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Midweek Review

Looking back at political assassinations, violence

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Trump was wounded in his upper right ear by a gunman at Butler Pennsylvania

During the JVP-led second abortive insurgency, its military wing killed quite a number of people, including politicians. Among the victims were Keerthi Abeywickrema, MP, and actor-turned-politician Vijaya Kumaratunga, killed in August 1987 and in February 1988, respectively. Vijaya Kumaratunga was shot dead outside his residence at Polhengoda. Abeywickrema was killed in a grenade attack on the UNP parliamentary group in committee room A. If the attacker had been successful in directing the attack on the UNP parliamentary group, as he desired, the results could have been catastrophic. Among those present therein were President J.R. Jayewardene, Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa and National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali. About 120 MPs had been present at the meeting, the first gathering of the group following the signing of the Indo-Lanka peace accord on July 29, 1987. Elections held during 1987-1990 were marred by violence with the JVP carrying out attacks on those who dared to vote.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

President Ranil Wickremesinghe expressed shock at the failed assassination bid on former US President Donald Trump, 78, during a campaign event at Butler, Pennsylvania.

Declaring that he was relieved to learn that Trump survived the July 13 attempt, Wickremesinghe said that Sri Lankans had been victims of such violence in politics. Trump was wounded in his right ear.

The ex-President’s would-be-assassin 20-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks was shot dead by a Secret Service sniper 26 seconds after he fired the first of eight shots. Crooks used a semi-automatic AR rifle owned by many gun enthusiasts in a country obsessed with being gun owners as a right.

So far, the US media haven’t been able to at least speculate on Crooks motive. What really triggered a young man who had been living with his parents about an hour away from the scene to attempt to assassinate such a high profile target? Crooks appeared to have acted alone but the possibility of him being influenced by terrorism elsewhere cannot be ruled out. The young man could have been influenced even by US actions abroad over the years.

We are, however, not one bit surprised as the USA is the country where the so-called independent mainstream media helped to mislead its masses about the assassination of its 35th President John Fitzgerald Kennedy by its entrenched deep state to this day. And, according to his nephew Robert Kennedy Jr, who is an independent Presidential candidate now running for President, even his own father was assassinated by the deep state in 1968 as he campaigned to be President. In both instances apparent patsies were blamed for the dastardly crimes.

[In July, 2011 Norwegian far-right extremist Anders Behring Brevik killed 77 people, many of them teenagers, in a bomb attack and gun rampage. Breivik made references to the LTTE’s eviction of Muslims from the North in 1990 in his so-called ‘manifesto.’ There had been two references (i) Pro-Sri Lanka (supports the deportation of all Muslims from Sri Lanka) on page 1235 (ii) Fourth Generation War is normally characterised by a “stateless” entity fighting a state or regime. Fighting can be physically such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to use a modern example (Page 1479)]

A person seated behind Trump died. Two more persons also received gunshot injuries.

One thing is clear. Regardless of the outcome of the attempt, Crooks, who had graduated from a high school two years ago, was definitely on a suicide mission. The young man couldn’t have expected, under any circumstances, to give the slip to Secret Service snipers positioned therein, once he opened fire.

Whatever his motive, Crooks had been absolutely ready to sacrifice his life to take out his target, Republican presidential candidate Trump. That is the truth the US appeared to have conveniently ignored. The bottom line is that Crooks would have ended up in a morgue whether he succeeded or failed in his attempt.

As President Wickremesinghe recalled, Sri Lankans had been victims of political violence. Subsequently, the President proposed enhanced security measures for candidates at the forthcoming presidential election, as well as former presidents.

Let me examine political assassinations during the northern and southern terrorism campaigns (the terrorist threat on the executive and legislature as well as lower level of political representation at Local Government and Provincial Councils level) before the successful conclusion of the anti-JVP campaign and war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by January 1990 and May 2009, respectively.

In addition to the LTTE, the other Tamil terrorist groups carried out attacks. Of them, the TELO (currently represented in Parliament through the TNA) was definitely responsible for killing two Jaffna District ex-lawmakers V. Dharmalingam and M. Alalasundaram in early Sept. 1985. Dharmalingam’s son, Dharmalingham Siddharathan, MP, has accused the TELO of carrying out the twin assassinations at the behest of Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of India.

