Midweek Review

Prez poll 2024: An unprecedented three-cornered contest amidst external interventions

Published

2 years ago

2024/09/18

Pathfinder Chairman Bernard Goonetilleke, Dr.Dayaratna Silva, Executive Director, PF, Eng. R. W. R. Pemasiri, Convenor PF, Rumeka Perera, Programme Executive PF. and Rasangi Kumarihami, Research Associate PF, were present at the handing over of the two policy documents to presidential candidates (Pix courtesy PF)

None of the election manifestos/policy papers declared in the run-up to Sept. 21 presidential election have taken into consideration the daunting political, economic and social challenges faced by bankrupt Sri Lanka. They never made at least an attempt to discuss a debt repayment plan. Having received time till 2028 to resume debt repayment, serious contestants should have taken the public into confidence and announced their specific plans on how to deal with debt repayment. Instead, President Ranil Wickremesinghe and SJB leader Sajith Premadasa sought to outdo each other by making promises, ranging from unprecedented salary hikes for public servants to lifting of ban on importation of vehicles. With the economy in a precarious state, such promises seemed beyond the Treasury’s capacity. This is the same government, headed by President Wickremesinghe, that bluntly refused to consider a salary increase of Rs 10.000 asked by public servants about six months earlier, citing dire economic situation confronting the country!

By Shamindra Ferdinando

On behalf of the Pathfinder Foundation, its Chairman Bernard Goonetilleke recently handed over what the think-tank called policy documents titled (i) ‘Economic Crisis in Sri Lanka: Policy Challenges for the New Government,’ and (ii) ‘Bridging Borders: Enhancing Connectivity between India and Sri Lanka,’ to presidential candidates Ranil Wickremesinghe (independent), Sajith Premadasa (SJB), Anura Kumara Dissanayake (JJB) Namal Rajapaksa (SLPP) and Dilith Jayaweera (CP).

Dr. Nihal Abeysinghe received the Pathfinder documents on behalf of JVP and JJB leader Dissanayake.

Having served the Foreign Service for nearly 40 years, Goonetilleke received the appointment as Chairman, Pathfinder Foundation, founded by Milinda Moragoda, in May 2010, two years after his retirement.

Goonetilleke served as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington during the 2005-2008 period as the combined forces were battling the separatist LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam). The war was brought to a successful end in May 2009. Before being posted to Washington, Goonetilleke also served as Foreign Secretary (2003-2004) during the Norway-led peace initiative that led to Eelam War IV.

Meticulously prepared Pathfinder documents, however, underscored the pivotal importance of future foreign and economic policies as bankrupt Sri Lanka holds the presidential election with much trepidation, later this week, because of the unknowns in the form of foreign agendas, especially from the West.

The Foundation methodically addressed the entire range of issues confronting bankrupt Sri Lanka now trapped in the US-led efforts to contain China. India being part of the strategic ‘Quad’ (The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) alliance is quite clearly worried about Chinese intentions here. Having examined Pathfinder documents, the writer is of the opinion that the organization that described itself as an independent, non-partisan research and advocacy think-tank, in fact, however, appears to be blindly and absolutely backing the International Monetary Fund programme promoted as a panacea for the country’s ills. It also throws its weight behind the ongoing Indo-Lanka initiatives at all levels. In other words it is not a case about finding a winning path, but merely backing a trail trodden by so many from the third world as dictated by the twin sisters in Washington, with hardly any success from South America to Africa and Asia.

It would be pertinent to mention that Milinda Moragoda, the Pathfinder founder and former Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to New Delhi, who has apparently tied his wagon to Indian interests, recently presented a copy of the foundation’s Study Group Report on ‘India-Sri Lanka Physical Connectivity’ to Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Kumar Doval. This happened during the latter’s recent controversial visit to Colombo. The report provides a comprehensive blueprint for physical connectivity between the two countries in road, rail, electricity and petroleum sectors.

It is not difficult to understand that the second policy document ‘Bridging Borders: Enhancing Connectivity between India and Sri Lanka’ also dealt with the issues addressed by the Pathfinder Study Group Report on ‘India-Sri Lanka Physical Connectivity.’ In fact, the thought-provoking reports are the same.

The longest serving Indian National Security Advisor Doval’s latest visit to Colombo caused intense controversy due to the former head of internal and counterintelligence agency meeting three of the contestants – Wickremesinghe, Premadasa and Dissanayake – as well as Tamil politicians representing the North East, upcountry and Colombo. Their decision to leave out SLPP candidate Namal Rajapaksa is understandable. India obviously considers that the SLPP has no chance at all at the presidential election, with its vote base divided between President Wickremesinghe and former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s eldest son, Namal.

Doval is on his third term having received the appointment in 2014 after Narendra Modi’s victory at the general election. Whatever the official explanation regarding Doval’s latest visit to Colombo, no one can justify meeting presidential candidates and scores of other lawmakers. From New Delhi’s point of view, India, under any circumstances, cannot allow Colombo to deviate from the post-Aragalaya path.

At the behest of the IMF, in May this year, President Wickremesinghe presented the Economic Transformation Bill, the Public Debt Management Bill and the Public Financial Management Bill. President Wickremesinghe repeatedly declared that these Bills were meant to stabilise the economy and prevent another debt default crisis. Out of that lot, the Economic Transformation Bill can be categorized as the most important and politically sensitive. Enacted in July, the new law brought all political parties backing Wickremesinghe, Premadasa and Dissanayake in line with the IMF formula or strategy or whatever you desire to call it.

