Opinion

The College of General Practitioners of Sri Lanka celebrates 50 years – 1

Published

2 years ago

2024/08/5

Thilina Walpola

‘Look forward to knowledge but do not forget to lookback for wisdom’

By Dr. Ruvaiz haniffa

A western medical doctor, who has undergone further training to deliver medical care at primary care level, based on concepts and principles of Family Medicine/General Practice, is a General Practitioner/Family Physician. Family Medicine/General practice is the medical specialty which provides continuing and comprehensive care for the individual and the family. General Practitioners – now commonly referred to as Family Physicians – deal with physical, mental and social signs and symptoms in individuals, their families and the community to deliver quality promotive, preventive, curative, rehabilitative and palliative care in an ethical and professional manner, based on the principles of family medicine which is the academic discipline which underpins general practice. Though, in essence being a ‘generalist’ discipline it is classified as a ‘specialty’ of breath which integrates biological, clinical and behavioural sciences to deliver healthcare in holistic manner.

The Family Physician of today is rooted in the historical ‘generalist’ commonly referred to simply as ‘A DOCTOR’. The reader is encouraged to reflect on who or what a medical doctor means to him/her at an individual, family and community level. In Sri Lanka, the terms general practitioner, private practitioner or family physician is synonymously used to identify a western medical practitioner who may or may not deliver primary curative medical care, based on the principles of family medicine. This directly and indirectly implies that anyone with a medical degree (or not) is deemed fit by the medical regulators of Sri Lanka, in particular, and the Sri Lankan public, in general, as qualified, trained and competent to deliver care to patients based on the concepts and principles of family medicine.

This basically allows every Tom, Dick and Harry (or to contextualize it to a Sri Lankan scenario every Silva, Perera and Fernando!!!) (or put another way every Community Physician, Oncologist and Cardiovascular surgeon!!!) to engage in General Practice. This puts patients in harm’s way and gives genuine general practitioners a bad name and image, professionally. This creates a vicious cycle which leads to the academic discipline of family medicine to be looked down upon as an ‘inferior’ or even ‘incompetent’ medical discipline as compared to other medical specialties. This in turn leads to unnecessary medicalization of health issues and leads to a disease-based approach to healthcare at an exorbitant cost for the individual and society. The outcome of this is patients expecting and doctors complicitly delivering disease care as opposed to healthcare when often it is clearly unnecessary. There are many within the disease care industry who directly and indirectly benefit financially and otherwise from this philosophy.

BACKGROUND

The concepts and principles of family medicine are as old as the field of medicine itself. Family medicine as an academic discipline is comparatively new. It was accepted as a distinct academic branch of medicine in the UK in 1952 and in the USA in 1969 and In Sri Lanka, it was recognized as a distinct clinical discipline in May 1979.

In Sri Lanka there is no historical record of self-employed western medical practitioners during the colonial occupations by the Portuguese or even the Dutch. One of the earliest references to self-employed western medical practitioners is in the year 1835 during the British colonial occupation. These records state that a western medical practitioner, named Dr Misso, ‘opened an exceedingly well-furnished dispensary in Pettah after spending 20 years in public service’.

Towards the end of the 19^th century, many Ceylonese doctors, who were products of the Ceylon Medical College (presently the Faculty of Medicine, University of Colombo) took to private practice and established independent clinics outside the state healthcare system in Colombo and Kandy gradually moving to other major towns and villages.

With the increase in their numbers, by the early part of the 20^th century, there were quite a few general practitioners all over Ceylon. A logical development of the proliferation of those engaged in general practice was the formation of an association to look after their interest and ensure their continuous professional development. This led to the formation in 1929 of The Independent Medical Practitioners Association (IMPA) vibrantly existing even today. Dr E.V. Ratnam (founder of one of the first private hospitals in Sri Lanka – The Ratnam’s Hospital – established in 1907) was the prime mover in the formation of the IMPA and was its first President until 1950.

