Editorial
Turf protection
With two weeks left before the long awaited presidential election, the campaigns of the principal contenders widely perceived to be Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sajith Premadasa and the incumbent, Ranil Wickremesinghe – not necessarily in that order – are gaining momentum. Namal Rajapaksa was a late entry to the fray after billionaire businessman Dhammika Perera backed out for reasons he has not chosen to explain to the people. There have been defections by the score, so many that it’s hard to count, from the Rajapaksa party with the majority opting to go with RW, while a few have thrown their lot with Sajith Premadasa. What is crystal clear is that these defections have little to do with the fast approaching big contest but very much to do with the parliamentary election that will soon follow.
Defections as well as hastily cobbled alliances are obviously meant to cover parliamentary turf. The various MOUs or agreements between the different participants have not been made public but discerning people know that national list seats, portfolios, places on party lists of election candidates and what have you are all part of the currency of exchange. Obviously some of those outside parliament serving as party organizers for various electorates must become sacrificial lambs to accommodate defectors. They will not take kindly such arrangements and it remains to be seen what will follow. There can, of course, be let downs as evidenced by the country’s post-independence politics.
Who can forget that Mr. W. Dahanayake, a onetime prime minister, was persuaded not to run at Galle, for long his home turf, and placed on the UNP national list. Came the election results and his name was not among those selected for appointment to Parliament. If we remember right, President Premadasa made some arrangement about his pension. But he was forced into retirement. Another fall guy, if we may borrow from the American lexicon, was Mr. Maithripala Senanayake, who had long served the SLFP as its de facto deputy leader. He too was placed on a national list and fobbed off after the poll by being appointed Governor or the North Central Province. These examples vividly illustrate that anything is possible in politics.
Among the principal contenders, only the NPP/JVP has declared that there would be an immediate dissolution of the incumbent Parliament in the event of their election. The president is empowered by the constitution to dissolve the legislature at his discretion no sooner two years and six months have passed since its first meeting. This period has now lapsed and whoever is elected president on September 21, is empowered to dissolve. AKD says this is the first thing he will do once elected (note that he doesn’t say if he is elected) and has even gone as far as saying how he would form an interim government until a new Parliament is elected.
This with just his present three-member parliamentary group. He says that his parliamentary seat would be vacated should he become president and will be filled by a nomination by the party. He plans to run an interim government with four ministers – himself plus three MPs – and hold portfolios not allocated himself until a new Parliament is elected. Nothing is impossible: RW became PM and then president with a single national list seat!
Readers would remember that RW was under heavy pressure from the SLPP which elected him president, and particularly by Basil Rajapaksa, to first hold a parliamentary election and follow with a presidential contest. Wickremesinghe resisted this demand, made undoubtedly on a calculation that the SLPP whose stock had plunged to its lowest depths post aragalaya in July 2022, would be able to salvage at least a respectable parliamentary presence with such an arrangement.
By then many of the termites that disappeared from the picture had crawled out of the woodwork. The SLPP kept saying interminably that it would run a candidate for president but remained remarkably shy of naming that worthy. RW too dragged his feet about declaring his own candidacy while his proxies set about organizing his campaign. Clearly he was awaiting word of SLPP support but in the interim had no scruples about attracting pohottuwa MPs to his camp. Whether it was that or any other reason that made the SLPP abandon Wickremesinghe, we do not know.
The NPP/JVP made a concerted effort last week to convince a wide segment of business leaders that they had no reason to fear an administration of their party. The audience they attracted was significant. No doubt other contenders for the presidency also attracted a similar presence. Election funders commonly back more than one horse in the race regarding whatever they drop into political war chests both as insurance and investment. That has no doubt paid off in the past. Many observers and commentators have predicted that this election, unlike previous presidential polls, will see no candidate clearing the magic 50 percent plus one barrier at the first count. That would involve counting second and third preference votes. If there is yet no conclusive result, whoever led the popular vote will be declared the winner.