Interestingly, the group of dissident SLPP MPs, backing Dilith Jayaweera, never raised objections to it at the time. They could have demanded a vote on the Economic Transformation Bill or at least publicly questioned the circumstances the controversial Bill was passed.

Post-war presidential polls

Sri Lanka conducted three presidential polls since the eradication of the LTTE, widely considered combined forces brought the LTTE to its knees, following a relentless campaign conducted over a period of two years and 10 months.

Those who couldn’t stomach the LTTE’s annihilation, resented President Mahinda Rajapaksa. They wanted to see the back of the war-winning President, who defied the West’s last minute effort to rescue Tiger Leader Velupillai Prabhakaran and his core group as they were cornered into a sliver of land between the Nanthikadal lagoon and the Mullaitivu beach surrounded by a Tamil civilian human shield they were holding for their protection. Political parties represented in Parliament collaborated with the US in a treacherous attempt to defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa. In spite of the JVP, SLMC, CWC joining the UNP in a despicable US backed project, their so-called common candidate, retired General Sarath Fonseka, ended up with egg on his face.

Contesting under the ‘Swan’ symbol, hitherto an unheard of sign at local elections, and the registered political party New Democratic Front (NDF), Fonseka polled 4,173,185 (40.15%) whereas Rajapaksa secured 6,015,934 (57.88%).

Appearing on the live Sirasa political programme ‘Satana’ last week the Sinha Regiment veteran Fonseka, an independent candidate contesting Sept. 21 presidential poll, repeated the preposterous accusation that he was robbed of victory at the 2010 presidential election.

In the wake of Fonseka’s defeat, the late Somawansa Amarasinghe, the then JVP leader, alleged that computer ‘jilmaat’ (jugglery) had been resorted to defeat Fonseka.

Thanks to secrets revealed by WikiLeaks the world knows the US intervention at the 2010 presidential election. Interestingly, Maithripala Sirisena and Sajith Premadasa contested the 2015 and 2019 presidential elections, also under ‘Swan’ symbol, though the JVP quit the alliance ahead of the 2019 poll. Contesting under the JJB symbol for the first time Anura Kumara Dissanayake emerged third at the 2019 election with 418,553 votes (3.16%) but in post-Aragalaya scenario, the JVPer is one of the top contenders.

Having recognized the JJB’s potential to secure power at the next presidential election, the first national poll after Aragalaya, New Delhi extended an invitation to Dissanayake for a five-day tour that enabled him to visit New Delhi, Ahmedabad, and Thiruvananthapuram. The visit assumed greater significance as Dissanayake was granted the opportunity to meet External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar and Doval.

Colombo based longstanding correspondent of The Hindu Meera Srinivasan quoted JJB MP Vijitha Herath as having said: “In our meeting with Mr. Doval, we discussed regional security and bilateral issues concerning India and Sri Lanka.”

The JJB forgetting all their revolutionary zeal also secured US recognition and over the past two years developed its relations with the Western camp and became globetrotting savvy politicians as the party was groomed as a likely alternative to incumbent President Wickremesinghe. The challenge faced by Wickremesinghe should be examined against the backdrop of him having to depend entirely on the SLPP’s support. With the UNP reduced to just one lawmaker in Parliament, Wickremesinghe has no alternative but to reach a consensus with the SLPP – a highly contentious move that caused irreparable damage to that party. At the end, a divided SLPP ended up backing two candidates President Wickremesinghe and Namal Rajapaksa.

Premier Dinesh Gunawardena, who had been with the Rajapaksas for many decades, broke ranks with his erstwhile buddies to pitch camp with his school buddy and UNP leader Wickremesinghe who suffered two major setbacks in the run-up to the presidential poll. Despite desperate efforts to convince the SJB parliamentary group to switch allegiance to him at Premadasa’s expense, the President did not succeed. Firstly the Supreme Court unseated three SJBers, namely Harin Fernando, Manusha Nanayakkara and Diana Gamage who held Cabinet and non-Cabinet portfolios, respectively, in separate cases.

The other devastating setback was his failure to secure the SLPP’s support, thereby preventing a split in the party voter base. Had Wickremesinghe managed to secure the backing of an undivided SLPP along with the majority of SJB parliamentary group, the ground situation could have been much more favourable to the incumbent President.

Turning a blind eye to external interventions

The EU and the Commonwealth are among international poll observation missions already deployed here. However, they are unlikely to pay attention to foreign interventions. In fact, international missions have never discussed the issue in the past. Local polls monitoring missions, too, are unlikely to comment on foreign interventions for obvious reason of them being dependent on foreign funding. So not a hum from them in the past despite worldwide shock revelations, especially by WikiLeaks, nor can the country expect any in the future.

In fact, foreign interventions have made election manifestos/policy statements of leading candidates irrelevant. The recent Doval visit as well as the US stand during Aragalaya and post-Aragalaya showed the growing dangers facing the country. Trapped in developing economic-political and social crises, the Wickremesingthe-SLPP government continuously struggled to overcome daunting foreign policy challenges.

In the face of relentless Indian and US pressure, Sri Lanka had no option but to impose a one-year ban on the entry of foreign research vessels to Sri Lankan waters. The ban came into effect on January 1, this year. It would be a major issue that would test whoever wins the Sept. 21 contest as China would be determined to have that ban lifted whereas India and the US wanted restrictions imposed on foreign research vessels extended. That order is meant to bar Chinese vessels.