Other key figures who served as Presidents of the IMPA were Sir Frank Gunasekera (1950-51. Served as personal Physician to the British Governor), Dr M C M Kaleel (1952-63. Founder Member of the UNP, Cabinet Minister and Chairman of the UNP), Dr A D P A Wijegoonawaredne (1963-68. President of the Commonwealth Medical Association and Ceylon Medical Association), Dr A M Fernando (1969 -70 Founder Chairman of the Board of Study in Family Medicine at the PGIM), Dr R. P Wijeratne (1970-71) and Dr M P M Cooray (1971-75. First President of the College of General Practitioners of Sri Lanka)

The IMPA was a medico-political body with academic general practice as a subsidiary interest amidst the many professionally related issues it had to deal with at its inception and formative years. Nevertheless, in the 1960s the leaders of the IMPA identified the need for a separate entity to spearhead and dedicate itself as an organization to the academic discipline of General Practice. This idea was the embryo which, over the years, developed into the College of General Practitioners of Sri Lanka, the apex professional and academic body of all grades of general practitioner in the private, state and academic sectors in Sri Lanka. In 1969, Dr A M Fernando, attended the convention of the General Practitioners of Australia, in Sydney.

During this visit, he experienced firsthand the benefits of a formal organization dedicated to GPs and how it played a role in the continuous professional development of its members which, in turn, led to quality primary curative care to patients. He shared his experience with the IMPA membership who, too, were convinced of the benefits of such organization and its advantages to the healthcare system of the country. Dr C E S Weeratunge, a General Practitioner and member of IMPA, was appointed Secretary to the Ministry of Health in 1970 and having been convinced of the idea for the need of a organization for academic family medicine he lost no time in facilitating the idea of a College for General Practitioners and converted it in to reality along with a team of colleagues spearheaded by Dr G M Heennilame.

The procedural and legal aspect of this venture commenced in 1972 and culminated on the 19^th of August 1974 when, under the able guidance of the Speaker of the House Mr. Stanley Thilakaratne and the Clerk of the House Mr. Sam Wijesinghe, Mr. Ronnie de Mel Member of Parliament for Dondra (later Finance Minister) presented the Bill which was approved and brough in to existence the College of General Practitioners of Sri Lanka (CGPSL) by an act of Parliament.

For the record the CGPSL came into legal existence by way of Parliament Bill No. 26 of 19^th August 1974. The inaugural meeting of the founder members of the College was held on 6^th September 1974 at SLMA House. The first general meeting was held on 18^th February 1975. At this meeting all qualified doctors, who were eligible for membership, according to the Bill, were enrolled, subject to the confirmation of the Council. In all 118 members were enrolled on that day.

I take this opportunity to place on record my eternal gratitude to the Independent Medical Practitioners Association of Sri Lanka for having the vision and courage to create the CGPSL as an independent entity and for all the guidance and support it gave the CGPSL in its formative years.

MAJOR ACHIEVMENTS

Since 1975 the CGPSL has taken giant strides to firmly establish Family Medicine as a distinct clinical, specialty in Sri Lanka, amidst a myriad of hurdles. On this momentous occasion of our 50^th Anniversary please permit me to share with you a brief list of unique achievements we have made as a college over the years.

* Establishment of the Board of Study in Family Medicine, at the Post Graduate Institute of Medicine (PGIM) of the University of Colombo

Through this academic activity the College laid the post graduate educational foundation for every single trainee in family medicine who went through the Diploma in Family Medicine Programme and all those who have gone through, are going through and will go through the MD in Family Medicine programme in Sri Lanka.

It must not be forgotten that the entire effort in creating this Board of Study was shouldered by Members of the CGPSL. Of the initial 10-member board five were Members of the CGPSL, including the Chairman and Secretary of the founding Board. The stewardship of this pioneering Board is considered the Golden Era which ushered Family Medicine as an academic disciple into the medical and postgraduate medical education spheres in Sri Lanka and beyond. The CGPSL, through the BoS, successfully conducted the Diploma in Family Medicine (DFM) exam in Chennai, India, in collaboration with the College of General Practitioners of the Indian Medical Association (CGPIMA). As such there are quite a few Indian Doctors with the DFM-Colombo qualification in Indian even today. To date this remains the only post graduate medical examination conducted in a foreign county by the PGIM.

* Introduction of Family Medicine to the undergraduate medical curriculum

At the request of the CGPSL the Faculty of Medicine, University of Colombo, began sending its students to General Practitioners in the Colombo area for three half-day sessions in 1980 to expose them to the discipline. The NCMC, which was established in 1981, had a Department Family Medicine in 1983 where students were given formal theoretical and practical inputs into Family Medicine for the first time in Sri Lanka. Subsequently the Universities of Sri Jayewardenepura and Kelaniya established Departments of Family Medicine in the years 1993 and 1994, respectively. The University of Colombo established a Family Medicine Unit in 2002 and converted it to a Department of Family Medicine in 2018. The Universities of Jaffna, Rajarata, Eastern and Ruhuna have either commenced or are in the process of establishing either Departments or Units to teach Family Medicine.