Whatever the outcome, photo-finish or otherwise, let us hope there will be no violence. While numerous complaints of violation of election law has already been reported, there has been no murder or mayhem thus far. Let us hope this situation will prevail until the final winner is declared.
Editorial
Fuel queues return
Wednesday 7th October, 2026
Fuel queues have returned, with long lines of vehicles reported at filling stations in many parts of the country. Foreign companies engaged in fuel trade have reportedly curtailed supplies, claiming that they are incurring substantial losses as fuel prices determined by the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) are not sufficient to cover their costs despite a 70-rupee diesel subsidy. The government appears to be watching helplessly while fuel queues are lengthening.
Energy Minister Anura Karunathilaka has told Parliament that the government expects fuel supplies to return to normal in a day or two. Instead of adopting such a fatalistic attitude, the government ought to do everything in its power to ensure an uninterrupted fuel supply.
Experts questioned the advisability of opening the petroleum sector to foreign companies, without adequate safeguards to protect the country’s energy security. Their warnings went unheeded. Today, the CPC’s market share is reported to have shrunk significantly, with many of its filling stations currently run by four foreign companies, which curtail fuel supplies if the CPC-determined prices do not meet their expectations.
The incumbent government cannot be held responsible for the petroleum-sector agreements which are allegedly favourable to foreign companies. Yet, while in opposition, the JVP/NPP leaders pledged to review all vital agreements, particularly the one with the IMF, claiming that they were detrimental to the country’s interests. Before the 2024 elections, they promised to abolish fuel taxes. Such pledges helped them muster enough popular support to win elections. They went so far as to amend the Constitution to raise the retirement ages of the superior court judges purportedly to tackle a huge case backlog. Why haven’t they resorted to such radical action to address fuel queues?
It is imperative that the government ensure transparency in fuel pricing, as we have argued previously. The public should be shown the complete cost reflective pricing formula together with the exact international benchmark, exchange rate, landed cost, taxes, levies, CPC costs, any loss-recovery component, etc., every time pump prices are revised. Consumers have a right to know how fuel prices are calculated. Taxes and levies account for a significant component of the prices motorists pay for fuel.
The JVP-NPP government is coming under increasing pressure to reduce taxes on fuel. There is no gainsaying that fuel needs to be taxed, but taxation should not become excessive. The government has to raise state revenue substantially and manage public funds prudently to prevent another rupee crisis, but it should be neither as miserly as Silas Marner or Ebenezer Scrooge nor as ruthless as Shylock.
While out of power, all leftist movements project themselves as Robin Hood and his Merry Men, promising to champion the rights of the poor, fight corruption, and redistribute wealth through progressive or “Robin Hood” taxes, but the JVP/NPP, ensconced in power, is behaving like Prince John and the Sheriff of Nottingham, squeezing taxpayers dry to raise government revenue. A single-minded pursuit of higher state revenue, by fair means or foul, can only aggravate the woes of the public and eventually fuel political discontent.
One may recall that there were protracted power cuts for weeks, if not months, during the SLPP-UNP government, but they came to an abrupt end following a massive electricity tariff hike. Is it possible that the current fuel shortage is also being allowed to create the conditions for another price increase? Shortages often precede price hikes in this country.
Market models that work in Western countries, where governments are strong enough to stand up to powerful corporations, cannot necessarily be replicated in the developing world, where private companies are guided by Rafferty’s rules, and the state has to intervene to prevent exploitation and safeguard the national interest. The current fuel crisis provides a compelling argument for the JVP-NPP government to reinvigorate the CPC by expanding its filling-station network, thereby ensuring a reliable fuel supply and strengthening the country’s energy security.
