Opinion

Challenge before main presidential candidates

Published

1 year ago

2024/07/31

Sahan Weerasooriya

Ranil - Sajith - Anura

by Krishantha Prasad Cooray

There’s a political poster that’s been splashed on the walls of Colombo. Black letters on a yellow background mean that the author or the party cannot be identified. It is obviously a teaser campaign. It comes with a promise, which of course is the bread and butter of all politicians. Apparently, ‘the lie will come to an end,’ and on the 29th, the name of the messiah who will take all Sri Lankans to some yet-to-be-named promised land will be revealed.

This is the season for that kind of thing, so the timing is not bad at all. After all, people are talking about elections these days. They are wondering if elections will be held soon and, if so, whether it would be a presidential or parliamentary election. They talk about candidates, those who have announced their intentions and those who might very soon.

An election there will be, that much is certain. Will it be to elect a president or 225 parliamentarians? Let’s first consider the second option, which at this point is something that the president can decide upon.

A general election will tell us the relative strengths of the various parties and, of course, the temper of the electorate. As things stand, two political groups stand to gain: the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) and the National People’s Power, better known as the NPP, which is made up of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and a scattering of individuals of varying stature and more or less nondescript organisations.

The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, or the ‘Pohottuwa’, would benefit only in the sense that a few would get elected, whereas they would probably fare even worse if a presidential election comes first; the winner and the winner’s party would gain enough edge to shove the Pohottuwa closer to the dustbin of history. In any event, they wouldn’t even get king-making numbers. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) is where the United National Party was after Gotabhaya Rajapaksa won the presidential election in 2019. The SLFP might secure a few seats in an alliance but would be an also-ran if it opts to contest alone.

How about the NPP? Today, the NPP is being considered by people who would not have a few years or even a few months ago. They say, ‘let’s try these people out.’ That’s the slogan of the desperate, dispossessed, and maybe the hopeful. Nevertheless, that ‘default option’ might work in their favour, although anything less than an absolute majority would make the ‘we can and we will win’ mantra they’ve been marketing sound a bit hollow.

The UNP was the Grand Old Party, but the ‘grand’ part of it is no longer valid. They have a president, but the question is, ‘where are his people?’ Some may answer, ‘with Sajith’, while others might think that in a season of shifting alliances, prominent stalwarts may gravitate back to the political walawwa. In a word, unlikely, especially if a parliamentary election is held first.

Why should the President risk it all by going for a general election when he may be able to cobble together a workable alliance should he run for President and win? He is risk-averse, as he clearly showed in 2010 and 2019 when the stars were aligned against him. In 2015, he worked out the arithmetic: Maithripala Sirisena had a better chance, and the premiership was a decent consolation prize.

It’s a presidential election that’s on the cards. This forces us to consider the contenders: as of now, Ranil Wickremesinghe (UNP, with or without the support of ex-UNPers), Sajith Premadasa (SJB sans Sarath Fonseka and Champika Ranawaka from his 2019 team), and Anura Kumara Dissanayake (JVP plus all those who have to utter the prayer ‘We are NPP and not JVP’ to convince themselves that they are not gullible).

We could delve into the histories of the relevant parties, ideologies espoused and amended, and track records, but that would only produce dirty and bloodied hands. Sri Lanka and Sri Lankans are realists; they go for the ‘best of the bad lot’ simply because it’s their names that are on ballot papers. In a presidential election, they look at candidates more than parties, personalities more than ideology or party history. So, let’s consider these three because the others are still peripheral to the case: Ranil Wickremesinghe (RW for convenience), Sajith Premadasa (SP), and Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD).

RW is the most experienced politician in the country. He’s either been a cabinet minister, the Leader of the Opposition, Prime Minister, or the President since the age of 28, except for a few months between Gotabhaya’s rise and fall. His detractors may say that he was a pin-chance president, but in all sobriety, it has to be acknowledged that when everyone was ready to slash and burn, only he undertook the unenviable task of dousing a nation that had been set on fire. Chest-beaters and braggarts ranted and raved, but RW brought about some semblance of stability. We are not out of the woods, as he often says, but he has made it possible for people who believe that they will not be lost in the wilderness forever.

The question is, ‘RW with whom?’ He simply doesn’t have a team that’s worth talking about. He has depended on the same set of people whose one and only character trait is self-interest, in other words, keeping RW in power so they could exercise power. Their blemishes are many. Let’s leave it at that.