International Partnerships and Collaborations*

World Organization of National Colleges Academies and Academic Associations of General Practice – WONCA

WONCA commenced in the year 1972 and the CGPSL formally joined in 1978 at its 8^th meeting held in Geneva, Switzerland, though professional and academic contacts had been going on since 1976.

Earlier this year in conjunction with the 50^th anniversary of celebrations of the CGPSL, the WONCA South Asia Regional meeting was hosted by the CGPSL in Colombo 3^rd to 5^th May 2024 at the Shangri-La Hotel. Sri Lanka. They had twice previously hosted this conference (2005 and 2016),

This event was marked by the Philatelic Bureau of Sri Lanka issuing a commemorative stamp and first day cover marking the event.

Many members of the CGPSL play active roles in WONCA with great distinction.

* Royal College of General Practitioners of the United Kingdom

The CGPSL established formal links with the Royal College of General Practitioners of the UK in March 1978 with the visit to Sri Lanka of the Dean of Studies of the RCGP, Dr J S Norell. He was able to give technical inputs in to organization of educational programmes for the membership. This link was renewed in 2003 with the CGPSL taking a lead role negotiating with the RCGP to conduct the Membership exam of the RCGP in the South Asia region. Many CGPSL members underwent training to function as examiners at this exam. The first MRCGP[INT]-South Asia exam was held in 2007 in Colombo. This exam is now held three times a year in rotation in Colombo, Chennai and Karachi. A Past President and Senior Member of the CGPSL Dr. Preethi Wijegoonawardene was elected as the Chair of the MRCGP[INT]-South Asia Examination Board in 2016.

Establishment of the North Colombo Medical College

The CGPSL initiated the creation and establishment of a private medical college, called North Colombo Medical College, which now carries on as the Faculty of Medicine, University of Kelaniya. The NCMC produced about 300 Sri Lanka and overseas nationals as doctors who serve their patients in Sri Lanka and throughout the world.

When Dr G M Heennilame first brought up the proposal of a private medical school in 1975 at a Council meeting of the CGPSL, he was ridiculed and had to face raucous laughter and cynical comments from his colleagues in the Council who did not allow him to continue his presentation. He re-presented his proposal in 1980 at the AGM having further refined it. The proposal won unanimous support from the general membership. Following this, a memorandum was submitted to His Excellency J R Jayawardene, ihe President of Sri Lanka at the time.

The Health Minster Mr. Gamini Jayasuriya was instructed by the President to follow the matter up with the CGPSL along with Secretary Health (Mr. B C Perera) and the Director General of Health Services. A series of logistical, medical educational, health service delivery and financial meetings with relevant officials took place and the President, on the recommendation of his officials, approved the long lease of the Thalagolla convalescent home with 5 to 10 acres of surrounding land in Ragama and designated the North Colombo General Hospital as the teaching hospital for the proposed private medical college.

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Opinion

Sri Lanka’s geopolitical positioning for future prosperity

Published

6 hours ago

2026/09/25

Thilina Walpola

Kariyawasam

By Chula Goonasekera
For the LEADS Forum (admin@srilankaleads.com)

Sri Lanka’s future prosperity will depend on how effectively it positions itself within an increasingly complex global environment. At a recent LEADS Forum discussion (https://youtu.be/Bbr3e_qU1Fw), veteran diplomat Prasad Kariyawasam, former Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, High Commissioner to India, Ambassador to the United States, Ambassador /Permanent Representative to the UN in New York and Geneva —outlined the strategic choices Sri Lanka must make to secure long term stability and economic advancement. Kariyawasam offered a rare blend of historical perspective, diplomatic experience and practical guidance.

His central message was clear: Sri Lanka must exercise strategic agency—engaging all major partners while safeguarding its national interests.

Foreign Policy as an Extension of National Aspirations

Foreign policy, Kariyawasam emphasised, is inseparable from domestic priorities. As your text notes, “foreign relations often reflect the medium- and long-term aspirations of a country’s people and its leadership.” Governments must therefore craft external relations that reflect the public’s economic and social expectations, avoiding short-term political impulses that undermine long-term national interests.

For a small nation, foreign policy cannot be symbolic or personality driven. It must be purposeful, pragmatic and directed towards the security and prosperity of the people.

A History of Global Connectivity

Sri Lanka’s history demonstrates that the island has never been isolated. From ancient ties with India and Southeast Asia to Arab, Persian and Chinese maritime networks, the island prospered when connected to the wider world. We must realise that “geography creates opportunity, but geography alone does not create prosperity.” Institutions, infrastructure and policy determine whether geographic advantage becomes economic success.