External interventions here have reached a dangerous level with foreign powers seeking control over political parties. One-time Indian Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon, in ‘Choices: Inside the Making of Indian Foreign Policy’, launched in 2016, discussed how China funded earlier election-winning apparatus for defeated President Mahinda Rajapaksa. In the same year, the then US Secretary of State John Kerry crowed in public about how they funded ‘regime-change’ operations in Nicaragua, Myanmar and Sri Lanka to the tune of USD 585 mn. This declaration was made in the wake of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s defeat at the 2015 presidential poll. That US statement proved beyond doubt that the US got involved in the 2015 presidential election, too.

None of the contesting political parties here would dare to complain to foreign election observation missions about external interventions. Election monitors issue statements about setting up so-called party offices, an utterly useless exercise that wouldn’t have any impact whatsoever on the electorate whereas external powers brazenly intervene here, both overtly and covertly.

The Parliament, too, remained conveniently silent over external interventions though some lawmakers addressed the issue. Current State Finance Minister Shehan Semasinghe raised the US funding made available to those who had been opposed to Mahinda Rajapaksa at the 2015 presidential election.

In spite of a high profile US statement Sri Lanka never took any notice. The Election Commission never even acknowledged the issue at hand.

The second Pathfinder policy document that had been presented to presidential contestants blatantly promoted the overall Indian project here. That document comprehensively dealt with five key aspects namely (i) maritime (ii) air (iii) energy and power (iv) trade, economic and financial and (v) land connectivity meant to transform Indo-Lanka relationship to a new level. Pathfinder foundation discussed the developing situation against the backdrop of President Wickremesinghe’s meeting with Indian leader Narendra Modi in New Delhi on July 21, 2023.

Let me stress that ‘Bridging Borders: Enhancing Connectivity between India and Sri Lanka’ is not a secret document but one that can be accessed at (https://pathfinderfoundation.org/images/publications/policy%20papers%20and%20reports/2024/indo%20-%20lanka%20connectivity%20-%20breif%20report.pdf). It gives the reader a clear understanding of what is happening on the ground and status of discussions regarding these projects.

Security factors, concerns

Even ordinary people have expressed serious fears of an outbreak of violence over the coming weekend. The SLPP backing President Ranil Wickremesinghe as well as the SJB have accused the JJB of premeditated violence. The JJB has categorically denied these accusations whereas Kumar Gunaratnam, the General Secretary of the Frontline Socialist Party aka Peratugaami Pakshaya and former military wing member of the JVP has publicly defended their decision to take up arms in 1987, after they were driven underground by the JRJ regime.

The armed forces and police pathetically failed to prevent overthrowing of a democratically elected President with an overwhelming majority in July 2020. Their failure should be discussed taking into consideration extremely serious accusations directed at the military top brass by no less a person than ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The armed forces pathetically failed on May 09/10, 2022 and July 09, 2022, as organized gangs systematically torched properties of SLPP parliamentarians and sometimes those of their close supporters and relatives in many parts of the country with meticulous intelligence, including in the Colombo district.

It would be the responsibility of the armed forces and police to swiftly and decisively tackle any unforeseen post-election situation/development. There cannot be another countrywide security crisis again. The armed forces and police top brass should be directly held responsible for maintaining law and order as the possibility of interested parties resorting to violence cannot be ruled out.

It would be a grave mistake on the part of the National Security Council (NSC), chaired by President Wickremesinghe, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and the Minister in charge of Defence, not to have a specific plan to deal with any eventuality. One might say that such a plan is inevitable and concerns raised by the writer irrelevant. Then, the country needs a clear explanation as to why such a contingency plan hadn’t been implemented especially after mobs caused countrywide destruction on May 09/10, 2020.

The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government mishandled the Rambukkana incident where one person died when police opened fire to prevent a mob from setting fire to a bowser carrying petrol on April 19. 2022. The police arrested the senior officer in charge of the area SSP K.B. Keerthiratne along with three other police personnel for doing their job. That government move sent the wrong signal and the total collapse of the law and order situation in the second week of May, 2022 and again in July, 2022 cannot be discussed without examining the Rambukkana incident.

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Midweek Review

Opp. caught up in CIABOC offensive

Published

4 days ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Mahinda Rajapaksa leaving CIABOC on 12 June, 2026

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) on 12 June questioned former President Mahinda Rajapaksa regarding the USD 2 Mn bribe allegation directed at the late SriLankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena, whose body was found on 8 May in a close relative’s home in Kollupitiya. Chandrasena’s alleged suicide sent shock waves through political circles and interested parties questioned the circumstances leading to him being granted bail on 6 May on cash bail of Rs. 500,000 with three sureties of Rs. 10 million each. The Colombo Magistrate court also imposed a travel ban. The issue at hand is as to how Mohamed Riswan and Mohamed Irshan stood as sureties for Chandrasekera. Of all the investigations undertaken by the CIABOC, the USD 2 Mn bribe case is the most politically charged probe.

Of the Rajapaksas, former State Minister Shasheendra Rajapaksa is so far the last to be indicted. CIABOC on 19 June filed indictments before the Colombo High Court against him and two others Sepalika Saman Kumari and Keerthi Bandara Kotagama. According to the charges, the accused are alleged to have committed the offence of corruption and aided and abetted the commission of the offence by using official influence to pressure certain government officials, attached to the Office for Reparations, to obtain compensation amounting to Rs. 8.85 million for a property built on a state land by Shasheendra and destroyed by marauding Aragalaya mobs.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The ruling National People’s Power (NPP) government last week emphasised, in no uncertain terms, that it wouldn’t tolerate the growing Opposition challenge.

