Features
Insurgency 1971: Memoirs of then PM’s Secretary
(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Peiris)
From about the end of 1970 there was persistent and disturbing information surfacing of a youth uprising. Intelligence was coining in about secret meetings in the night; clandestine classes on far left ideologies; weapons training; the manufacture of hand bombs, etc. By the beginning of 1971 it was becoming clear that something dangerous was afoot.
All this information related to the gradual development of a situation that was unprecedented. In retrospect it could perhaps be said, that because it was unprecedented, the government did not, in those early months, accord to it the serious attention, that in hindsight, it could be said that it warranted. The intelligence services themselves, were able to unearth considerable material, but nobody developed a coherent and comprehensive picture of the ramifications and the magnitude of the problem.
The government reacted to the progressively increasing information that was coming in by setting up a special unit at Temple Trees headed by Mr. S.A. Dissanayake, a former Deputy Inspector General of Police. This unit was gradually staffed with a core of officers drawn from the three services and the police. and it was progressively strengthened with the necessary equipment. During this period the Prime Minister was residing in her own home at Rosmead Place. Temple Trees was only used
for state occasions. Apart from its use for receptions and dinners, visiting dignitaries like Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew were lodged there.
On the afternoon of April 4, 1971, I had gone to see the Prime Minister with a whole lot of papers. We were working at the dining table at Rosmead Place, when one of the servants came and announced that the Army Commander General Attygalle had come, and that he wished to see the Prime Minister urgently. He was ushered in, and what he had to relate was alarming. Security officers had raided a small meeting of insurgents at Vihara Maha Devi Park in Colombo a few hours before, and the subsequent interrogation of suspects had revealed a plot to storm Rosmead Place, and kill the Prime Minister that very night.
This had been confirmed by another, who had relented at the last moment and given information to the authorities. General Attygalle wanted the Prime Minister to immediately move to Temple Trees, which could be adequately secured. The Prime Minister with her customary calm said “I am not leaving my home, you protect me here.” But the general was adamant. He pointed out the vulnerability of the location of Rosmead Place right at a junction with roads all around it, and with its boundary walls abutting these roads.
In the developing context, he rightly urged that the Prime Minister should leave. I too added my voice to the General’s and Dr. Mackie Ratwatte, her brother and Private Secretary, who came in whilst this conversation was going on added his own weight. We proposed that she stop her work, and get ready to leave immediately. But she was very reluctant to leave the comfort of her home, and it required more effort to get her to at last agree.
All this was to be kept absolutely secret. I gathered my papers and said I was going to office, and that I would be there if needed. The staff at Temple Trees were not informed about the Prime Minister coming there to reside. She was to make the necessary arrangements after she got in. I finished my work and went home late as Usual. I had no role to play in the technicalities of security arrangements. I was on call if necessary. I had a parallel line in my bedroom upstairs from the telephone downstairs, which I used to keep on a low stand near my bed, so that I could reach out and take a call without getting out.
I was fast asleep when the telephone rang. It was around four o’clock in the morning of April 5. At the other end was Mr. Amarasinghe, Additional Private Secretary to the Prime Minister. He was telephoning from Temple Trees. He related in dramatic fashion the information that was coming in about the attack on a number of police stations by the Janatha Vimukti Perumuna. He said that lists had been discovered, with names of prominent people, to be assassinated. He was also kind enough to say that my name “had not yet been found,” on such a list.
This was a great deal to absorb when woken up from deep sleep. I requested Mr. Amarasinghe to inform the Prime Minister that I would be coming to Temple Trees early in the morning, and that until then I would be at home. I knew difficult, and even dangerous days lay ahead; that all normal hours of work and rest were at an end; and that no program of any sort could be planned. One had to adjust to the developing situation.
My little son was just over two years old. Given the uncertainties, I did not want my wife and son to be at home. I knew that if they were away, I would have greater ease of mind. In any case they were unlikely to see much of me. My parents were at home, and we had a servant. We could manage. My wife suggested that we send our son to her parents in Negombo, and that she stay. I firmly rejected this and packed both of them off to her parent’s place later in the day.
When taking these decisions there was the thought at the back of my mind that if I happened to be on some hit list, it was best that I sallied forth to the after-world alone. In any case the contract of marriage with my wife pertained only to this world, and I saw no point in her being put at risk of such a journey to another world. There was also now an innocent two year old without any contract, but possessing only a birth certificate. Now began almost two months of intense work and activity, where any kind of time management was impossible.
The country had to be under curfew for a considerable period of time. At the beginning the curfew hours were quite severe. Normal office and work hours had to be substantially curtailed. I had now to work from Temple Trees. The focal point of administration and security was there. Very senior security personnel including the Navy Commander Admiral Hunter and Chief of Staff Basil Goonesekera, worked from the operations room at Temple Trees. Some Ministers also spent a great deal of their time at Temple Trees.
One of them whom I remember vividly was Dr. N.M. Perera the Minister of Finance. He had a look of shock and disbelief on his face. Much of the time he had a far away look. It was evident that he had been deeply shocked by the turn of events. He was struggling to comprehend something, which at the time he did not understand. I tried occasionally to talk to him, and also ask him whether I could order a cup of tea. Most of the time he just grunted. Conversation seemed to be the last thing on his mind.