A few weeks ago, at an event marking Rohitha ‘Raththaran’ Abeygunawardena’s 27 years in politics, Pohottuwa strongman Basil Rajapaksa took a not-so-veiled dig at the President, ‘Nayath nae, bayath nae (we are not in debt to you, and neither do we fear you).’

That was one of many moments where RW could have shed the Pohottuwa baggage. After all, at this point, the Pohottuwa needs RW more than he needs the Pohottuwa. He could have spoken about debts owed by the Rajapaksas, not just to him but to every citizen of this country and those yet unborn.

He could have spoken about fear. He could have said, for example, that it’s quite alright for anyone not to fear him, but that he knows how terrified Basil was during the last days of the Aragalaya, where he took refuge and who offered him protection. He didn’t say anything, which begs the question, ‘if a man is not willing to stand up for himself, will he stand up for you?’

In the end, RW continues to stand with the debtors and the arsonists. Why then should anyone believe he would abandon them at any point?

Speaking of standing up, we can also talk about SP. Just the other day, party stalwart Hirunika Premachandra was arrested. Now Hirunika, without a doubt, is a brave woman. She stood up to the supposedly invincible Rajapaksas all by herself. Indeed, the events she set off helped RW, SP, and AKD; this too must be mentioned.

This is not to say she’s a paragon of virtue and can do no wrong. She took the law into her hands, albeit on behalf of a victim. No one says that SP should have criticised the judges in this case, but he could have talked about Hirunika’s courage or simply offered a word of support in her moment of distress. He did not. In a country where thugs get away scot-free and politicians pamper them no end, this was the least he could do. He did nothing. If he doesn’t have a kind word for someone like Hirunika, would he care about the trials and tribulations of the ordinary citizen?

SP is no ‘fresh face’ in politics. He’s been in Parliament for 24 years. He’s been a cabinet minister and the Leader of the Opposition. He adds to this the half a century of his father’s political life, almost at every turn. He thereby lays claim to President Premadasa’s legacy but forgets that it was not untainted.

To his credit, he has a team or rather has so far managed to make them toe his line. That says a lot about his team, though. The SJB was launched in opposition to RW, RW’s dictatorial ways, and the UNP’s lack of internal democracy. Today, SP is no better than RW when it comes to giving leadership to a party. It’s his way or the highway. He has arrogated upon himself all decision-making powers. The stalwarts say nothing. Are they fascinated with navel-gazing, one must ask.

RW is the leader of the party of which SP was the deputy leader for a long time. So, the UNP’s one-time leader and deputy are the President and Leader of the Opposition, respectively. Ironically, they have no ideological differences. They are actually very much alike in the way they lead their parties. However, even to save the country or defeat a common enemy, these two just can’t come together. Their egos and self-interest are bigger than all that.

RW is around 20 years older than SP. SP didn’t realise that he doesn’t lose if RW wins. RW didn’t realise that it is not a disgrace to go out of his way to talk SP into returning to the UNP. Is self-interest and ego what’s most important to these two? If so, it disqualifies both of them. They are not the leaders most suited to face the challenges of the next five years.

What about AKD? AKD, like SP, came to Parliament in 2000. He too was a cabinet minister. He was very vocal when the JVP backed President Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, and Sarath Fonseka. He was the leader of the party when the JVP backed Maithripala Sirisena. He cannot wash away the sins he was party to, even if today’s JVP talks and acts as though political life in Sri Lanka began after 1988-89.

The JVP, for all their rhetoric, still seems to be a confused political entity. They simply cannot go beyond populist slogans. There’s a glaring lack of coherence and clarity in the statements issued by party stalwarts. Their concerns about governance are legitimate, and one might even believe that they are serious about fixing the flaws. Indeed, AKD must at some point understand that the make-or-break matter is finance and governance, not only governance. We are simply too close to the brink to have the luxury of a system-fix first. As of now, they are in “dennam-kaasi” mode, or ‘we will fix this, we will do that, etc.’ Nothing of the ‘how.’ Ask them a question about policies and processes, and the NPP boys and girls get hot under the collar, shower invective on the well-meaning questioner and their political rivals. That’s been the JVP’s history. The NPP is no better.

Despite some inconsistencies by certain members of the NPP regarding policy issues, AKD comes out as a man of sincerity. He does not belong to some political family and, as such, does not carry dynastic baggage. Most importantly, he undoubtedly has empathy for the people who bear the brunt of all the manufacturing defects of the system and the additional burdens created by the major political parties when in power.