Amidst the growing controversy over the continuing detention of retired Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay. in terms of the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), under humiliating conditions, in connection with the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, police arrested Sugeeshwara Bandara, leader of the New People’s Front (NPF). The Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) apprehended him on 18 June and the Fort Magistrate’s Court remended him till 1 July..

The CCIB also apprehended Binoy Hettiarachchi who was accompanying Bandara. Hettiarachchi served as a media coordinator at the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office. Police intercepted their vehicle at Kollupitiya where the arrests were made like in an action-packed movie. Hettiarachchi was freed four hours later.

But, it would be better to identify Bandara as the former private secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as well as the Director General of Special Projects at the Presidential Secretariat in the wake of Ranil Wickremesinghe taking over the presidency.

Accused of receiving two salaries simultaneously, under the President’s Expenditure Head, Bandara who managed the media for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the run-up to the 2019 presidential election, is under investigation for abuse of government vehicles and employing government workers for political work.

Having launched his political career as the Colombo District organiser of the alliance New People’s Front, a breakaway faction of the UPFA, in February, 2024, Bandara contested the November, 2024, parliamentary polls on the New Democratic Front (NDF) ticket. But, of late, Bandara, as the leader of NPF, became one of the most active opposition activists, aligned with the political grouping, dubbed People’s United Opposition, operating from Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office.

Bandara drew the wrath of the government when he launched a noisy protest outside Finance Secretary Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma’s residence at Akuregoda, Pelawatta, on 26 April, where he and his protesting supporters were given a shower of excreta. The group, led by Bandara, demanded the Finance Secretary’s resignation over the theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury. No less a person than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reacted angrily to Bandara’s actions.

Acknowledging the right for legitimate protests, the President warned against protests directed at residences of officials. On 18 April, Bandara led a protest outside Agriculture Minister K.D. Lal Kantha’s recently built luxury residence at Weliwita, Kaduwela, where he questioned how the JVPer managed to build such a home as he was on record as having repeatedly said that he lived a difficult life.

The police apprehended Bandara as he was returning from a meeting between senior representatives of the People’s United Opposition and the IMF Colombo at the Tiki Bar, Shangri-La. In spite of negligible parliamentary presence, with those elected on the NDF ticket at the last parliamentary election not really speaking in one voice, the Flower Road project has become a headache for the government.

In fact, the Flower Road operation has been causing continuous harassment to the NPP, while the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) struggled to play its anticipated role as the main Opposition. Instead of conducting a cohesive campaign against the cocky NPP government, members of the SJB seem to be pulling in different directions at the expense of the common opposition front.

Regardless of the Wickremesinghe-led grouping vowing to press ahead with its campaign, the arrest of Bandara is obviously meant to have a detrimental impact on the activities of the Opposition.

It would be pertinent to mention that Bandara had been among those who stayed with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the President’s House, in Colombo, as a massive protest erupted on 9 July, 2022. Bandara was among the last to flee the President’s House as the military withdrew, amidst mounting pressure on their positions.

The police arrested Bandara as former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa moved the Court of Appeal in terms of Article 140 of the Constitution to prevent him being arrested under the PTA. The wartime Defence Secretary sought the court intervention in the wake of police probing the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage and obtaining a travel ban against him.

The court heard Romesh de Silva PC’s submissions on behalf of the ex-President on 18 June. The court deferred the hearing to 24 June. The crux of the matter is that the ex-President fears that the CID is about to arrest him on the basis of a statement made by fugitive Azad Moulana, in Paris, linking Sallay directly with the Easter Sunday carnage.

NPP intensifies pressure

The NPP seems confident of its current course of action meant to pin down the Opposition. In spite of unbridled corruption being the major issue on the post-war election platform, no political party succeeded in going flat-out against the political opposition.

However, the NPP allowed the judicial process to continue. The first major sentencing was announced on 2 April, 2025, just six months after the parliamentary polls, handsomely won by the NPP. The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) moved the Colombo High Court successfully against the former Chief Minister of the North Central Province S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon.

Colombo High Court No. 01 Judge Adithya Patabendige sentenced him in terms of Section 70 of the Bribery Act. The HC declared the former CM perpetrated malpractices by ordering fuel to his personal secretary’s vehicle. The personal secretary happened to be Shanthi Chandrasena, wife of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, a former Cabinet Minister and one of the most powerful Ministers to represent the North Central province.

The ex- Chief Minister and the second accused, his personal secretary, were convicted guilty of two charges. Both were sentenced to 16 years rigorous imprisonment and were also ordered to pay a fine of Rs. 200,000/- with an additional two-year prison term in case of default.

Deputy Director General Asitha Anthoney appeared on behalf of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.

There had never been any really coordinated CIABOC campaign against corruption. No political party, or a particular family, felt threatened by CIABOC. Both those in and outside Parliament acted with impunity. They feared no one. There was no need to be because the powerful and the influential operated above the law.

Just a couple of weeks after sentencing of S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon and Shanthini Chandrasena, the CIABOC arrested the latter’s husband, one-time Deputy Economic Development Minister and Special Projects Minister, S.M. Chandrasena. The CIABOC took him into custody on 4 July, 2025.

