Features

Meetings with Gandhi and Nehru;Message from Ramgarh to Ceylon

Published

2 years ago

2024/08/25

Thilina Walpola

Gandhi and Nehru

by JR Jayewardene
(Excerpted from Men and Memories)

The Ramgarh Session of the Indian National Congress, the last Session before Freedom was held in March 1940, in a small village, in Bihar Province, “sanctified by the touch of the feet of Gautama, the Buddha”, said the Reception Committee Chairman, Rajendra Prasad, later President of Free India. I attended the Session as a delegate of the Ceylon National Congress and recorded my impressions then.

The little village of Ramgarh is today famous throughout the world. For here gathered the men and women of the new India with her beauty and her chivalry, intent on freeing their motherland from foreign rule. It was a pretty countryside that we passed through on our way, for over a hundred miles to the west of Calcutta. Ramgarh itself is very similar to Diyatalawa, undulating valleys, large plains and mountain streams abounding.

It is also a countryside with a history unequaled in the world. The founders of Buddhism and Jainism both spent large portions of their lives in this province, now called Bihar. Bodh-Gaya is hardly a hundred miles away towards the north. “Every particle of dust in this province”, said the retiring President, Rajendra Prasad to the delegates, “is sanctified by the touch of the feet of Gautama, the Buddha.”

And as a tribute to India’s greatest son and to his disciple, Asoka, India’s greatest monarch, a facsimile, of one of Asoka’s pillars, over a hundred feet high, had been erected at the entrance to the Congress town. On this pillar the Congress flag was later hoisted, and as it fluttered in the breeze, the people of India paid their homage. The new India they wished to create called them to action and this flag was their symbol. And how appropriate it was that a symbol of India’s ancient greatness should bear it aloft.

Three huge pandals marked the entrances to the Khadi Exhibition, the open air arena and the Congress town or Hagar. What was scrubby jungle had been converted into a small town. The main street was over a mile long and as broad as the Galle Road at Kollupitiya. Electric lights and a water service had been installed. A railway station, radio and telephone exchange and a post office completed the township.

Policemen there were, but none from the British Government. Men and women volunteers recruited as honorary workers from the district, controlled the traffic, helped those in,trouble and guarded the leaders’ huts.

And then came the inhabitants to this township. Over a lakh of people, a population larger than that of Kandy or Galle lived here for four or five days and then disappeared. They came from the North-West Frontier; they came from Madras, over two thousand miles away. The women and children from every part of India, from every race in India, from every religion in India. Delegates and visitors from Burma, Ceylon, England and America. A Japanese monk was there beating his drum to drive away the evil spirits. The streets were packed with a mass of humanity. There was bustle but no bluster. Everyone was friendly. The mention of Ceylon brought forth a kindly smile and a word of greeting.

The leaders of India were there, living simply like the rest, sitting on the floor while they ate, and mixing with the crowds. Mahatma Gandhi alone had a hut to himself. Wherever he went he was mobbed. Crowds would suddenly break all barriers, rush up to his hut and shout: “Gandhi ji ki Jai”. His stay there was an endless series of interviews. And thus to business.

The work of the session begins with the opening of the Exhibition and the sitting of the Working Committee. The Working Committee was the “Cabinet”, and composed of about 12 members chosen by the President. After that the All-India Congress Committee consisting of about 375 delegates from all the Congress Provincial Committees held its meetings. These meetings are held in a huge covered pandal capable of seating about 10,000 people.

These were really the most interesting meetings. For here took place the moving of motions and amendments for debate. For this purpose the Committee converted itself into the Subjects Committee. No motion or amendment rejected by the Subjects Committee had any chance of being accepted by the Session.

The Burma and Ceylon delegations were permitted to witness these deliberations. The Patna Resolution on Independence was the only official motion to be discussed. M.N. Roy attempted to bring in a Communist amendment but found very little support. The motion was accepted without much trouble.

It was interesting to see these leaders of India. Perfect order was maintained. The leaders and the invited guests were on a huge platform covered with a large mattress and carpet.

The delegates sat on low benches in the body of the hall. The other visitors sat on the floor round the delegates. There were no chairs. Girl volunteers in orange sarees kept order and served water. The Congress colours and flags were used to decorate the platform and the pandal. Abdul Gaffar Khan, over six feet in height, was there almost sleeping on the platform. Mrs Sarojini Naidu found the low table on which a model charkha was kept more comfortable than the mattress.

Pandit Nehru, quick of temper was calmed down by Jamnalal Bajaj, the Congress treasurer. He lost his temper more than once. It was to a speaker from the Punjab who said, that “country is ready to fight, we are ready, the Congress is ready, but Nehru and Gandhi are not ready.” Nehru thereupon angrily retorted: “I am ready.” A young Communist speaker angered him terribly. He rushed to the presidential table and exchanged a few words before calm was restored.