So, where do we stand? Does Sri Lanka need RW’s experience? Should Sri Lanka be wary of his isolationist tendency and an unelected inner circle who has his ear and, worse, may be controlling his mind? Can Sri Lanka afford not to have SP’s team? Should Sri Lanka worry about a team that may waive intellect, reason, and integrity in favour of a clearly self-absorbed leader, a man who tends to be about ‘I, me and myself’? Can Sri Lanka afford AKD’s idealism in a party that has the word but not the wisdom?

We need a candidate who thinks, feels, and acts like a leader. We need a candidate who understands that he may not have the answers but has the wisdom and humility to seek out those who may have them and embrace them regardless of what’s happened in the past. We need a candidate who has the fortitude to see beyond presidential powers and fortunes of party and loyalists. We need the candidate who least fears talent, ability, and vision in political rivals or non-political actors. We need, above all, a candidate who respects the independence of the judiciary to a fault and follows the rule of law.

None of the above three could be described in the above manner right now. They could move in those directions and perhaps offer some hope so that people may vote for someone who can unify the country, face challenges, and deliver.

RW, SP, and AKD have a task: convince the electorate that they should not give up on hope and that they should not look elsewhere for a leader.

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Opinion

A wise Christmas

Published

21 hours ago

2025/12/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Important events in the Christian calendar are to be regurlarly reviewed if they are to impact on the lives of people and communities. This is certainly true of Christmas.

Community integrity

Years ago a modest rural community did exactly this, urging a pre-Christmas probe of the events around Jesus’ birth. From the outset, the wisemen aroused curiosity. Who were these visitors? Were they Jews? No. were they Christians? Of course not. As they probed the text, the representative character of those around the baby, became starkly clear. Apart from family, the local shepherds and the stabled animals, the only others present that first Christmas, were sages from distant religious cultures.

With time, the celebration of Christmas saw a sharp reversal. The church claimed exclusive ownership of an inclusive gift and deftly excluded ‘outsiders’ from full participation.

But the Biblical version of the ‘wise outsiders’ remained. It affirmed that the birth of Jesus inspired the wise to initiate a meeting space for diverse religious cultures, notwithstanding the long and ardous journey such initiatives entail. Far from exclusion, Jesus’ birth narratives, announced the real presence of the ‘outsider’ when the ‘Word became Flesh’.

The wise recognise the gift of life as an invitation to integrate sincere explanations of life; true religion. Religion gone bad, stalls these values and distorts history.

There is more to the visit of these sages.

Empire- When Jesus was born, Palestine was forcefully occcupied by the Roman empire. Then as now, empire did not take kindly to other persons or forces that promised dignity and well being. So, when rumours of a coming Kingdom of truth, justice and peace, associated with the new born baby reached the local empire agent, a self appointed king; he had to deliver. Information on the wherabouts of the baby would be diplomatically gleaned from the visiting sages.

But the sages did not only read the stars. They also read the signs of the times. Unlike the local religious authorities who cultivated dubious relations with a brutal regime hated by the people, the wise outsiders by-pass the waiting king.

The boycott of empire; refusal to co-operate with those who take what it wills, eliminate those it dislikes and dare those bullied to retaliate, is characteristic of the wise.

Gifts of the earth

A largely unanswered question has to do with the gifts offered by the wise. What happened to these gifts of the earth? Silent records allow context and reason to speak.

News of impending threats to the most vulnerable in the family received the urgent attention of his anxious parent-carers. Then as it is now, chances of survival under oppressive regimes, lay beyond borders. As if by anticipation, resources for the journey for asylum in neighbouring Egypt, had been provided by the wise. The parent-carers quietly out smart empire and save the saviour to be.

Wise carers consider the gifts of the earth as resources for life; its protection and nourishment. But, when plundered and hoarded, resources for all, become ‘wealth’ for a few; a condition that attempts to own the seas and the stars.

Wise choices

A wise christmas requires that the sages be brought into the centre of the discourse. This is how it was meant to be. These visitors did not turn up by chance. They were sent by the wisdom of the ages to highlight wise choices.

At the centre, the sages facilitate a preview of the prophetic wisdom of the man the baby becomes.The choice to appropriate this prophetic wisdom has ever since summed up Christmas for those unable to remain neutral when neighbour and nature are violated.