The CIABOC accused the former Minister of causing loss to the government by distributing seed corn, imported at a cost of Rs 25 mn, in 2024, among the farmer community in the Anuradhapura district, at a subsidised price. The distribution had taken place ahead of the 2015 presidential election contested by Mahinda Rajapaksa and estranged former SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena. The CIABOC alleged that Chandrasena exerted undue influence on the Director (Planning) and other officers of the District Secretariat and distributed seeds through his political allies to gain an advantage in the 2015 presidential election and incurred a loss to the government.

Chandrasena was granted bail on 1 August, 2025. He was indicted on 12 June before the Colombo High Court.

Before further discussing the ongoing anti-corruption campaign, let me introduce the top leadership of CIABOC. The Commission consists of Justice W.M.N.P. Iddawela (Chairman), K.B. Rajapakse and Chethiya Goonesekera P.C, with High Court judge R.S.A. Dissanayake as its Director General.

The sentencing of the S. M. Ranjith Samarakoon didn’t really bother his side. The arrest of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, too, didn’t really upset those facing charges. But, sentencing of former Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage and former Sathosa Chairman and former Trade Minister Nalin Fernando on 29 May, 2025, sent shock waves through the Opposition.

The Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar sentenced Aluthgamage and Fernando for committing the offence of corruption by purchasing 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 checkers boards through Sathosa, allegedly to distribute to schools and sports clubs selected by the Sports Ministry, and distributing them to party offices of the government, during the 2015 presidential election campaign thereby, causing a loss of over 53 million rupees to the government, stunned the Opposition.

Aluthgamage was sentenced to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment, Fernando received a sentence of 25 years of rigorous imprisonment. Additionally, a fine of Rs. 100,000 (hundred thousand) was imposed for each count.

The CIABOC’s Assistant Director General Mrs. Anuththara Jayasinghe and Assistant Director General Mrs. Thushari Dayaratne conducted the prosecution.

During the Yahapalana government Aluthgamage spearheaded a high profile anti-corruption campaign, dubbed ‘Yahapalana Top 10 kamba horu’. The then Joint Opposition (JO) group, led in Parliament by Dinesh Gunawardena, published a 750-page book, targeting the Yahapalana ministers. Mahindananda, who spearheaded that campaign, is now serving a long sentence.

The JO group consists of UPFA lawmakers who declined to throw their weight behind the then President Sirisena aligned with the UNP.

Let me mention the names of those against whom the accusations were made by the JO.

Yahapalana corruption

The JO dealt with 10 major cases. (1) The Treasury bond scams perpetrated in 2015 and 2016. Accusations were directed at Ranil Wickremesinghe, Ravi Karunanayake and Governor Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran. The losses were estimated at Rs 26 bn. (2) causing losses amounting to Rs 10 bn through the fraudulent import of vehicles. Ravi Karunanayake was named the chief culprit (3) Misappropriation of Mahapola funds to the tune of Rs. 1 bn. Allegations were directed at Malik Samarawickrema (4) Stealing from an insurance scheme implemented for the benefit of those going for employment in West Asia. The JO accused Thalatha Atukarale of misappropriating funds amounting Rs 1.5 bn (5) Receiving Rs 1.5 bn through the leasing of Hambantota port to China on a 99-year lease. Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema and R. Paskaralingam were named the offenders (6) Kabir Hashim was accused of causing a loss of Rs 54 bn by cancelling aircraft ordered from Airbus Industries for the national carrier (7) fraudulent activities pertaining to the release of paddy stocks held by the government. The JO estimated the losses caused to the government at Rs 10 bn. (8) Scam in vehicle parts. Ravil Karunanayake was accused of causing losses amounting to Rs. 6.5 bn, (9 A) Dr. Rajitha Senaratne was accused of leasing of the Modera fisheries harbor and procurement of eight vessels to catch fish, fraudulently, and thereby causing losses up to Rs 1 bn, (9B) The JO also found fault with Dr. Senaratne for perpetrating Rs 1.5 bn fraud in the procurement of medicine and lastly (10) Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema, R. Paskaralingam and Charitha Ratwatte were blamed for a massive fraud in the procurement of coal for the Norochcholai coal-fired power plant. That particular fraud was estimated at Rs 5 bn.

Although the JO transformed itself to Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) later, to successfully contested the 2019 presidential election, none of the above-mentioned cases were investigated. As far as we know, none of those cases had been dealt with during the SLPP rule, from November, 2019, to July, 2022. Faced with an externally backed regime change operation, the SLPP invited Wickremesinghe, who had been named by them in three major corruption cases, to accept the premiership in May, 2022, and presidency in July same year.

So far, there is no indication whether the mentioned JO allegations had received the attention of the CIABOC or the Attorney General of the government. As far as we know of all the politicians and officials, Wickremesinghe is the only one facing imminent threat due to the ongoing case pertaining to him visiting the UK in September, 2023, to join his wife Prof. Maithree at the University of Wolverhampton at her graduation ceremony.

Wickremesinghe has been accused of squandering nearly 17 mn rupees at a time the country was in deep economic turmoil. The Fort Magistrate’s court is scheduled to take up the case on 8 July.

SLPP parliamentary group leader Namal Rajapaksa is also facing a major legal challenge. The former Minister has been indicted on charges of criminal misappropriation of Rs. 70 mn in connection with the controversial Krrish project. The indictments have been forwarded to the Colombo High Court by the Attorney General, alleging that Namal Rajapaksa misappropriated funds by receiving Rs. 70 million from the Indian real estate company for the development of rugby in Sri Lanka.