Underlying the shock and the gloom from his point of view was the despair that a set of reckless adventurers were jeopardizing a socialist government which had been returned with such a strong mandate, even before the government was one year in office. Most of the Ministers were in a state of fear. They thronged Temple Trees and stayed there. After a while, this constituted a disturbance to the Prime Minister, who thereupon urged them to go and stay in their Ministries.
The security forces and the police were stretched to the limit. The country did not spend any significant amount on defence and security in those times, and was generally unprepared both in equipment and human resources to meet the kind of insurgent threat that they were now suddenly faced with. Therefore, the security that was afforded to Ministers at the time when compared with the security they receive now, was rudimentary. It was no wonder therefore that they tended to congregate at Temple Trees, the safest place available.
A discussion with the Army Commander
The first three or four days were particularly difficult. In addition to combating the sudden attack on about 25 police stations, with intelligence being received of more attacks to come, the Government was in a most difficult situation. Police stations had to be strengthened; troops had to be deployed against identified JVP centres, as intelligence began coming in; main roads, and most importantly bridges had to be secured: public offices had to be guarded; and Ports, harbours and above all airports, including the international airport had to be secured.
With inadequate personnel and equipment. the security forces and the police were under severe strain. Most of them had not slept for days, and some were on the verge of breakdown. The country was under extended hours of curfew, and rumours abounded of an attack on Colombo; about the prospect of some of the main bridges in the city being blown up; and about possible raids on reservoirs and pumping stations like the one at Maligakande.
It was in this environment and background that General Sepala Attygalle the Army Commander telephoned me one morning at Temple Trees. This would have been around the third day of the insurgency. He sounded seriously overwrought. He said that the situation was very bad and that he wanted to see the Prime Minister. This was chilling news. But one had to discipline oneself not to get excited or panic. I told Sepala, that I would certainly arrange for him to see the Prime Minister, but that first I needed to talk to him.
I was working in the administrative building situated to the north of the main building, where the Prime Minister worked from. On top of the administrative building were some bedrooms. Pending the Army Commander’s arrival, I went into the situation room, and got myself briefed on the latest information. It was clear from the briefing that the initial assault had been to an extent countered, although some police stations were lost or had to be abandoned.
The wave of attacks had petered out and the security forces were consolidating. The volunteer forces of the three services had been called up and the increased manpower coming in were helping both operations and morale. The curfew was being strictly enforced, and orders had gone out to shoot any deliberate curfew breakers. The government had already appealed to countries such as India, Pakistan, The United Kingdom and the USA for urgently needed arms, ammunition and equipment.
There were very positive responses from all these countries as well as later China. India and Pakistan were sending helicopters, in addition to other supplies. They were also sending some of their troops to secure the Katunayake and Ratmalana airports, so that our troops could be released from static duties. Our two neighbouring countries acted very fast. I remember Pakistan responding to our request by immediately cabling “Helicopters loading, please indicate landing details.” They were sent in military cargo planes.
We were also urgently buying ammunition and equipment from Singapore. I knew that all this was in the pipeline, and some had actually arrived. The Indian High Commissioner had met the Prime Minister, and after discussions, the Indian Navy threw a naval cordon around the country and intensified naval patrols. I was most keen therefore to talk to Sepala, because I was certain that he did not know of these details. When he arrived, I took him upstairs to one of the bedrooms, and shut the door. We sat on two beds and talked. It was abundantly clear that he had not slept for almost three days. The strain was visible. He was chain smoking and his hands were trembling, a sign of tension, fatigue and sleeplessness. I calmly narrated the briefing I had received from the situation room.
I then updated him on the arrival of the helicopters, troops and equipment. We talked for almost 45 minutes. At the end Sepala decided he did not need to see the Prime Minister. I suggested that he sleep in the room for a few hours. But he had work to do, and left in a much better frame of mind.
Operation Rescue
One of the main problems initially was the inadequacy of personnel, even for static security duties. The Minister of Public Administration and Home Affairs, Mr. Felix Dias Bandaranaike decided that a number of selected senior public servants, who in any case did not have much to do, due to the long curfew hours, could assist security personnel at some of the check points in the city. A roster had been drawn up and they were to report for duty at various places during early evening.
Unfortunately, under the pressure of events someone forgot to co-ordinate this with the security authorities. Some kind of letter was issued to them. But some had not received their letters by the time they were asked to report. We had no national identity cards those days, and there was now the prospect of a number of senior public servants wandering into military check points in the dark, without a shred of identification in a situation when those manning those points were completely unaware of this arrangement, and were themselves tired, tense and edgy.
Very fortunately the Prime Minister came to hear of this at the last moment. She was furious. Already there were deaths enough, and the last thing she wanted to see was a number of senior public servants added to those numbers. On her instructions therefore, we had to quickly organize a fleet of vehicles to send to the various check points and bring these public servants to Temple Trees.
Getting vehicles at such short notice was also not easy. We had to drop everything and engage in operation rescue. To the great relief of all however operation rescue was successfully carried out and a number of bewildered public servants brought to Temple Trees, where most of them spent the night, some of them seated on the steps at the back, overlooking a beautiful lawn and shady trees.
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
Features
‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power
A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.
Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.
The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.
More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.
However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.
Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.
However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.
That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.
Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.
However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.
Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).
In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.
However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.
The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.
Features
Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana
It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.
Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.
When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.
Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:
Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.
Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:
It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.
Religious and Social Mission
The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.
Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.
Legacy and Continuing Inspiration
The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.
The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:
* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.
* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.
* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.
* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.
In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.
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