Wise carers

The wisdom of the sages also throws light on the life of our nation, hard pressed by the dual crises of debt repayment and post cyclonic reconstruction. In such unrelenting circumstances, those in civil governance take on an additional role as national carers.

The most humane priority of the national carer is to ensure the protection and dignity of the most vulnerable among us, immersed in crisis before the crises. Better opportunities, monitored and sustained through conversations are to gradually enhance the humanity of these equal citizens.

Nations in economic crises are nevertheless compelled to turn to global organisations like the IMF for direction and reconstruction. Since most who have been there, seldom stand on their own feet, wise national carers may not approach the negotiating table, uncritically. The suspicion, that such organisations eventually ‘grow’ ailing nations into feeder forces for empire economics, is not unfounded.

The recent cyclone gave us a nasty taste of these realities. Repeatedly declared a natural disaster, this is not the whole truth. Empire economics which indiscriminately vandalise our earth, had already set the stage for the ravage of our land and the loss of loved ones and possessions. As always, those affected first and most, were the least among us.

Unless we learn to manouvre our dealings for recovery wisely; mindful of our responsibilities by those relegated to the margins as well as the relentles violence and greed of empire, we are likely to end up drafted collaborators of the relentless havoc against neighbour and nature.

If on the other hand the recent and previous disasters are properly assessed by competent persons, reconstruction will be seen as yet another opportunity for stabilising content and integrated life styles for all Lankans, in some harmony with what is left of our dangerously threatened eco-system. We might then even stand up to empire and its wily agents, present everywhere. Who knows?

With peace and blessings to all!

Bishop Duleep de Chickera

Opinion

Ranwala crash: Govt. lays bare its true face

Published

3 days ago

2025/12/22

Thilina Walpola

The NPP government is apparently sinking into a pit dug by the one of its members, ‘Dr’ Asoka Ranwala; perhaps a golden pit (Ran Wala) staying true to his name! Some may accuse me of being unpatriotic by criticising a government facing the uphill task of rebuilding the country after an unprecedented catastrophe. Whilst respecting their sentiment, I cannot help but point out that it is the totally unwarranted actions of the government that is earning much warranted criticism, as well stated in the editorial “Smell of Power” (The Island, 15 December). Cartoonist Jeffrey, in his brilliance, has gone a step further by depicting Asoka Ranwala as a giant tsunami wave rushing to engulf the tiny NPP house in the shore, AKD is trying to protect. (The Island, 18 December).

The fact that Asoka Ranwala is very important to the JVP, for whatever reason, became evident when he was elected the Speaker of Parliament despite his lack of any parliamentary experience. When questions were raised about his doctorate in Parliament, Ranwala fiercely defended his position, ably supported by fellow MPs. When the Opposition kept on piling pressure, producing evidence to the contrary, Ranwala stepped aside, claiming that he had misplaced the certificate but would stage a comeback, once found. A year has passed and he is yet to procure a copy of the certificate, or even a confirmatory letter from the Japanese university!

The fact that AKD did not ask Ranwala to give up his parliamentary seat, a decision he may well be regretting now following recent events, shows that either AKD is not a strong leader who can be trusted to translate his words to action or that Ranwala is too important to be got rid of. In fact, AKD should have put his foot down, as it was revealed that Ranwala was a hypocrite, even if not a liar. Ranwala led the campaign to dismantle the private medical school set up by Dr Neville Fernando, which was earning foreign exchange for the country by recruiting foreign students, in addition to saving the outflow of funds for educating Sri Lankan medical graduates abroad. He headed the organisation of parents of state medical students, claiming that they would be adversely affected, and some of the photographs of the protests he led refer to him as Professor Ranwala! Whilst leading the battle against private medical education, Ranwala claims to have obtained his PhD from a private university in Japan. Is this not the height of hypocrisy?

The recent road traffic accident he was involved in would have been inconsequential had Ranwala been decent enough to leave his parliamentary seat or, at least, being humble enough to offer an apology for his exaggerated academic qualifications. After all, he is not the only person to have been caught in the act of embellishing a CV. As far as the road traffic accident is concerned, too, it may not be his entire responsibility. Considering the chaotic traffic, in and around Colombo, coupled with awful driving standards dictated by lack of patience and consideration, it is a surprise that more accidents do not happen in Sri Lanka. Following the accident, may be to exonerate from the first count, a campaign was launched by NPP supporters stating that a man should be judged on his achievements, not qualifications, further implying that he does not have the certificate because he got it in a different name!