Editorial
Iranian sailors trapped between Scylla and Charybdis
Tuesday 6th October, 2026
The US has been doing everything in its power to force Iran into submission, but without success. Its no-holds-barred methods of warfare remind us of some ruthless warriors of yore, who even weaponised hunger to achieve their military goals. Many were the instances where Genghis Khan’s army laid siege to fortified cities and cut off supplies to force its enemies to surrender. During the American Civil War, General Philip Sheridan’s scorched-earth campaign in Virginia’s Shenandoah Valley was so thorough that he reportedly boasted that even a crow flying across the Valley would have to carry its own provisions.
A recent Wall Street Journal report has revealed that Sri Lanka is under US pressure over 20 Iranian oil tankers stranded in international waters off the island. It has been reported that some of those oil carriers, anchored about 15 miles (24 km) off Sri Lanka’s south-western coast, are running short of food, fuel and fresh water. However, Foreign Affairs Minister Vijitha Herath has claimed that the US has not asked Sri Lanka not to provide food and water to the Iranian vessels.
In 04 March 2026, a US submarine sank an Iranian frigate, IRIS Dena, in an unprovoked torpedo attack, which claimed 104 lives off the southern coast of Sri Lanka. Seven months on, the US stands accused of trying to starve an undisclosed number of Iranian sailors on board about 20 oil tankers. Strangely, the powerful nations that pontificate to the Global South about the virtues of human rights and humanitarian assistance are looking the other way. The stranded Iranian sailors must be provided with food, water and medical care. Powerful nations and the UN ought to step in to ensure that the Iranian tanker crews receive lift-sustaining supplies of food and water and medical care urgently.
We believe that the international maritime and seafarers’ law imposes obligations on states to ensure the safety and basic welfare of seafarers, including access to essential supplies and medical assistance. There is a strong humanitarian precedent that the world must follow. One may recall that during the early stages of the Ukraine conflict, the Maritime Safety Committee of the International Maritime Organization expressed serious concerns over the Ukrainian seafarers lacking access to fresh food, water and medical supplies, and called for humanitarian assistance to reprovision the stranded ships. It also stressed that civilian seafarers should not become collateral victims of political or military conflicts. This principle must apply to the stranded Iranian seafarers as well.
The civilised world must not look on while the crew members of the Iranian oil tankers are reportedly languishing without access to essential supplies. There have been some instances of radical humanitarian interventions in support of the Palestinians trapped in Gaza. The Global Sumud Flotilla, the largest maritime mobilisation for Palestine in history, is a case in point. Israel thwarted an attempt by the courageous Global Sumud Flotilla activists on a peaceful solidarity mission to break Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip and deliver medical aid and supplies to the Palestinians facing a catastrophic humanitarian crisis. If a large number of boats from different countries set sail simultaneously carrying provisions for the trapped Iranian tanker crews, will the US be able to stop them?
It may be recalled that the US was among the western nations that forced Sri Lanka to continue to send food and medical supplies to the LTTE-held areas during the Eelam war although it was obvious that the LTTE seized most of them. They were right in insisting that Sri Lanka was duty bound to ensure that civilians in the conflict zone had access to food, water and medicines among other things. But why aren’t the US and its allies equally considerate towards the Iranian sailors trapped between the Scylla of US military aggression and the Charybdis of enforced global submission?
Foreign Minister Herath has said the Sri Lankan government has not supplied goods to vessels subjected to US sanction, and private sector individuals providing goods and services to ships have a responsibility to understand the prevailing circumstances and act responsibly. Minister Herath has only obfuscated the issue. If his claim that the government is not under US pressure is true, then Sri Lanka can reprovision the Iranian vessels urgently, can’t it?
Editorial
Dons’ frustration and rulers’ nonchalance
Monday 5th October, 2026
The Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) has held several media briefings during the past several months to highlight a host of unresolved issues affecting the university system, but the government seems to be unconcerned. Addressing the media, over the weekend, the FUTA raised those problems once again, pointing out that all state universities had been left with only about 5,000 teachers because a large number of academics had already left the country, mostly for economic reasons. The situation was taking a turn for the worse, it warned.