And then came Gandhiji. Vallabhai Patel was speaking when he arrived, yet, it was only necessary to whisper, “Gandhiji is coming,” for the cheering to break out. He slipped in quietly and sat on the floor.

No remarks could anger him. When one of the speakers said, “It is this little man whom I can put into my pocket who is delaying us,” he laughed loudly and beckoned him to do so.

The resolution was passed unaltered and then Gandhiji spoke. He spoke for about an hour. There was no interruption. There was no stir. Even those on the platform crowded round the speaker to hear his words. There is no doubt that Mahatma Gandhi, though not a member of the Congress, was its leader, nay, a dictator. He said so himself. Congress, he said, cannot be a democratic assembly when it is waging war. It must become a fighting unit and it must have one general. As long as they have him as general he expected unquestioned obedience. If they wished they could replace him and follow another.

But could they?

Thus concluded the meetings of the Subjects Committee. And then to the sessions. Three days had been allotted for the open sessions. The Congress Sessions were held in a huge open air amphitheatre as large as the Victoria Park. The members of the Congress Committee throughout India are entitled to vote, numbering over a thousand. At one end of the stadium was a platform and a rostrum for the President.

The first day was allotted for the Presidential Address and the other two days for discussion on motions. A crowd of over a lakh of people had assembled by 5 p.m. on the 19 March. The President was expected at 5.30. More people were coming in. And then came the rain! In half an hour the vast amphitheatre was one sheet of water and in some places the water was knee deep. The President’s speech was taken as read. Thus ended the Congress Session.

The next morning a make-shift session was held under the Asoka pillar, as the theatre was still wet and in a few hours the Patna resolution urging “Independence outside the orbit of the British Empire”, was passed. By the evening the crowds had started to leave. In a few days Ramgarh would assume its normal quiet. The jackals would wander through the empty streets and huts. The aborigines will weave into their history the legends of Ramgarh, the story of a town which sprang up in a few days, of motor cars and trains and electric lights and of an “avatar”, an incarnation of God, whom they saw–Mahatma Gandhi.

But what does Ramgarh mean to India and to the world? How were we in Ceylon to adjust ourselves to the results that flowed in from Ramgarh? Two facts were clear. First, India was united in her demand to be free and she wanted her freedom outside the British Commonwealth of Nations. Secondly, Mahatma Gandhi was still the unquestioned leader of India. There was, no doubt, opposition to his leadership.

Subhash Chandra Bose held a counter show at Ramgarh with his anti-compromise and Forward Bloc ideals. These meetings were attended by the Kisan (peasant) organizations and had the support of over a lakh of people. The opposition were not, however, to Gandhi’s leadership: it was to his refusal to begin the fight. His opponents wished to push him on to act at once. But Gandhi believed that the country was not ready and if he was the leader, he must give the signal to begin. In the Congress itself there was no opposition.

That India will begin her struggle again there was no question. That she would soon be free was also not to be doubted. In their minds and in their actions, the Indians were free. They wore clothes made in India and used articles made in India. They did not recognize the British flag nor the British connection. To the men and women who thought as the political parties did, the British Crown and British ideals and customs meant nothing. India was determined to travel on her own path to chart its own course.

We, in Ceylon, had to learn many things. First, the idealism and complete absence of racial or personal feeling which characterized the political discussions at Ramgarh was a contrast to the petty methods prevalent among us. No man or woman we met, be he/she leader or the follower, talked except in terms of ideals of social and economic construction, of a new world order based not on exploitation but according to a planned economy. In the field of politics, the masses were trained to think not in terms of race or personalities, but in terms of social equality, equal opportunity for all and anti-imperialism.

Could we in Ceylon close our eyes to these movements so close to our shores? Was it not the duty of our leaders, our men of letters and culture, or newspapers and all those who love this country, to quicken the awakening consciousness of our people and help them too to feel the impulse of that idealism which emanated from India?

During the Ramgarh Session, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru who visited our quarters, after the torrential rains, asked us to visit him at Allahabad and stay with him for a few days. Pandit Nehru was the only leader who visited all the guests and saw to their comfort after the rains. We gladly accepted his invitation and on our way to Delhi we called on him at Allahabad.

John Ameratunge and I –J ayasekera had business in Bombay –stayed for a few days in Nehru’s house, “Anand Bhawan” on 26, 27 and 28 March. We were treated with the greatest kindness and hospitality, as if we were old friends. Mrs Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, Nehru’s sister as the hostess, used to sit down for morning breakfast with us to a typical Western breakfast with bacon and eggs, toast and the host presided and sat with us. He would generally be out for lunch and return for dinner. Indira Gandhi, his daughter, was not in India at that time, and we were the only guests.