Colombo’s emergence as a cosmopolitan trading hub and Galle’s role as a resupply station for Indian Ocean shipping in colonial times , illustrate how deeply Sri Lanka has been embedded in global commerce for centuries.

Lessons from Asia’s High Performers

Kariyawasam highlighted the experiences of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Vietnam. Their paths differ, but their success rests on common foundations:

• investment in human capital and infrastructure

• merit based institutions

• integration into global markets

• attraction of investment and technology

• export oriented industries

• strategic engagements with both China and Western economies

The lesson for Sri Lanka is not imitation but continuous adaptation and constructive integration with the global economy.

India: Sri Lanka’s Closest Major Partner

India’s transformation into a global economic power presents Sri Lanka with both opportunity and responsibility. India is already Sri Lanka’s largest source of tourists and a major investor. Kariyawasam states, “The larger question is how effectively Sri Lanka can participate in and benefit from India’s growth.”

A partnership should encompass modern, more open pathways for trade, investment, logistics, energy, technology, digital services, education and professional mobility—And asymmetry between the two economies must be handled with maturity and foresight, seeking special and differential treatment .

China and Other Global Partners

China remains a significant economic partner. Sri Lanka must avoid viewing this relationship through a zero sum lens. The goal should be productive and transparent engagement, ensuring better terms of trade and meaningful technology transfer.

Equally Important relations must be nurtured with the United States, European Union, United Kingdom, Japan, Australia, ASEAN and the Gulf.

All these relationships can be vibrant partnerships that does not lead towards , dependency but mutually beneficial pragmatic arrangements .

A Fragmenting International System

Global geopolitics is becoming more volatile. Trade tensions, wars, sanctions, supply chain disruptions, climate change and technological competition increasingly shape national security. We must realise, “foreign policy cannot be separated from economic policy.”

Sri Lanka’s recent economic crisis demonstrated the importance of international confidence, access to finance and resilient supply chains. Energy security, food security, cybersecurity and digital infrastructure are now core elements of national strategy.

Strategic Agency: The Guiding Principle

Sri Lanka must avoid becoming an arena for great power competition. Strategic agency means making decisions based on national interest, expanding Sri Lanka’s choices, not restricting them.

India is essential. China is important. The United States, Europe, Japan, Australia, ASEAN and the Gulf are important. The objective is a web of partnerships that strengthens resilience and autonomy.

Sri Lanka’s Strategic Assets

1. Location: Sri Lanka’s geography is a long standing advantage. Ports such as Colombo, Hambantota, Trincomalee and Galle can become specialised hubs—if connected to logistics, manufacturing, services and exports.

2. Digital Connectivity: Submarine cables, data centres, cloud services and cybersecurity are now as important as physical geography. Sri Lanka can turn its location into both a maritime and digital advantage.

3. Tourism and Natural Heritage: The focus should shift from tourist numbers to value creation—wellness, heritage, ecotourism, cruise tourism, education and MICE tourism.

4. Human Resources and Demographics: High literacy is no longer enough. Skills in technology, engineering, AI, logistics and advanced manufacturing are essential, especially with an ageing population.

5. Migrant Workforce: Migrant workers are a strategic asset, not merely a source of remittances. Bilateral labour agreements, skills recognition and diaspora engagement should be central to foreign policy.

Requirements for Sustained Prosperity

Sri Lanka’s future depends on:

• peace and security

• access to international markets

• productive investment

• a skilled, productive workforce

• modernised agriculture

• higher value tourism

• demographic preparedness

• climate resilience

• strong, predictable institutions

Please note that “foreign policy can open doors. Domestic institutions determine whether we can walk through them.”

The Role of the State

Sri Lanka does not need a larger state—only a more capable one. Policy continuity, professional institutions, predictable regulation and reduced corruption are essential. Geography does not change; long-term national interests do not change. Intentional relationships built over decades should not be reinvented with each election cycle.

Building Trust Internationally

Trust is a strategic asset. Sri Lanka must be known as a country that honours commitments and maintains predictable policies. This is vital not only for diplomacy but also for investment and long term partnerships.

Avoiding Zero Sum Geopolitics

Sri Lanka does not need to choose between India and China, or between Asia and the West. The task is to identify what each relationship can contribute to national development while protecting sovereignty and freedom of decision making.

Sri Lanka’s geography is an inheritance, but prosperity is not guaranteed. The world is changing rapidly—great-power competition, technological disruption, and climate vulnerability demand a foreign policy that is pragmatic, adaptive, and anchored in national interest.