Yoshitha Rajapaksa, too, has been dealt with by the CIABOC. The Rajapaksas have been accused of lowering qualifications required to join the executive branch of the Navy and then sending him to the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom at taxpayers’ expense. Produced before the Colombo Additional Magistrate, Yoshitha was released on three personal bail bonds of Rs. 5 million each.

Producing Yoshitha before court on 17 June, Deputy Director General of the Bribery Commission, Ruvini Wickramasinghe declared: “”Your Honour, the complaint regarding this incident was received on June 25, 2016. Accordingly, the Commission initiated investigations. The complaint states that the suspect had participated in naval training programmes held in England and Ukraine by misusing government funds, while depriving qualified applicants of such opportunities. At that time, this individual, who is a civilian in the dock today, was also a civilian in 2006 when he was deemed eligible for the Royal Navy Young Officer training at the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom. The opportunities to receive this training are extremely limited. Your Honour, selection to this prestigious course is usually based on being the most outstanding cadet officer during a two-year training period or based on performance during training. However, this suspect, although a civilian in 2006, was proposed and included in the list and was sent for the course in haste.”

The Deputy Director General also stated that Yoshitha Rajapaksa had undergone medical examinations required for overseas training even before being officially recruited into the Navy.

The court was also told that though Sri Lanka previously received scholarships from the UK the Rajapaksa government funded Yoshitha to the tune of Rs 6.2 mn.

Opp. attacks CIABOC

The Opposition has repeatedly attacked the CIABOC with its Director General Ranga Dissanayake being the primary target. Accusing Dissanayake of being a JVPer, the Opposition has repeatedly questioned the conduct of the High Court judge demanding that the CIABOC inquired into the top official’s conduct, especially with regard to the alleged suicide of former Sri Lankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena who had been under investigation pertaining to the receiving of USD 2 mn bribe to facilitate procurement aircraft from Airbus Industrie during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term.

Former Foreign Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, a regular speaker at Flower Road media briefings, alleged that the CIABOC was a political tool in the NPP’s hands.

A section of the Opposition to question the circumstances one-time JVP heavyweight Nandana Gunatilleke died in January this year at the Ragama Teaching Hospital after accusing Dissanayake of pursuing an agenda beneficial to the JVP, a charge denied by the High Court judge. When the writer raised the allegations with Dissanayake, he emphatically denied any wrongdoing on his part https://island.lk/ciaboc-dg-denies-jvp-link/.

The CIABOC has simply ignored accusations directed at its DG who proved through his actions that he really meant high profile public pronouncements against corruption.

Former Deputy Minister and ex-MP Sarana Gunawardena was sentenced to a total of 16 years rigorous imprisonment by the Colombo High Court on June 8, 2026.

During the Yahapalana administration many cases, filed by the CIABOC as well as the Attorney General, were either dismissed or dropped due to lapses on their part. The accused in such cases were ex-MP Sajin Vass Gunawardena, ex-EP Chief Minister Sivanesathurei Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan, ex-Ministers Johnston Fernando, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, Basil Rajapaksha, Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Janaka Bandara Tennakoon and former AG and CJ Mohan Peiris.

Regardless of Opposition protests, the public appreciate tangible action against corruption. However, the NPP has not been free from serious allegations against it since the last general elections. The release of suspicious 323 containers, plus two containers filled with ice, in January, 2025, followed by the massive coal scam perpetrated in September 2025, loss of over USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury and controversial Aswesuma payments, as well as wealth, accumulated by NPP Ministers as revealed by declarations made to CIABOC, shocked the electorate.

The NPP has failed to counter allegations. The circumstances under which Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody resigned, along with Energy Secretary Udayanga Hemapala, on 17 April, just a week after the NPP defeated the no-confidence motion moved by the Opposition against the Energy Minister. dealt a devastating blow to the NPP’s much touted integrity. The NPP couldn’t explain as to why a person under investigation by the CIABOC for an alleged fraud perpetrated during the Yahapalana government was accommodated in President Dissanayake’s first Cabinet. Indicted before the Colombo High Court, Jayakody’s case commenced last week.

Asset declarations of some NPP Ministers have shocked the country. The SJB has called for CIABOC to investigate them without delay and prove that CIABOC was not only going after the Opposition. Ministers Lal Kantha and Wasantha Samarasinghe are two of the top JVPers who have attracted attention as the Opposition hits back at the government.

SJB MP Mujibur Rahuman said that the JVP/NPP owed an explanation as to how their members amassed so much wealth since 2024 as they repeatedly claimed their inability to meet even their basic needs. But, their asset declarations exposed their blatant lies.

Midweek Review

Geopolitics of the Indian Ocean

Published

4 days ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Listening to the Winds, Reading the Waves:

Prof. Gamini Keerawella’s latest publication, Winds and Waves: Geopolitical Currents in the Indian Ocean since 1945 will be launched on 5 August at the Auditorium of the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies (BCIS). The keynote address will be delivered by Prof. T. V. Paul, James, McGill Professor of Political Science at McGill University, Canada and the former President of the International Studies Association (ISA).

Prof. Keerawella, Professor Emeritus of History at the University of Peradeniya, has dedicated hisbook to the memory of Dr. Newton Gunasinghe, the eminent sociologist and Marxist theoretician who encouraged him to venture beyond disciplinary frontiers. In many respects, this work represents a successful realization of that intellectual endeavour. In her testimonial to back cover of the book, Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy observes that “Gamini Keerawella offers a nuanced and layered account of the Indian Ocean region’s strategic evolution from the era of decolonization to the contemporary phase of intensifying great-power rivalry. Its distinctive analytical perspective makes it an important contribution to the study of international relations, maritime geopolitics, and regional strategic dynamics.” This assessment accurately captures the significance of the work, and I fully endorse her judgement.