We had long discussions with Pandit Nehru though we were far removed from his activities which covered almost 20 years of direct and indirect non-violent campaigns, to free India from foreign rule. That campaign was now in its final stages and we talked to him quite freely about his role in these movements. Like all other youths of our generation throughout the British Empire, we hero-worshipped Jawaharlal Nehru and his leader, Mahatma Gandhi.

The friendship thus formed enabled me to correspond with him. Some of our letters have now been published. They are letters that speak for themselves and unfortunately the correspondence terminated with Pandit Nehru’s incarceration. He was released just before the War ended and became Prime Minister of Free India and I became the Minster of Finance of Free Ceylon (Sri Lanka). We had many contacts but did not renew our correspondence.

“Quit India” – Indian Congress Meeting

Bombay 7, 8 August 1942

The Indian National Congress had been preparing for a final move against the British rule since the Ramgarh Session. Its leaders had been arrested, tried, jailed and released. The British Government had sent Sir Stafford Cripps on a special mission to meet the Indian leaders; his mission had ended in failure. The War in the West and in North Africa could not have followed a more disastrous course for the Allied Powers.

In the East, Japan was in command of the Indian Ocean and had bombed Ceylon twice after the fall of Indonesia, Singapore and Burma. They were knocking at the doors of India on the Assam frontier. It was at this moment that Mahatma Gandhi sought the sanction of the Congress to implement his “Quit India” program.

I could not miss this opportunity. P.D.S. Jayasekere, one of the Treasurers, C.P.G. Abeywardene and I were deputed to represent Ceylon at the Indian National Congress Committee meeting to be held in Bombay to discuss the “Quit India” Resolution. We accordingly left for Bombay through Madras by train on July 31, 1942. On arrival at Bombay, we contacted Jawaharlal Nehru on the telephone and he very kindly sent us tickets for admission to the special enclosure.

We met him, his sister Mrs Krishna Huthee Singh and his son-in-law Feroze Gandhi at Mrs Singh’s flat where he was staying. He was interested in hearing of the air-raids on Ceylon, the damage caused, and the consequences on the morale of the people. He was confident that India would be free after the War and did not favour a victory for the Axis powers. However, he said, he could not help the Allies as long as they (the Indians) were a subject people.

We met Mahatma Gandhi also at Birla House where he was staying. At our request he included Ceylon too in the Resolution demanding freedom for Asiatic nations. “Why do you think that Ceylon is not included in India’s demand for freedom?” he asked. “My love for Ceylon is even greater than my love for Burma.-

There was an amusing incident in the room. The late Mahadev Desai was seated on a cushion by the side of Gandhiji taking down his reply to a British paper. At one stage Gandhi referred to the 380 millions of Indians. Desai playfully refused to take this down saying, “No, Bapuji, it’s not 380 millions but 400 millions”. Some of the others in the room also joined in the discussion regarding the exact number of India’s population. Desai clinched the issue by saying that the latest census figure was 400 millions. Gandhi smilingly gave in, and allowed Desai to write “400 millions”.

In spite of the bitterness that had arisen as a result of this conflict between Britain and India, it was true that in the mind of India’s great leader there was no hate whatever towards his adversaries.

The meeting of the Congress Committee was held under a large pandal seating 10,000 on the Gowalia Tank Maidan on 7 and 8 August 7 and 8. The meeting was more like a mass rally.

The leaders were accommodated on a platform without chairs and we sat on the cushioned stage with them. Mahatma Gandhi outlined his non-cooperation movement and called upon the British to “Quit India”, coining the now famous phrase “Karange Ya Marenge …… Do or Die”. He was, by unanimous consent, accorded full powers to lead the movement.

Soon after the meeting rioting broke out and as we left that very night for Madras we could not witness the varied forms into which it spread. The train we travelled in was also stoned and throughout India similar occurrences were reported. Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and the other leaders were arrested. India was again set on the Gandhian path to freedom.

All News Advertisement

Features

T20 World Cup: Heavyweights, hopefuls and a debutant headline Group 1

Published

5 hours ago

2026/06/8

Priyan

The 12 captains got together at the Waterloo Bridge in London•Jun 07, 2026(Cricinfo)

AUSTRALIA

For the first time since 2017, Australia do not have global silverware to defend, with last year’s ODI World Cup semi-final exit following the relinquishing of the T20 title in 2024 after a hat-trick of trophies. They have a new captain, too, in Sophie Molineux who has taken over from the retired Alyssa Healy butAl has had a tricky start to her job due to a back injury.