Sri Lanka must build partnerships without dependencies, maintain strategic agency without isolation, and integrate with the global economy while strengthening domestic capacity.

“We cannot change where Sri Lanka is. We can, however, determine what Sri Lanka becomes because of where it is”

Opinion

A tariff deal with the US? Make haste slowly

Published

1 day ago

2026/09/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

by Gomi Senadhira

Sri Lanka’s former ambassador to the United States Mahinda Samarasinghe is back in Sri Lanka lobbying for speedier finalisation of a new tariff deal with the United States. According to news reports, delivering the keynote address at the Sri Lanka Institute of Directors’ Annual Meeting last week, he stated, “I have recommended very strongly to the government that we need to conclude the agreement so that we can lock in the very favourable tariff rate that Sri Lanka has got up to now“.

I do not understand why the former ambassador is urging the government to expedite the finalisation of a new tariff deal or what is “the very favourable tariff rate” he refers to in his speech. However, given the ongoing terrible tariff turbulence in the United States and the fragile economic situation in Sri Lanka, I believe, this is not the right time to rush into finalising any trade agreement with the United States. I am also of the opinion that at this juncture Sri Lanka should maintain strategic patience and explore all available options.

Lessons from the countries that rushed for trade deals

To better comprehend this, let’s look at experiences of the countries that rushed to conclude tariff deals with the United States after President Donald Trump declared his “reciprocal tariffs” under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) in April 2025. As Samarasinghe stated in his keynote, “The bottom line on all these negotiations was that every country that finally agreed to sign the agreement had to give either complete duty-free access for American exports into those markets, or near complete duty-free access.” In exchange for these tariff concessions and other market access commitments these countries managed to get the newly introduced country specific “reciprocal tariffs” reduced.

However, in February 2026, the Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) struck down these “reciprocal tariffs” under the IEEPA. With that, the market access gains these countries received in exchange for complete duty-free access for American exports into their markets evaporated under U.S. domestic law. By moving too fast to conclude bilateral tariff agreements with the United States these countries are now bound to strict obligations whereas the benefits they bargained from the U.S. administration are not worth the paper those were written on.

Sri Lanka’s experience

In April 2025, President Trump declared his “reciprocal tariffs” and labelled Sri Lanka as the worst offender, imposing one of the highest additional duties at 44%. Since then, Ambassador Samarasinghe and other negotiators have managed to negotiate this down to 20%. I do not know what the deal was through which Sri Lanka managed to reduce the 44% tariff to 20% or what we gave in return for this “concession.” However, what we received in return has absolutely no value after the decision by the SCOTUS.

Current state of US tariffs

After the decision by SCOTUS, the U.S. administration introduced a temporary 10% additional tariff on all countries for 150 days. At the end of that period, this 10% tariff was replaced by a new “forced labor tariff ” of 10% to 12.5% on all trading partners under Section 301 of U.S. trade law. Twenty-five U.S. states and several small businesses have already filed lawsuits against these tariffs in U.S. courts. This new “forced labour tariff ” on Sri Lanka was first fixed at 12.5%. Later, after President Anura Kumara Dissanayake issued a gazette notice prohibiting the importation of goods produced using forced labour, it was reduced to 10%. That means Sri Lanka has already made a substantial commitment to receive this “tariff concession,” and I presume our negotiators understand the implications of this commitment.

Make haste slowly

After President Trump imposed 44% “reciprocal tariffs” on Sri Lanka, through an article published in The Island on 25th April 2026 (), I urged the government to engage immediately with the US administration on these tariffs. However, I also emphasised that the best way to move forward was to make haste slowly.

Two millennia ago, Augustus Caesar, the first emperor of Rome, frequently used the phrase, “make haste slowly”, because he detested rashness and haste in his military commanders. It was the recurring guiding maxim that he emphasised throughout his 40-year imperial rule. After 2000 years, this classical oxymoron remains a definitive golden rule for professional trade negotiators. More importantly it is the exact blueprint required when navigating turbulence in trade negotiations with the Trump administration.

The endgame – The most dangerous moment in trade negotiation

Samarasinghe has also stated the agreement is 90% complete. Any experienced trade negotiator should know that the final 10% contains high-stakes provisions and is the most dangerous moment in a trade negotiation. A single misplaced comma or ambiguous product description in a tariff schedule can cost millions through unintended loopholes. Rushing this last stretch to secure a deal can permanently expose Sri Lanka to sudden shifts in American trade policy, heavy compliance costs, or strict enforcement under Section 301 regarding supply-chain labour standards. Hence, this is the time for strategic patience.