University teachers are among the professionals who played a pivotal role in enabling the JVP-led NPP’s meteoric rise to power, but today they are shouting themselves hoarse in a bid to draw the government’s attention to the problems besetting the university system, but in vain. The same holds true for the state-sector doctors, who have got short shrift from the government, which rides roughshod over the GMOA (Government Medical Officers’ Association) as well as the BASL (Bar Association of Sri Lanka), whose members also campaigned hard for the NPP.
The incumbent government, just like its predecessors, has apparently prioritised a plan to increase the number of universities in keeping with what looks like a politically determined agenda over resourcing and staffing the existing universities adequately. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in his wisdom, has promised to establish 50 new universities across the country while almost all state universities are experiencing severe resource constraints, with many academics voting with their feet.
A quality university system cannot be created simply by increasing the number of universities or admitting more students. The need is for a combination of capable academics, adequate resources, institutional autonomy, rigorous standards and a system of accountability. There are certain other conditions that need to be fulfilled for a country to create a vibrant university system that conforms to international standards. First of all, there should be a clear national higher education strategy to establish a diversified, future-oriented tertiary education system that is adequately resourced and staffed.
Universities cannot function properly, much less achieve academic excellence, without enough qualified teachers and appropriate student-to-staff ratios. Adequate and sustained funding, strong research capacity, academic freedom, institutional freedom and rigorous, independent quality assurance, industrial and international links are among the other factors that help ensure the robustness of a university system.
The World Bank’s recent assessment of Sri Lanka’s higher education sector has identified scarcity of qualified academic staff, inadequate research and innovation output and passive student learning among the challenges facing the sector.
FUTA members have told the media that foreign research grants have to be approved by the Cabinet of Ministers; the approval process is frustratingly slow, and therefore universities are without enough funds for research. There are arguments for and against government oversight on research grants, but the real issue is why the government cannot expedite the approval process. Teaching and research are traditionally regarded as inseparable functions of a university. Besides, universities need sufficient freedom to determine curricula, conduct research, appoint staff and make academic decisions without inappropriate political or bureaucratic interference. UNESCO regards academic freedom and institutional autonomy as important conditions for universities to fulfil their teaching and research functions.
It is doubtful whether Sri Lankan governments have learnt from history how other countries achieved their development goals. The OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) has revealed that universities played a central role in the development of the Global North by producing the educated workforce, scientists, engineers, doctors, teachers, administrators and other professionals needed to build modern economies and strong public institutions. They also became major centres of basic and applied research, generating knowledge that helped drive industrialisation, technological innovation and productivity. The OECD notes that universities in most developed economies remain major providers of research and important contributors to the development of new technologies. The rise of strong university systems was not merely a result of development in the Global North; universities themselves helped usher in progress. It is hoped that Sri Lankan policymakers, particularly politicians, will take cognisance of this simple fact.
The incumbent government has raised the retirement ages of judges. It even went to the extent of amending the Constitution amidst protests from national and international organisations, claiming that it had to do so to clear a backlog of cases. It has also launched a substantial programme to recruit and train thousands of police personnel. Why can’t it take similar action urgently to resolve the shortage of university teachers? It should heed the university teachers’ warning; students who qualify for university admission may have to wait for several years before the commencement of their academic programmes, and universities might end up being empty shells.
-
News6 days agoUS-assisted ‘Ice’ detection: NPC to examine IGP’s move to transfer drug-busting team
-
Editorial5 days agoColombo Port drug bust: The plot thickens
-
Editorial6 days agoDrug busting, transfers and trust deficit
-
Features3 days agoThe first woman in the foreign service or Ceylon Overseas Service it was then called
-
Editorial4 days agoFuelling discontent and protest
-
News6 days agoSri Lankan facing death penalty in Saudi Arabia: Mano G appeals to Crown Prince
-
Latest News4 days agoTharindu Rathnayake, bowlers secure Asian Games Bronze for Sri Lanka
-
News5 days agoADB-backed virtual net metering project faces policy contradiction