Having been beaten at home by India in February, it’s a vital few weeks for the side to reaffirm their standing at the top of the tree. However, they find themselves in the group of death with one of them, India and South Africa unable to make the semi-finals.

While Healy has retired, the core of the squad remains very familiar although the call-up of left-arm quick Lucy Hamilton hints at the new generation. There is no shortage of spin options, so much so that Alana King may struggle to find a place in the XI despite recently being the Player of the Series in West Indies.

Squad: Phoebe Litchfield, Beth Mooney, Georgia Voll, Ellyse Perry, Ashleigh Gardner, Tahlia McGrath, Annabel Sutherland, Grace Harris, Nicola Carey, Sophie Molinuex (capt), Georgia Wareham, Alana King, Kim Garth, Megan Schutt, Lucy Hamilton

Player to watch

Even before Healy’s retirement, injuries had prevented her playing T20Is since the last World Cup so Georgia Voll has had a decent run to establish herself at the top of the order. She has taken it with both hands. In 12 matches Voll is averaging 39.50 with a strike-rate of 156.43 – while the sample size remains small, that’s the highest figure of anyone with at least 400 runs in T20Is.

She made her mark against New Zealand last year, then enjoyed an impressive start to 2026 with 88 against India in Canberra before a breakout century in West Indies, her batting characterised by power down the ground. It feels as though she is already at the stage where she can star in a global event.

Predicted finish: Finalists

BANGLADESH

Bangladesh would hope that ending a five-match losing streak in the week leading up to the World Cup could fetch them some momentum into the tournament. They finished second in the tri series involving Scotland and Netherlands, following a 3-0 home defeat against Sri Lanka. Add to that, Bangladesh have won just three matches out of their previous 25 at the World Cup.

It doesn’t offer a lot of hope to Nigar Sultana’s team, particularly in a group that contains Australia and India. On top of all that is the fact that Bangladesh are playing in England for the first time. It paints a grim picture, but this could be the perfect opportunity to overcome so many odds.

Squad: Nigar Sultana (capt, wk), Nahida Akter (vice-capt), Sharmin Akter, Sobhana Mostary, Shorna Akter, Ritu Moni, Rabeya Khan, Fahima Khatun, Fariha Islam, Marufa Akter, Shanjida Akter, Sultana Khatun, Dilara Akter (wk), Juairiya Ferdous, Taj Nehar

Player to watch

Pace bowler Marufa Akter could relish the conditions in England, particularly given her ability to swing the ball at decent speeds. An on-song Marufa is a delightful sight for those who love to see the ball seam and shape towards the batters. She has taken eleven wickets in as many matches this year, while maintaining a good economy rate.

But she has little support in terms of pace from the other end. Bangladesh have left-arm seamer Fariha Islam and Ritu Moni’s slow-medium pace. As a result, Marufa has to do most of the attacking in the powerplay, and then return to bowl pinpoint yorkers and slower balls at the death.

Predicted finish: Group stage

INDIA

India enter the T20 World Cup with the tag of ODI champions. However, their form heading into this tournament has been a little iffy. In the last six months, they won at home against Sri Lanka and away against Australia but lost both the away series against South Africa (4-1) and England (2-1).

The three match series against England showed their inclination to have the returning Yastika Bhatia batting at No. 3, which meant Jemimah Rodrigues and Harmanpreet Kaur occupied Nos. 4 and 5. Bhatia was the leading run-getter in the series with 119 runs but her strike rate (126.79) was the lowest among the top-five scorers.

Injuries to Amanjot Kaur and Kashvee Gautam mean India’s combination leans towards a five-bowler strategy with Shafali Verma’s part-time offspin as the addition. India’s familiarity with English conditions – they also toured England in 2025 with wins in each of the white-ball series – means they head into the T20 World Cup with some confidence.

Squad: Harmanpreet Kaur (capt), Smriti Mandhana (vice-capt), Shafali Verma, Jemimah Rodrigues, Deepti Sharma, Richa Ghosh (wk), Arundhati Reddy, Renuka Singh, Kranti Gaud, Shree Charani, Shreyanka Patil, Bharti Fulmali, Yastika Bhatia (wk), Nandani Sharma, Radha Yadav

Player to watch

Smriti Mandhana is the lynchpin of this India team, and their fortunes will hinge on her. This is evidenced by the fact that she was India’s leading run-getter in last year’s ODI World Cup which they won. She also led Royal Challengers Bengaluru to their second WPL title earlier in the year, while topping the batting charts.

She is not just among the most experienced players in the Indian team but has the advantage of knowing conditions in the UK, thanks to her regular presence in the Kia Super League and the Hundred.