What went wrong was not the accident, but the way it was handled. Onlookers claim that Ranwala was smelling of alcohol but there is no proof yet. He could have admitted it even if he had taken any alcohol, which many do and continue to drive in Sri Lanka. After all, the Secretary to the Ministry overseeing the Police was able to get the charge dropped after causing multiple accidents while driving under the influence of liquor! He, with another former police officer, sensing the way the wind was blowing formed a retired police collective to support the NPP and were adequately rewarded by being given top jobs, despite a cloud hanging over them of neglect of duty during the Easter Sunday attacks. This naïve political act brought the integrity of the police into question. The way the police behaved after Ranwala’s accident confirmed the fears in the minds of right-thinking Sri Lankans.

In the euphoria of the success of a party promising a new dawn, unfortunately, many political commentators kept silent but it is becoming pretty obvious that most are awaking to the reality of a false dawn. It could not have come at a worse time for the NPP: in spite of the initial failures to act on the warnings regarding the devastating effects of Ditwah, the government was making good progress in sorting problems out, when Ranwala met with an accident.

The excuses given by the police for not doing a breathalyser test, or blood alcohol levels, promptly, are simply pathetic. Half-life of alcohol is around 4-5 hours and unless Ranwala was dead drunk, it is extremely unlikely any significant amounts of alcohol would be detected in a blood sample taken after 24 hours. Maybe the knowledge of this that made government Spokesmen to claim boldly that proper action would be taken irrespective of the position held. Now that the Government Analyst has not found any alcohol in the blood, no action is needed! Instead, the government seems to have got the IGP to investigate the police. Would any police officers suffer for doing a favour to the government? That is the million-dollar question!

Unfortunately, all this woke up a sleeping giant; a problem that the government hoped would be solved by the passage of time. If the government is hoping that the dishonesty of one of its prominent members would be forgotten with the passage of time, it will be in for a rude shock. When questioned by journalists repeated, the Cabinet spokesman had to say action would be taken if the claim of the doctorate was false. However, he added that the party has not decided what that action would be! What about the promise to rid Parliament of crooks?

It is now clear that the NPP government is not any different from the predecessors and that Sri Lankan voters are forced to contend with yet another false dawn!

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana ✍️

Opinion

Ceylon pot tea: redefining value, sustainability and future of global tea

Published

3 days ago

2025/12/22

Thilina Walpola

The international tea industry is experiencing one of the most difficult periods in its history. Producers worldwide are caught in a paradox: tea must be made “cheaper than water” to stay competitive, yet this very race to the bottom erodes profitability, weakens supply chains, and drives away the most talented professionals whose expertise is essential for innovation. At the heart of this crisis lies the structure of commodity tea pricing. Although the auction system has served the world for over a century, it has clear limitations. It rewards volume rather than innovation, penalises differentiation, and leaves little room for value-added product development.

Sri Lanka, one of the world’s finest tea origins, feels this pressure more intensely than most. The industry’s traditional reliance on auctions prevents it from accessing the full premium that its authentic climate, terroir, and craftsmanship deserve. The solution is not to dismantle auctions—because they maintain transparency and global trust—but to evolve beyond them. For tea to thrive again, Ceylon Tea must enter the product market, where brand value, wellness benefits, and consumer experience define price—not weight.

Sri Lanka’s Unique Comparative Advantage

Sri Lanka possesses both competitive and comparative advantage unmatched by any other tea-producing nation. One of the least-discussed scientific advantages is its low gravitational pull, enabling the tea plant to circulate nutrients differently and produce a uniquely delicate, flavour-rich leaf. This natural phenomenon, combined with diverse microclimates, gives Sri Lankan tea extraordinary antioxidant density, rich polyphenols, and a full sensory profile representative of the land and its people.

However, this advantage is undermined by weaknesses in basic agronomy. Most estates do not use soil augers, and soil sampling is often inconsistent or unscientific. This leads to overuse of artificial fertilizer, underinvestment in regenerative practices, and weak soil organic matter (SOM). Without scientific soil management, even a world-class tea origin can lose its competitive edge. Encouragingly, discussions are already underway with the Assistant Indian High Commissioner in Kandy to explore sourcing 3,000 scientifically engineered soil augers for Sri Lanka’s perennial agriculture sector—a transformative step toward soil intelligence and sustainable input management.

Improving SOM, moderating fertilizer misuse, and systematically diagnosing soil nutrient deficiencies represent true sustainability—not cosmetic commitments. Plantation agriculture, which supports over one million Sri Lankan livelihoods, depends on this shift.