This volume constitutes the final publication of a trilogy that explores the evolving dynamics of international relations from a distinctly Sri Lankan perspective. The first study examined the trajectory of Sri Lanka’s defence and foreign policy, while the second revisited the origins, evolution, and principal constituent elements of international relations as an academic discipline from a Global South perspective. The present work broadens the analytical canvas by tracing the shifting geopolitical contours of the Indian Ocean since 1945 and examining the evolving interplay between great-power competition and regional agency.

Indian Ocean not merely maritime transit space

At the heart of Prof. Keerawella’s analysis is the argument that the Indian Ocean is not merely a maritime space of transit but a living archive whose language is inscribed in tides, trade, and collective memory. To uncover the deeper structures that have shaped the region, he draws on Michel Foucault’s concept of the archaeology of knowledge, probing beneath the visible layers of historical experience to reveal successive strata of thought, exchange, and power. This approach enables him to trace the multiple origins of the Indian Ocean’s geopolitical significance through the sedimented traces of how the ocean has been known, governed, and imagined across time. Complementing this perspective is Fernand Braudel’s concept of the longue durée, which provides the framework for understanding the long-term evolution of Indian Ocean geopolitics. As Keerawella notes, for Braudel, history unfolds not as a single linear sequence but as a layered field of continuity and change, revealing the deeper architecture of the past—the slow yet powerful currents that shape political and economic developments beneath the surface of events (Keerawella 2026: xxiii).Prof. Keerawella further notes that later historians such as K. N. Chaudhuri and M. N. Pearson drew on Braudel’s insights and adapted them to understand the Indian Ocean as a polycentric world.

Prof. Keerawella argues that the terms employed in the title of this work—Winds, Waves, and Currents—evoke the ocean’s dual language of surface movement and underlying structure. In his reading, winds and waves signify motion: the visible and often turbulent forces that carry ships, peoples, commodities, and ideas across shifting maritime frontiers. Currents, by contrast, refer to the deeper and less visible forces that shape historical trajectories and connect coasts and continents through enduring patterns of interaction. As he observes, while winds and waves represent the restless dynamics of the ocean’s surface, currents embody the slower yet more consequential energies that operate beneath it, binding disparate regions into a larger maritime system (2026: xx).

Metaphors and Conceptual Foundation

Building on this conceptual foundation, the author employs winds, waves, and currents not merely as metaphors but also as analytical categories. Winds represent changing strategic directions and geopolitical realignments; waves denote recurring cycles of commerce, conflict, and interaction; and currents symbolize the deep structural forces that connect societies across space and time. Viewed from a distinctly Sri Lankan perspective, the volume demonstrates how a strategically located small state at the centre of the Indian Ocean perceives and navigates this maritime space through its own strategic lens. The book opens by situating Sri Lanka within the intersecting forces of history, geography, and power that have shaped the Indian Ocean world. It advances the notion of a dual strategic consciousness that has informed Sri Lanka’s external engagements: a persistent sense of vulnerability, rooted in colonial experience and geographical exposure, coexisting with a cosmopolitan outlook forged through centuries of maritime exchange. Prof. Keerawella contends that this dual consciousness constitutes the underlying framework through which Sri Lanka has historically interpreted and responded to developments in its external environment.

Winds and Waves is a comprehensive study comprising eleven chapters and an extensive introduction that establishes the analytical foundations of the work by treating the ocean simultaneously as text and method. The opening chapter situates Sri Lanka within the wider Indian Ocean system, tracing the island’s navigation through shifting configurations of power while emphasising the agency of small states. The Indian Ocean is presented not merely as a strategic arena but also as a moral and political space, linking Sri Lanka’s historical experience to the broader aspirations and consciousness of the Global South.

Revisiting British withdrawal

The book revisits Britain’s withdrawal from the Indian Ocean, arguing that it was not simply a consequence of post-war decline but the culmination of deeper structural transformations in the international system. Decolonisation, Afro-Asian nationalism, and the emergence of bipolarity fundamentally altered the regional order and created the conditions for Britain’s retreat. In turn, this withdrawal opened the way for superpower competition, particularly between the United States and the Soviet Union, transforming the Indian Ocean into major theatre of Cold War geopolitics.

A substantial portion of the volume is devoted to examining the policies and strategic trajectories of the major powers. The author traces American engagement from Cold War containment through post-Cold War maritime predominance to contemporary Indo-Pacific formulations, demonstrating that U.S. strategy has evolved through the interaction of structural imperatives and changing strategic discourses. Particular attention is paid to the 2026 U.S.–Iran War, which is interpreted as a transformative event that exposed the limits of military hegemony and accelerated patterns of strategic hedging and multi-alignment among regional actors. The book also explores the Soviet Union’s entry into the Indian Ocean in 1968 and the subsequent re-emergence of Russia under Vladimir Putin through selective naval deployments, arms transfers, and strategic partnerships, illustrating what the author characterises as the recurrent rhythms of great-power engagement in the region.