Predicted finish: Semi-finalists

NETHERLANDS

Netherlands will be at their first-ever women’s T20 World Cup (Cricinfo)

Everybody loves a newcomer, and this edition of the T20 World Cup welcomes Netherlands. They secured their spot at the qualifying tournament, where they finished in fourth place and beat the last tournament debutants, Scotland, along the way.

Though cricket is a minority sport in the country, it continues to punch above its weight and history provides plenty of reasons to regard the Dutch as plucky. In 2009, their men’s team made their first T20 World Cup appearance and beat England at Lord’s. In 2023, they were the only Associate nation to play at the men’s ODI World Cup. The women don’t have England in their group but take on heavyweights Australia, India – both for the first time – and South Africa, along with Bangladesh and Pakistan.

In personnel terms, Netherlands have four players with more than 1,000 runs in the format – Sterre Kalis, Babette de Leede, Robine Rijke and Silver Siegers – and they’re all in this squad. Iris Zwilling, their leading seamer, is two wickets away from 100. This will also be a swansong for coach Neil MacRae, who will hand over the reins to former Leicestershire, Namibia and Titans’ women’s coach Pierre de Bruyn on August 1.

Squad: Babette de Leede (capt), Caroline de Lange, Frederique Overdijk, Hannah Landheer, Heather Siegers, Iris Zwilling, Isabel van der Woning, Lara Leemhuis, Myrthe van den Raad, Phebe Molkenboer, Robine Rijke, Rosalie Lawrence (wk), Sanya Khurana, Silver Siegers, Sterre Kalis

Player to watch

Not only is Sterre Kallis their leading run-scorer in T20Is, but she has significant experience playing in England, across the domestic system and in the Hundred. Most recently, Kalis scored three fifties in the ECB Women’s One-Day Cup where she is the sixth leading run scorer.

Kalis has also played at the WBBL and will be able to provide her team-mates with inside information into a side they have never come across before. Along with Babette de Leede, who has experience playing in South Africa, Kalis will headline the batters as the Dutch look to show what they can do against some of the world’s best bowlers.

Predicted Finish One group stage upset and that’s where it will end.

PAKISTAN

As the women’s game develops at pace in many places around the world, there’s a sense Pakistan are struggling to keep up and this tournament could be a litmus test. Not only have their own board’s plans to develop a franchise T20 tournament akin to the men’s PSL stuttered then stopped entirely but, for reasons including geopolitics, their players have almost no exposure to major leagues. The consequences speak for themselves: Pakistan have won only one T20I series in the last two-and-a-half years and that was against women’s FTP newcomers Zimbabwe in May, and won one match in each of the last four editions of the T20 World Cup.

Though they are stacked with talent and have a well-resourced support staff, consistent results and major success are lacking. At an expanded tournament, their first aim will be to show they are a cut above the qualifiers and then to see if they can take some big names along the way. They’ll be hopeful of having their premier seamer, Diana Baig, for the entire tournament after she was injured during the 2024 event and will need their big hitters: Gull Feroza, Eyman Fatima and Natalia Pervaiz to come good to have a successful event.

Squad: Fatima Sana (capt), Aliya Riaz, Ayesha Zafar, Diana Baig, Eyman Fatima, Gull Feroza, Iram Javed, Muneeba Ali (wk), Nashra Sundhu, Natalia Pervaiz, Rameen Shamim, Sadia Iqbal, Saira Jabeen, Tasmia Rubab, Tuba Hassan

Key Player

Pakistan’s dynamic captain, Fatima Sana captured hearts when she had to leave the previous T20 World Cup after the sudden death of her father but then returned to lead thesa side in their final game. Though she earned much goodwill, she was unable to take Pakistan out of the group stage and was criticised for batting too low. Sana remains at No.6 but has had a remarkable 2026 so far, which has included scoring the fastest fifty in women’s T20Is, off 15 balls, and striking at over 200. Combine that with her new-ball bowling skills and the responsibility she carries as skipper, and it’s clear she is key to their chances.

Predicted Finish: Group Stage

SOUTH AFRICA

South Africa have done everything but win a World Cup recently – they have reached the last three finals across white-ball formats – so every cricketing conversation in the country is about when they will take the next step. Pressure? What pressure?

While they may face plenty of it from a home base hungry for its first senior white-ball World Cup, South Africa routinely find themselves spoken about behind the big three. That means they may feel less of the spotlight in England, where the home nation has hearts aflutter and other eyes are directed towards the big two in their group. Six-time champions Australia and current ODI World Cup title-holders India stand in South Africa’s path to the semis and the smart money could be on that pair but… South Africa beat India 4-1 in a pre-tournament series at home and knocked Australia out of the last tournament so they’ll back themselves to rise above the reputations they face.