The Real Economic Challenge: Price per Kilogram

The most urgent sustainability problem is not climate change or labour cost—it is the low price per kilogram Sri Lanka receives for its tea. Nearly 20% of the tea leaf becomes “refuse tea”, a stigmatized fraction that still contains antioxidants and valuable nutrients but fetches a low price at auctions. The system inherently undervalues almost a fifth of the raw material.

A rational solution is to market the entire tea leaf without discrimination, transforming every component—tender leaf, mature leaf, fiber, and fines—into a premium product with a minimum retail value of USD 15 per kilogram. Achieving this requires product innovation, not further cost reduction.

Ceylon Pot Tea: A Transformative Opportunity

Ceylon Pot Tea emerges as a comprehensive solution capable of addressing long-standing structural issues in Sri Lanka’s tea industry. Unlike traditional tea grades, Pot Tea compresses the entire fired dhool into a high-value cube, similar to the global success of soup cubes. Every part of the leaf is represented, unlocking maximum biochemical utilisation and offering consumers a fuller taste profile with richer aroma, deeper colour, and higher antioxidant content.

Pot Tea is perfectly aligned with the health and wellness market, one of the fastest-growing global consumer segments. As an Herbal Medicinal Beverage (HMB), it captures the complete phytonutritional matrix of the tea leaf, including polyphenols, catechins, and climate-influenced compounds unique to Ceylon. The product also offers storytelling power: every cube reflects the terroir, the gentle fingers that plucked the leaf, and the mystical nature of tea grown in a land with unusually low gravitational intensity.

Already, international partners—particularly in Russia—and domestic innovators have expressed enthusiasm. Pot Tea aligns closely with the policy direction set by the Hon. Samantha Vidyarathne and the NPP Government, especially the national goal of achieving 400 million Kgs of national annual production per year by unlocking new value chains and premium product categories.

Why Immediate Government Intervention Is Necessary

For Sri Lanka to fully benefit from Ceylon Pot Tea and other modernized value chains, the government must urgently introduce:

1. Minimum Yield Benchmarks per hectare (3-year targets) for all perennial crops, informed by scientific investment appraisals.

2. A classification shift from “plantations” to land-based investment enterprises, recognising the capital-intensive, long-term nature of tea cultivation.

3. Incentives for soil testing, soil auger adoption, and SOM improvement programs.

4. Support for value-added tea manufacturing and export diversification.

These steps would create an enabling environment for Pot Tea to scale rapidly and position Sri Lanka as the world’s leading innovator in tea-based wellness products.

Way Forward: Positioning Ceylon Pot Tea for Global Leadership

The path ahead requires a coordinated national and industry-level effort. Sri Lanka must shift from simply producing tea to designing tea experiences. Ceylon Pot Tea can lead this transformation if:

1. Branding and Certification Are Strengthened

CCT (Ceylon Certified Tea) standards must be universally adopted to guarantee purity, origin authenticity, and ethical production practices.

2. Research, Soil Science & Agronomy Are Modernized

With scientific soil audits, optimized fertigation, and regenerative agriculture, Sri Lanka can unlock higher yields and stronger biochemical profiles in its leaf.

3. A Global Wellness Narrative Is Created

Position Pot Tea as a nutritional, therapeutic, anti-aging, and calming beverage suited for the modern lifestyle.

4. Export Market Activation Begins Immediately

Pilot shipments, influencer partnerships, and cross-border digital campaigns should begin with Russia, the Middle East, Japan, and premium EU markets.

5. Producers Are Incentivised to Convert Dhools to Cubes

This ensures minimal waste, improved margins, and equitable value distribution across the supply chain.

Conclusion: A New Dawn for Ceylon Tea

Ceylon Pot Tea offers Sri Lanka a rare chance to pivot from a commodity-driven past to a premium, wellness-oriented, high-margin future. It aligns economic sustainability with environmental responsibility. It empowers estate communities with modern agronomy. And most importantly, it transforms every gram of the tea leaf into value—finally rewarding the land, the planter, and the plucker.

If implemented with vision and urgency, Ceylon Pot Tea will not only revitalise an industry under immense pressure but also secure Sri Lanka’s place as the world’s most innovative and scientifically grounded tea nation.

By. Dammike Kobbekaduwe

(www.vivonta.lk & www.planters.lk) ✍️