The rise of China receives extensive treatment as one of the most significant structural developments of the twenty-first century. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, port development projects, and naval modernisation, China has translated growing economic power into expanding strategic influence. The author contrasts Beijing’s assertive posture in the South China Sea with its relatively restrained approach in the Indian Ocean, where economic diplomacy and cooperative security initiatives have assumed greater prominence. Equally significant is the discussion of India’s transformation from a regional power into an emerging global strategic actor. The evolution of Indian maritime strategy—from Nehruvian custodianship to contemporary blue-water ambitions—demonstrates how a rising power navigates structural constraints while expanding its strategic reach. Initiatives such as SAGAR, naval modernization, and deepening partnerships with the United States, Japan, and Australia have positioned India as a central actor in the evolving Indo-Pacific order.

Roles of Japan and EU examined

The volume also examines the roles of Japan and the European Union in shaping the contemporary maritime order. Japan’s transition from post-war restraint to proactive strategic engagement, embodied in the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vision, illustrates how middle powers adapt to changing geopolitical realities through coalition-building and maritime capacity enhancement. The European Union’s engagement is portrayed through less visible but nevertheless significant mechanisms, including trade, development cooperation, maritime governance, and norm diffusion, contributing to what the author terms a form of “quiet-making multipolarity” that encourages restraint, stability, and pragmatic cooperation.

Moving beyond conventional geopolitics, the book broadens the analytical framework to address a range of non-traditional security challenges confronting South Asia in general and Sri Lanka in particular. Climate change, piracy, illegal fishing, maritime terrorism, public health vulnerabilities, and digital insecurity are examined as transnational challenges that transcend the capabilities of individual states. The author argues that these issues reveal the limits of unilateral action and underscore the growing importance of cooperation, collective action, institutional innovation, and middle-power leadership in maritime governance.

Prof. Keerawella further situates the Indian Ocean within the wider context of the emerging Asian Century. Asia’s resurgence—driven principally by China and India and reinforced by the dynamism of Southeast Asia—is presented as a major reconfiguration of global power. In this transformation, the Indian Ocean functions as a vital maritime artery connecting energy resources, manufacturing centres, and consumer markets. At the same time, the author cautions against deterministic interpretations, emphasising that the realisation of the Asian Century remains contingent upon how the region responds to persistent inequalities, environmental challenges, governance deficits, and intensifying strategic competition.

Assessing how SL has navigated shifts

The book concludes by returning to Sri Lanka and assessing how the country has navigated contemporary shifts in the regional and global balance of power under the National People’s Power (NPP) government that emerged in the aftermath of the Aragalaya of 2022. The author demonstrates how economic crisis, demands for accountability, and aspirations for a new political culture have reshaped the domestic context within which foreign policy is conducted. Under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sri Lanka is portrayed as pursuing a carefully calibrated strategy that combines engagement with international financial institutions, enhanced cooperation with India in defence and energy sectors, continued economic engagement with China, and functional security relations with the United States. The government’s response to the 2026 U.S.–Iran War—rejecting military access requests from all parties while extending humanitarian assistance—serves as an illustration of the author’s broader argument that strategic flexibility, principled neutrality, and diplomatic agility remain essential for small states navigating an increasingly complex Indian Ocean order.

Taken together, the book advances several interconnected propositions. First, the Indian Ocean is entering an increasingly multipolar era in which power is exercised through complex networks of cooperation, competition, and interdependence rather than rigid alliance structures. Second, small states are neither passive spectators nor mere proxies of great powers; they possess strategic agency and navigate competing pressures through hedging, diversification, and calibrated diplomacy. Third, Sri Lanka’s strategic behaviour—characterised by navigating asymmetry through flexibility and ambiguity—reflects a historically rooted dual consciousness that combines vulnerability with cosmopolitan engagement. Fourth, non-traditional security challenges and environmental governance are no longer peripheral concerns but central components of the evolving regional order.

Need for adaptive navigation

Prof. Keerawella argues that contemporary statecraft in the Indian Ocean requires adaptive navigation rather than rigid alignment. In a fluid and contested maritime environment, survival and influence depend less on resisting structural change than on understanding and responding to it with prudence, flexibility, and strategic clarity. The book therefore offers important insights into how small states can transform structural vulnerability into strategic agency and convert exposure into opportunities for engagement within a changing regional order.

Combining historical depth with contemporary analysis, it provides a nuanced understanding of the interaction between great-power competition, regional transformation, and the strategic choices of smaller states. The book will be of considerable value to students and scholars of international relations, political science, strategic studies, and maritime affairs, while also offering useful perspectives to policymakers, diplomats, and practitioners. Equally important, it opens several promising avenues for future research on the Indian Ocean and the emerging Indo-Pacific order.

Hermeneutic approachs

Methodologically, the study draws upon hermeneutic approaches to examine the geopolitical and maritime environments that shape relationships among states, societies, and historical processes. The result is a work that is both analytically rigorous and intellectually engaging. This review has sought less to evaluate the book in a conventional sense than to introduce its central themes and encourage a wider readership to engage with its arguments. Having highlighted the many merits of the volume, it is worth noting one technical shortcoming: the absence of an index. Given the book’s wide thematic scope and rich empirical content, the inclusion of an index would have significantly enhanced its value as a reference tool for researchers and students alike.

In sum, Prof. Keerawella listens attentively to the winds, reads the waves with analytical precision, and traces the deeper currents that shape the Indian Ocean world. The outcome is Winds and Waves: Geopolitical Currents in the Indian Ocean since 1945, a timely and thought-provoking contribution published by the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies.

Reviewed by
Dr. Ramesh Ramasamy
Department of Political Science, University
of Peradeniya