They selected their strongest possible squad, which includes two former captains (Dane van Niekerk and Sune Luus), six seamers, five spinners, two wicketkeepers and a well-set top seven. On paper, they have all the ingredients. In practice, they need to cook.

Squad: Laura Wolvaardt (capt), Tazmin Brits, Nadine de Klerk, Annerie Dercksen, Shabnim Ismail, Sinalo Jafta (wk), Marizanne Kapp, Ayabonga Khaka, Suné Luus, Karabo Meso (wk), Nonkululeko Mlaba, Kayla Reyneke, Tumi Sekhukhune, Chloé Tryon, Dané van Niekerk

Player to watch

It’s hard to look past Laura Wolvaardt, who was the leading run-scorer at the last three ICC events, including two T20 World Cups, as being crucial to South Africa’s chances but they’ve also put their faith in reverse-retiree Shabnim Ismail. At 37, Ismail has not been an active international for over three years but is the leading seamer in league cricket and lost none of the aggression that made her so intimidating to face.

Predicted Finish: Ch… we’d never touch the money.

(Cricinfo)

Features

Constitutional inconsistencies relating to franchise

Published

12 hours ago

2026/06/8

Thilina Walpola

The Preamble to Sri Lanka’s Constitution states: “The PEOPLE of SRI LANKA having by their Mandate … entrusted and empowered their Representatives … to draft, adopt and operate a new Republican Constitution in order to achieve the goals of a DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC, whilst ratifying the immutable republican principles of REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRATIC”.

The intent of this exercise is to ascertain whether the practices as adopted by successive Governments to elect the People’s representatives are in keeping with the “immutable principles of Representative Democracy”.

According to Article 3 of the Constitution: “Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchisee”. Furthermore, Article 3 is an entrenched article – Article 83. According to Chapter XIV, titled “The Franchise And Elections”, Article 88 states: “Every person shall, unless disqualified….be qualified to be an elector at the election of the President and of the Members of Parliament or to vote at a Referendum”. Therefore, it is the electors in the Electoral Districts, as determined by the Delimitation Commission (DC), that elect the President and Members of Parliament.

EXISTING INCONSISTENCIIES

= The first relates to Article 96 (1). This states: “The (DC) shall divide into not less than twenty and not more than twenty-four electoral districts…”. The reason for the upper limit for Electoral Districts is perhaps because Sri Lanka was originally divided into twenty-for Administrative Districts (now 25), and 96 (3) establishes a relationship between Electoral Districts and Administrative Districts when it states: “Where a Province is divided into a number of electoral districts the Delimitation Commission shall have regard to the existing administrative districts so as to ensure as far as practicable that each electoral district shall be an administrative district or a combination of two or more administrative districts or more electoral districts together constitute an administrative district”

Despite the fact that the Constitutional direction to the DC was that the Electoral District was to “have regard to the existing Administrative District”, the number of Electoral Districts established by the DC is twenty-two (22) while the number of Administrative Districts are now twenty-five (25). Although the provision to combine Administrative Districts into one Electoral District exists, the reason for the difference is reportedly because the DC decided to factor in issues, such as land which is extraneous to franchise thus compromising the sanctity of franchise and the sovereignty of the electors. On the other hand, if the Electoral District is coterminous with the Administrative District, not only would it protect the elector’s Franchise but also enable the elected members to address the administrative interests of the electors. Would such an opportunity not give substance to the “immutable republican principle of Representative Democracy”?

= The second inconsistency relates to Article 96 (4). This states: “The electoral districts of each Province shall together be entitled to return four members, (independently of the numbers which they are entitled to return by reference to the number of electors whose names appear in the registers of electors of such electoral districts), and the Delimitation Commission shall apportion such entitlement equitably among such electoral districts”.

Consequently, the four members to be returned from each of the nine Provinces amounts to thirty-six additional members, shall be apportioned equitably by the DC among the twenty-two (22) Electoral Districts together with the one hundred and sixty members from the electoral registers, thus making a total of one hundred and ninety-six members being elected through the franchise of the electors. The balance twenty-nine through the National List nominated by Political Parties is also elected by the electors, thus making a total of two hundred and twenty-five (225) Members of Parliament elected through Electoral Districts.

The irony however, is that although Members of Parliament are elected through Electoral Districts, all Executive Powers of the Line Ministries of the Central Government are implemented by the District Secretaries in the twenty-five Administrative Districts. The present convoluted process of appointing a Parliament through Electoral Districts and administering its functions through Administrative Districts cannot be justified. What would be more meaningful is to make Administrative Districts also perform Electoral functions such as appointing the Members of Parliament.

