to hold funds while their final destination is determined. These are frequently used in fraud to “hide” money during transfers.

· SHELL COMPANY –

No., NO…, it is not the Shell Company that deals with fuel. This terminology refers to a company that exists only on paper and has no active business operations. It is very frequently used to obscure the identity of those moving money. They become “Ghosts”.

· FORENSIC AUDIT –

An examination of financial records to find evidence that can be used in a court of law or for legal proceedings.

When one examines some of these frauds and scams, it becomes clear that at the bottom of the distasteful occurrences lie systemic inadequacies. Scrupulous attention to all details of financial transactions, trustworthy and fool-proof systems dealing with financial transactions, utmost vigilance and a very high degree of suspicion are the incontrovertible needs of the hour. The powers-that-be in all things that deal with financial transactions must consist of people with unblemished honesty, unbridled integrity and honour.

International best practices now emphasise a shift from “rules-based” to “risk-based” oversight, even going to the extent of utilising Artificial Intelligence (AI) to detect suspicious patterns in money laundering and financial fraud that a human eye might miss.

For individuals and the general public, the Three Golden Rules for Protection are as follows”

· Demand Transparency:

Whether you are an investor or a depositor, always ask for the audited financial statements of the institution.

· Verify the Chain:

In government securities, ensure you are dealing through registered primary dealers.

· Support Protections:

Advocate for stronger Whistleblower Protection Acts to ensure that those who speak the truth are not penalised by the system they seek to save.

The trick is to protect ourselves from the Invisible Thief by protecting ourselves from Modern Scams. Here is a breakdown of the most prevalent threats today and how to safeguard your assets.

A. The “Urgent Authority” Tactic

Scammers often impersonate trusted institutions such as banks, financial institutions, tax offices, or law enforcement. They create a sense of artificial urgency, claiming your account has been compromised or you owe an immediate fine.

· The Red Flag: Any request to move money to a “safe account” or pay via untraceable methods like gift cards or cryptocurrency.

· The Defence:

Hang up immediately or delete the message if it is on email. Contact the institution using a verified phone number from their official website or the back of your bank card to check the veracity of the request.

B. Investment and “Get Rich Quick” Schemes

With the rise of digital assets, “pig butchering” scams have become rampant. Fraudsters build a relationship with the victim over weeks (the “fattening”) before suggesting a “guaranteed” investment opportunity in crypto or forex (the “slaughter”).

· The Red Flag: Returns that consistently outperform the market with “zero risk.”

· The Defence:

If an investment opportunity sounds “too good to be true”, it almost always is. Professional financial advisors do not solicit clients via WhatsApp or dating apps.

C. Phishing and Smishing (SMS Phishing)

These are deceptive messages designed to steal login credentials. You might receive a text stating a package delivery failed, or your Netflix subscription has lapsed, followed by a link to a “login” page that looks identical to the real thing.

· The Red Flag: Unusual URLs (e.g., wellsfarg0.net instead of wellsfargo.com) and unexpected attachments.

· The Defence:

Never click links in unsolicited messages. Use Multi-Factor Authentication (MFA) on all sensitive accounts; even if a thief gets your password, they won’t get the secondary code.

4. The AI Impersonation (The Grandparent Scam)

Advancements in AI voice cloning allow scammers to mimic the voice of a loved one in distress. They may call claiming to be in a car accident or legal trouble, begging for immediate funds.

· The Red Flag: High emotional pressure and a demand for secrecy.

· The Defence:

Establish a “family password” – a unique word or phrase only your inner circle knows. If the caller cannot provide it, they are not who they say they are.

The Three Golden Rules for Financial Safety are

· Slow Down and Do Not Get Frightened:

Scammers rely on panic. Taking five minutes to think or consult a friend usually breaks the spell of the scam. It is also important to realise that some scammers try repeatedly.

· Verify the Source:

Never trust Caller ID, as numbers can be easily “spoofed” to look local or official.

· Protect Your Data:

Be wary of how much personal information you share on social media. Scammers use these details to make their impersonations more convincing.

Your bank will NEVER EVER ask for your Personal Identification Number (PIN), your Account Password, One-Time-Password (OTP) or request you to transfer money to an entirely new, unknown account. If any such request comes, do not fall for it and immediately contact the institution through their standard publicised telephone lines to check on the veracity of the request.

If you suspect you have been targeted, report it to the bank or financial institution, your local authorities and the legal investigative portals…, IMMEDIATELY.

(Some of the material presented

in this article was extracted with the help of AI.)

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent free-lance correspondent.

Features

In Memory of Professor M S M Mookiah

Published

8 hours ago

2026/05/17

Thilina Walpola

The passing of Professor M S M Mookiah is a great loss to the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka and to all who knew him. He was a steadfast supporter of our mission of peacebuilding and our commitment to inclusion and justice for all communities. Since 2006 he has served loyally as a member of the NPC Governing Council and Board, bringing to our work the benefit of his long experience in public life and academia. He believed deeply in the possibility of healing divisions through dialogue and understanding. What gave him satisfaction was participation, service, and the opportunity to contribute to a better future.

Professor Mookiah was an alumnus of the University Peradeniya, a Commonwealth Scholar at the University of Wales, Institute of Science and Technology, Cardiff and returned to Peradeniya and served and Head Geography at the University of Peradeniya. Subsequently he served as Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Sri Lanka and later as a member of the Public Service Commission of Sri Lanka. He carried these responsibilities with dignity and humility. Even after retirement, there was nothing he enjoyed more than travelling to distant parts of the country to meet people and discuss the challenges of reconciliation and post war reconstruction. He believed strongly in dialogue, coexistence, and the possibility of building a more just society focusing on subjects such as Pluralism, Transitional Justice, Social Cohesion and Reconciliation.

His scholarly contributions were not merely academic but deeply rooted in social justice. He acted as a catalyst and inspiration for thousands of students, particularly helping students from Hill Country enter higher education. He mentored thousands of students and stood as a primary source of inspiration for students from Hill Country to break barriers and enter the sphere of higher education. He remained deeply loyal to the hill country where he was born and to the Malaiyaha Tamil community whose advancement he quietly supported throughout his life.

He understood the hardships faced by plantation families and the barriers confronting young people seeking higher education. One of his most meaningful contributions was the scholarship scheme he initiated in 2014 together with his brother Dr S. Kanapathyraja. Through the support of the Rotary Club of Carmarthen in Wales and later other well-wishers abroad, the scheme enabled university students from plantation communities to pursue higher education. It continues to this day and stands as a lasting part of his legacy.

Professor Mookiah was also a warm and gracious friend. He and his wife welcomed us into their home with generosity and kindness and shared the chocolates his sons brought when they visited from abroad. In later years he spent long periods with family in Switzerland, the United States, and India, where his ashes now lie. But his life’s work belongs to Sri Lanka, to its universities, to the students he inspired, to the communities he served, and to the cause of peace and reconciliation to which he remained committed throughout his life. His presence will remain with us at NPC in his work of peacebuilding, in the scholarship scheme he helped create, and in the memories of all who had the privilege of knowing him.

We offer our prayers for his soul to rest in peace and extend our heartfelt condolences to his family, friends, and the thousands of students grieving this great loss.

By National Peace Council of Sri Lanka