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NPP and the AKD science policy

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By Dinara S. Gunasekera

Dinara S. Gunasekera is a Sri Lankan-American industrial scientist and an entrepreneur who has received numerous academic and professional awards and authored multiple patents, and peer-reviewed publications. He co-founded Sri Lanka’s first science consulting company, dedicated to help S&M-scale local and international companies with their R&D efforts. He was instrumental in establishing Sri Lanka’s first and only GLP-accredited synthetic organic lab, molecular recognition lab, and active pharmaceutical ingredient plant.

The Jathika Jana Balawegaya (NPP) recently released their Science and Technology (S&T) policy framework which aims to serve as a “guideline for enriching scientific and technological knowledge, allocating resources, and establishing a regulatory framework for research and development (R&D)” in Sri Lanka. Despite such lofty goals, the actual proposal is lacking in substance, originality, and clarity, and its actual impact on scientific affairs in Sri Lanka is surprisingly insignificant. The framework was released amidst much fanfare and pomp at an event led by a team of NPP-backed academics and a few industrial scientists. The hype and anticipation surrounding this event created an atmosphere of grandeur and importance. For some NPP-backed YouTubers, it was absolutely thrilling to be graced by such a “dream-team” of academics and to be enlightened with their proposals, the so-called “quantum leap”.

The event was undeniably blown out of proportion, with every minute covered and amplified by Youtubers and TV channels. Modern science and innovation contributes to economic growth? Who would have thought?! It’s as if the Sri Lankan scientific community was just wandering in the dark, oblivious to recent advancements in R&D and ignorant of the country’s need for innovative solutions, until this dream team of academics showed up and turned on the lights. Despite all the hype and the fancy language, word among local academic and industrial scientists is that this is nothing but another one of NPP’s aliya kaapu divul gedi (the woodapple eaten by an elephant with just the whole empty shell ejected with the dung!

However, one cannot help but admire the initiative taken by the NPP to develop an S&T framework. This pioneering effort by NPP is truly commendable and represents an impressive level of commitment to addressing one of the most critical elements of our path to economic recovery. A key tenet of this proposal is the American governance model, which has led to significant socio-economic progress driven by science and technology. However, the foundation of the American governance model is capitalism, which directly opposes the socialist beliefs the JVP has been promoting for many years. So, does this mean that the JVP-led NPP has now fully embraced capitalism since it is more conducive to driving innovation?

This clearly represents an internal conflict that the NPP must resolve before moving forward. Moreover, implementing this S&T proposal requires systematic training of students on concepts such as discovery, innovation and product development. However, this has been difficult due to JVP-affiliated factions forcing teachers, university staff, and science/engineering students to participate in various protests, ragging, and student politics. Therefore, desisting university politics might be the most crucial step to take if the NPP aims to improve S&T in Sri Lanka.

The proposal astutely identifies potential applications of S&T in critical sectors such as agriculture, health, and education, among others. However, the scientific community of Sri Lanka has already identified many of these issues and discussions have been ongoing for a while on how to address these matters. Thus, the academics backing the NPP proposal lack an understanding of the ground-level science and technology situation in Sri Lanka. For instance, some innovations that have been highly publicized by the NPP (and gained significant attention on social media) either resemble existing products with no significant differentiation or face scalability issues that hinder cost-effectiveness. This could be the result of some prominent members of the NPP science team never having worked in Sri Lanka in either an official or voluntary capacity. Below are a few examples of this misalignment between the local and NPP scientific views.

Agriculture; The recommendations for improving the agriculture sector is eerily reminiscent of a list created by generative AI! Many of these suggestions, including breeding high-yielding crops, novel barn management methods, and crop diversification, have already been tested or carried out by farmers and agricultural scientists at various institutes. Moreover, methods for value addition to agricultural products are constantly being thought of by entrepreneurs and established consumables companies. Genetically modified crops provide a means of improving agricultural products both by improving yields and providing resistance to biological and environmental insults. However, the proposed framework does not clarify the NPP’s stance on genetically modified crops. On the one hand, they mention utilizing genome editing technologies, but they also mention conserving protected species and plants.

Health, education, and science: This section of the proposal includes many science buzzwords, such as AI, LLM, nanotechnology, ITO and genomics. It appears that every technology with a flashy name has been included in this proposal to create a high-tech facade. Probably with the goal of making the proposal more appealing to genZ voters. Even the figures in the proposal feature numerous arrows moving in various directions, reminiscent of complex biochemical pathways, seemingly to convey that scientific intervention is intricately complex and accessible only to PhDs. However, it’s important to note that most of these proposed technologies are typically seen only in well-developed countries with GDPs exceeding trillions of dollars. Even in financially prosperous nations, the private sector undertakes such projects. For instance, AI-based technologies are predominantly developed by companies known as the magnificent seven including NVIDIA, Google, and Apple.

Another area highlighted during the quantum leap proposal launch and in the proposal booklet is mineral exploration and how Sri Lanka has neglected existing resources such as thorium, gold, nickel, and other precious metals. Underutilization of Sri Lanka’s mineral resources has been a popular conversation among the general public as well. However, methods to utilize these resources have been studied extensively by our scientists for a long time. Thorium research was explored at the Sri Lanka Institute of Nanotechnology (SLINTEC) over a decade ago. However, this project was discontinued due to the high costs of excavating this material under UN regulations. Indeed, it is a well-known fact that mining and excavation of any mineral dramatically impacts the environment. Unfortunately for Sri Lanka, many of our mineral deposits are present in or near ecologically sensitive areas. The negative impact on the environment would likely outweigh any quick financial gains made through such means. For example, such activities may result in perturbations of the ecological balance in rainforests like Sinharaja or critical ecosystems in the southern seaboard.