= The third inconsistency relates to the election of Members for Provincial Councils. According to the Provincials Councils Act: “Every administrative district in a Province shall for the purposes of elections to the Provincial Council established for that province, constitute an electoral area”

This is a departure from the practice adopted to elect Members to Parliament since they are based on outcomes from twenty-two (22) Electoral Districts. Therefore, it is worth exploring why Members to Parliament and Provincial Councils cannot be elected using the existing 25 Administrative Districts.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The intention is for an arrangement where Administrative Districts are also assigned electoral functions, so that both Members to Parliament and Provincial Councils could be elected by a single unit. The advantage would be that Administrative Districts could carry out Central Government functions under a District Secretary as at present, a parallel unit within the Administrative District could be set up to implement devolved powers in each of the Administrative Districts, while retaining the existing structural arrangements of Provincial Councils. This would facilitate the coordination of devolved powers with Central Government activities, thus improving productivity of each.

CONCLUSION

The current practice is that while representative of the Government of Sri Lanka is elected by Electoral Districts as stated above, Provincial Councils in the periphery with less powers than the Government are elected by electors in Administrative Districts of each Province. If elections to Parliament and to Provincial Councils are elected by electors in each of the twenty-five Administrative Districts, perhaps one election could elect Members to both bodies.

In view of the significant cost savings involved, it is imperative that serious consideration is given to equip Administrative Districts to serve as Electoral Districts for Parliamentary Elections as well as for Provincial Council Elections, since such an arrangement would further fortify the “immutable republican principle of Representative Democracy”. Furthermore, since such an arrangement would be closer to the People, services to them would be better served.

By Neville Ladduwahetty

Features

Power cuts are here! But we have a way out!

Published

12 hours ago

2026/06/8

Thilina Walpola

The much-dreaded power cuts are already here though not declared as such. The tragedy is that the power cuts are not due to inadequate electricity supply, but the inability of the power and energy authorities to use the abundant solar and wind power installed without any financial or economic burden on the state. They ought to admit their lack of wisdom to be mindful of the rapid changes in the sector and the need to be equipped.

Fuel Prices have been increased again up to the 2022 levels. Therefore another Electricity tariff hike is inevitable. Perhaps, the government may hold it back until September, when the next tariff revision is due. An appeal has been made to “prosumers” to switch off their solar PV system in the fear of grid stability being affected. While there is excess solar power, which they are unable to manage, even when the demand is below the installed capacity and high contribution of hydro, solar and wind. May 31 (Sunday) energy mix indicated substantial use of oil in CEB-owned power plants and those belonging to the Independent Power Producers (IPPs) . What is the rationale? One would believe that even the hydro reservoir water can be saved for use during the night, without curtailing solar and wind power. It will be said that the system is very complex and beyond the understanding of mere mortals like ordinary “prosumers”, who have added over 2300 MW to the grid, entirely at their expense and at rates well below the average cost of generation. (See Image 1)

Storage Batteries and Renewable Transition

The fact that the growing need for storage batteries to optimise the utilisation of variable renewable energy (VRE) has been felt for the last decade or more, and nothing was done about it, is never mentioned in their laments.

However, there is a glimmer of hope due to the initiatives taken by the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL). An increase in the demand due to a general GDP growth will have to be met using renewable resources. It has been clearly noted that such alternatives must be developed while curtailing the use of oil and ensuring the uninterrupted power to the consumers.

Recognising this need and the fact that fastest intervention is possible by promoting BESS (Battery Energy Storage Systems) to be added to all existing renewable energy sources, the PUCSL has initiated stakeholder consultation to determine the feed-in tariff payable for each type of BESS. A detailed methodology for determining the FIT has been circulated. The identified types of BESS discussed were as follows”

1. Power Plants

a. Mini -Hydro

b. Mini – Hydro-Local: mini hydro plants that at least use locally manufactured turbines

c. Wind

d. Wind – Local: Wind plants that at least use locally manufactured turbine blades

e. Biomass – Dendro – Biomass plants that use sustainably grown fuel wood

f. Biomass – Agricultural/Industrial Waste; Biomass fired plants use byproducts, like paddy husk, sawdust, sugar cane bagasse, etc.

g. Municipal Solid Waste

h. Waste Heat Recovery

i. Ground Mounted Solar PV

j. Floating Solar PV

2. Prosumers

a. Roof Top Solar PV

b. Rooftop Solar PV with Battery Energy Storage System (BESS)

c. Prosumers with behind the meter Battery Energy Storage System (BESS)

3. Power Plants with BESS

We mentioned in an earlier article that the PUCSL proposed a scheme whereby we can get rid of use of oil for power generation in stages, commencing with elimination of the diesel use by 2027 and all imported oils by 2030.