(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

Opinion

Buddhist law and constitutional amendments

Published

1 day ago

2026/09/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Upon reading the article titled “Prof. Pieris says Buddha Dhamma recognized as source of law under Constitution” (Island, September 12, 2026), the classical Sinhala idiom “Yanne Koheda? Malle Pol” immediately comes to mind. The expression, translating literally to answering “I have coconuts in my bag” when asked “Where are you going?”, underscores a complete disconnect in logic. Because it is uncertain whether the article accurately represents the professor’s precise words, the following critique addresses the contents of the report rather than the speaker himself.

The central premise of the report concerns a statement delivered by the Chief Justice regarding a petition filed against the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution. According to the report, the Chief Justice’s observation that the determination would be made strictly on the basis of established law rather than Buddhist teachings was characterised as a “cavalier dismissal” of the Buddha Dhamma. This assertion carries a host of unexamined assumptions. Had the writer specified precisely which tenets of the Buddha Dhamma were violated, a direct legal or philosophical evaluation could take place. However, no specific Buddhist tenet or law was identified as having been transgressed, and for good reason: no such statutory legal framework exists within the Buddha’s teachings.

To understand the flaw in this argument, one must examine the constitutional context alongside the canonical meaning of the terms involved. Article 9 of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka mandates that the Republic shall give Buddhism the foremost place and that it shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while guaranteeing the fundamental rights of all religions under Articles 10 and 14(1)(e).

While “Buddhism” and “Buddha Dhamma” are frequently used as interchangeable terms in casual dialogue, they represent distinct concepts. “Buddhism” is an umbrella term coined by 19th-century Western scholars to classify the global institutionalised religion, incorporating its diverse sects, cultural traditions, rituals, and socio-political histories. Conversely, Sasana is the ancient term designating the structural framework established by the Buddha to preserve and transmit his teachings, comprising the monastic order (Sangha) and its supporting institutions.

In classical Theravada commentarial literature, the Sasana operates as a functional three-tiered structure. It encompasses Pariyatti Sasana, the preservation and study of sacred texts; Paṭipatti Sasana, the practical execution of the doctrine through ethical conduct and meditation; and Paṭivedha Sasana, the direct experiential realization of ultimate truth, or enlightenment. This structural breakdown raises fundamental questions about state capacity. While a state can readily support Pariyatti Sasana through academic institutions, textual preservation, and educational funding, it cannot legislate or enforce Paṭipatti or Paṭivedha. Practical engagement and spiritual realisation are inherently internal, first-person experiences. Expecting the state to codify or guarantee enlightenment is a conceptual impossibility.

Furthermore, the Buddha Dhamma refers specifically to the unconditioned truths of existence and the teachings imparted to realize them, including the Four Noble Truths, the Eightfold Path, and Dependent Origination. As the late Venerable Professor Kotagama Wachissara Thera observed, there is no rigid ideologue or “ism” in the core Dhamma. The teachings do not constitute a system of divine commandments or a legal statute enforced through reward and punishment. Rather, Buddhist ethics function as self-directed guidelines for psychological clarity and moral inquiry. Even the Vinaya Pitaka, which contains explicit rules of conduct, functions as an internal monastic code rather than a civil or criminal law intended for the laity.

Throughout the Pali Canon, guidance regarding governance focuses on the moral character of leadership and the social duties of statecraft rather than rigid legal codification. In discourses such as the Cakkavatti Sihanada Sutta (DN 26), the Buddha observes that social instability and crime cannot be eliminated solely through punitive measures, emphasising instead that states must provide economic opportunities, fair wages, and resource distribution to maintain societal balance. Crucially, in the Maha Parinibbana Sutta (DN 16), the Buddha explicitly highlights the importance of respecting established laws and traditions rather than enacting arbitrary regulations.

The natural laws articulated in the Dhamma, such as the law of cause and effect or the three characteristics of existence, govern all phenomena universally, regardless of legal statutes or personal belief. They are not human laws to be applied or suspended by a court of law. Therefore, characterizing the Chief Justice’s adherence to constitutional jurisprudence over religious doctrine as a “cavalier dismissal” lacks logical and textual foundation. Framing the judiciary’s adherence to legal precedent as an attack on the Dhamma distracts from fundamental constitutional principles and risks misguiding the public for political ends.

Geewananda
Gunawardana,
Ph.D.