Another buzzword gaining popularity among Sri Lankans is “value addition to products” (VAP). However, the NPP dream team has overlooked the efforts of Sri Lankan academic researchers, SLINTEC, ITI, and private sector scientists who are actively exploring ways to enhance the value of various products. Furthermore, the collaboration between the private sector and Sri Lankan scientists has already led to developing export-ready products, contributing to foreign exchange earnings. The NPP scientists are introducing this concept as if the Sri Lankan scientific community is unaware of such initiatives.

The lack of S&T application implementation in Sri Lanka is not because they have yet to be identified but primarily due to budget constraints and resistance to change. The proposal starts out by comparing GDP allocation for science and technology in Sri Lanka ((0.12%) versus neighboring countries. However, when considering GDP allocations to S&T, one must keep in mind that Sri Lanka provides free education and free healthcare with a GDP of just ~$75 billion. Although the proposal fails to mention the percentage that NPP would like to allocate, given the hype to this sector, they would probably allocate around 0.5 % of GDP. If so, one wonders which area they would compromise to achieve this: Healthcare or education?

If you do the simple math (assuming 20% as gov expenditure to GDP ratio), ~$75M/per year would be the amount allocated to S&T proposals. This amount is insufficient to achieve the NPP’s ambitious objectives such as establishing NRDMC, NIRD, drug discovery, mining and addressing reverse brain drain. These objectives also don’t align with the national priorities in a country experiencing economic difficulties, where scientists earn less than 60K rupees. One could argue that implementing these modern tools will eventually benefit GDP growth, but such outcomes typically require a minimum of 20 years to materialize. A significant drawback of these proposals is the lack of clarity regarding timelines and costing. Are these plans expected to be completed in a year, 10 years, or even 100 years? For instance, SLINTEC’s attempt to produce APIs (Application Programming Interface) already took nearly half a decade to achieve just two. Therefore, many of these proposals will likely require close to 20 years or more to realize their goals fully.

Conducting research in Sri Lanka is notably expensive and time-consuming compared to other regions. For example, a basic proof of concept (POC) experiment could easily span a year, and essential laboratory equipment like an GC/LC-MS would cost nearly five times more than in neighboring countries. If such instruments break down, it can take months or even years to find a qualified engineer for repairs. Importing chemicals can take up to eight months, and crucial chemicals and research consumables may be unavailable for import. Regrettably, the proposed framework lacks any strategy to reduce research costs or shorten timelines. In contrast, countries like China and India have numerous profitable Contract Research Organizations (CROs) due to lower research costs. Additionally, salaries for postgraduate and industrial scientists in Sri Lanka are so low that even a trishaw driver earns more. Consequently, many scientists must supplement their income by offering private tuition.

Furthermore, given Sri Lanka’s constrained funding for science and technology in the upcoming years, it is imperative that we prioritize research areas where Sri Lanka can excel. Otherwise, spreading limited funds thinly across various areas will dilute their impact and fail to make meaningful contributions to the economy. For instance, as Sri Lanka is a biodiversity hotspot, there should be a focused effort on natural product chemistry. Currently, Sri Lanka has only one modern NMR (nuclear magnetic resonance) instrument and faces challenges acquiring resources for chemicals and consumables needed for such research.

Another significant area of research is the whole genome sequencing (WGS), which has the potential to uncover hereditary cancer variations in the Sri Lankan population. Studies such as the UK Biobank in England, the 1000 Genomes project in the US, and the OrigiMed study in China propel research into their populations and discover cancer variants among their respective demographics. WGS could lead to early clinical intervention, reduce the number of cancer-related deaths, and reduce healthcare costs significantly.

In conclusion, the NPP’s S&T proposal fails to address the root causes of slow development in this sector and the significant challenges faced by Sri Lankan scientists who operate with minimal resources. Sri Lanka must prioritize addressing larger issues with science and technology soon. Academics and scientists should exercise caution when aligning with political parties. Politicians often exploit your qualifications for publicity and votes, only to discard your concerns once they gain power. Many Sri Lankan academics learned a harsh lesson from their support of GR in Viyathmaga. It’s widely known that one of the science advisors to the former president faced significant backlash from the scientific community following the fertilizer ban and had to leave the country as a result. This situation seems like a heightened version of Viyathmaga under the NPP, suggesting a troubling repetition of history.



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Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience

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iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk

As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.

The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.

The Current System’s Fatal Gaps

Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.

Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.

Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.

This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.

A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka

Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:

Science and Predictive Intelligence

We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:

AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events

Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)

High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities

Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat

The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.

This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.

Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure

Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.

Governance Overhaul

A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.

People Power and Community Preparedness

We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.

Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom

Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:

Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems

Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways

Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts

Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy

Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.

A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism

Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:

Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient

Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps

World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers

Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action

Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.

Resilience as a National Identity

This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.

Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.

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The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I

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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):

‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’

Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.

Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is  an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of  this essay.

It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.

 “Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.

“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.

The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).

Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially  among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.

Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.

The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.

Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of  the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri  Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000  in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.

Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras.  They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.

These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to  three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.

(To be continued)

By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world

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An UN humanitarian mission in the Gaza. [File: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency]

‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.

Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.

Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.

If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.

Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.

It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.

If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.

Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.

Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.

However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.

What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.

Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.

Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.

Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.

For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.

The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.

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