Stakeholder Meeting & Feed In Tariff( FIT)

The PUCSL has been empowered by the new Electricity Act No 36 (as amended), which came into full force on 09 March, 2026, with responsibility for calculating and announcing all FIT schemes, both for purchase and sale of electricity to consumers.

A well-represented stakeholder meeting was held recently, when the proposed methodology for determining the FIT of each type of BESS was given to them to provide further specific inputs. It is, therefore, realistic to expect such a FIT to be declared by the end of June, 2026.

While this is a welcome and progressive step unlike the ad hoc process adopted hitherto. But the fact remains that the responsibility for the effective use of FIT to attract investors to add the BESS at different scales, lies with the one or more of the newly appointed companies to take over the functions of the former Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB).

Government Recognition of Fossil Fuel Risks

The current government has reportedly recognised the danger of overdependence on imported fossil fuels, which we have absolutely no control over. This is something we have been stressing for a long time. However, better late than never. As a matter of interest, we show the degree of fossil fuel dependence and its adverse impact on the economy. (See Graph 1)

It is to be noted that earnings from our traditional exports of tea, rubber and coconuts fail to meet the ever-increasing cost of importing fossil fuels. Time was when earnings from these exports barely helped meet the cost of import of fuels which was back in 2010. The rupee cost of imports is shown in Billions to keep the data columns within the bounds of the chart. This is the factor which affects you and me directly.

However, we earnestly urge the government to direct the electricity companies to take immediate action to prepare the grid which costs only a fraction of the values predicted by the CEB to institute their schemes which are not in line with the ground reality to accept the BESS system once the FIT is announced. Reasonable BESS and FIT will help attract investors with the assurance of short-term and long-term improvement, at no cost to the state.

Solar PV & BESS Proposal

We proposed some time back of the opportunity for those “prosumers” using 300 units per month, for installing solar PV with adequately sized batteries, which is more economical than drawing power from the grid, and to gain the happy situation, to be insulated from the danger of power cuts and further increases in consumer tariff.

The PUCSL intervention to declare a BESS tariff will add a great impetus to those who are willing to adopt the above proposal. They will be encouraged to increase the capacity of their installations as well as the battery capacity so that the excess can be exported to the grid during peak hours, when firm economic power is most needed. Such additional features would enhance their financial returns and would enable rapid elimination of the use of diesel during peak hours. In recent months with the depreciation of the rupee, coupled with the increase of costs of solar panels, inverters and batteries, our original analysis of financial viability of this interevention was facing some uncertainties. As such, we welcome this move by the PUCSL, whereby the consumers would have a steady revenue in addition to the savings on their monthly electricity bills. It is likely that the level of FIT and the permitted number of exports will be adequate to work with the increased costs, as shown. (See Table 1)

It must be noted that the cost values are highly volatile ,and some variations are to be expected. FIT for export on energy is stated as 60% of the current peak time energy charge of Rs 106/kWh.

This revolution is well within the means of the over 200,000 potential “Prosumers” who consume over 250 units per month. While they would fulfil their own goal of being immune to any power cuts as well as being insulated from future tariff increases, they would be serving the country by progressively eliminating the need for any fossil fuels for power generation. For example, if 50,000 of them add 10 kWh of battery capacity, the peak power demand can be reduced by 500 MW, thereby obviating the need for using the most expensive diesel during the peak period. Very special advantages can be derived by those also purchasing EVs instead of petrol and diesel vehicles. It will be possible to save on LPG, which costs Rs 4,700.00 per cylinder at present. Thus, the excuse for demanding ever increasing consumer tariff in the future will not be available. As such this move would help all consumers down to the lowest level of consumers.

It is hoped that the energy authorities recognise this reality and support the PUCSL proposals by approving the BESS FIT system and directing all Utility companies to adopt the same and urgently initiate action to install the simple infrastructure additions to accept the BESS energy, as proposed. If they care to review this proposal having discarded biases and any other agendas, they, too, will benefit.

Conclusion

The inescapable conclusion one can derive from the above is that the solution to the crisis is available from the consumers themselves in a manner that is attractive and profitabe to them. It would also be of major assistance for the Utility to manage the sector effectively and efficiently. In addition, all consumers will benefit by gradually weaning themselves away from the grid an use of oil for power generation. This would obviate any more demands for consumer tariff increases by the National System Operator. The PUCSL has taken an essential first step with its intention to declare a BESS FIT. It is up to the government to ensure that the Ministry and the Utility companies adopt the correct stance and make a commitment to ensure the success of this scheme as soon as possible.

by Eng Parakrama Jayasinghe
Past President and Council Member
Bio Energy Association of Sri Lanka