India ended its military mission in late March 1990 (July 1987 to March 1990).

Two CFA-time assassinations

Kumaratunga lost her right eye as a result of the suicide blast at Town Hall, Colombo

During the war in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, snipers took many targets, almost all in those areas. There had been only one victim of a sniper outside the war-torn regions during that entire conflict. That was Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar assassinated at his No 36, Bullers Lane residence on the night of August 12, 2005. The other high profile victim had been de-facto leader of EPRLF Thambirajah Subathiran aka Robert.

Both assassinations, carried out during the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) that had been spearheaded by Norway with the backing of the US, Japan and EU, underscored the vulnerability of the Sri Lankan State. By 2003, the EPRLF had been divided into two groups – one led by Arumugam Kandaiah Premachandran, better known as Suresh Premachandran, and Annamalai Varatharaja Perumal, the first and the only Chief Minister of the North East Provincial Council.

In the absence of Perumal, who resided in India under their protection, Robert led the EPRLF here. An LTTEer sniped Robert as he was doing physical exercises on top of the two storeyed EPELF party office on the Jaffna Hospital road. The sniper had fired from an unused classroom of a three-storeyed building in the southern area of Vembadi Girl’s High School.

The government conveniently failed to properly probe the Jaffna assassination. The LTTE obviously exploited lowering of overall security measures in the wake of the CFA signed on February 21, 2002, to assassinate the de facto EPRLF leader on the morning of June 14, 2003. By then the LTTE had quit the negotiating table and was increasingly acting in an extremely aggressive manner.

Then Major General Sarath Fonseka had been the Security Forces Commander, Jaffna (March 09, 2002 to Dec 15, 2003). That was his second stint at that particular position. Fonseka first served there from April 21, 2000 to August 3, 2000 during the Jaffna crisis.

The man who sniped Robert from a distance of about 200 metres, was never caught though he may have died subsequently during the conflict.

Hours after the assassination carried out at 6.15 am, the writer contacted the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle, and military spokesman Brigadier Sanath Karunaratne, as well as EPRLF contacts at that time (Tiger sniper kills senior EPRLF politician, The Sunday Island, June 15, 2003).

The police, military and the EPRLF didn’t rule out the possibility of Vembadi Girl’s school authorities being aware of the assassination plot. Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, at that time bending backwards to appease the LTTE regardless of consequences, and President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, failed to reach consensus on a tangible course of action to meet the terrorist threat.

The assassination of Kadirgamar, in Colombo, two months short of two years of signing the literally one sided ceasefire agreement, proved the assumption the group was ready to execute all-out war.

Kadirgamar was sniped around 10.30 p.m. as he stepped out of his swimming pool and went to look at his garden in the backyard, wearing slippers. The gunman fired at him from the window of a bathroom located on the top floor of house number 42, on Buller’s Lane, owned by Lakshman Thalayasingam, the son of a senior retired police officer. Thalayasingam told the police that he and his wife used only the ground floor of their house and that they weren’t aware of what was going on the top floor.

Later, it was revealed that those responsible for Kadirgamar’s security never subjected Thalayasingam’s residence on a directive of the Foreign Minister.

How Lankans perpetrated political violence abroad

No one else could have written about the assassination of former Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi, as well as the President of the Congress Party (I), better than D.P. Kaarthikeyan and Radhavinod Raju, head of the Special Investigation Team of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBO) and key investigator, respectively.

Triumph of Truth: The Rajiv Gandhi Assassination – The Investigation first released in 2004 methodically dealt with the high profile overseas operation carried out by the LTTE. Gandhi, who was on the last leg of the parliamentary election campaign in 1991, when the LTTE struck at Sriperumbudur, a little village about 50 kms south-west of Chennai. At the time the LTTE mounted the attack, Gandhi had been under the protection of the Special Branch of the Tamil Nadu State Police. The authors explained the extremely poor security environment; those who had been assigned to guard Gandhi were compelled to work particularly due to lack of security equipment and Congress supporters responsible for causing chaos.

But what really impressed the reader regarding meticulous planning carried out by the LTTE, as revealed by former Indian investigators, was how the group tasked with the assassination conducted a ‘dry run’ for the Gandhi assassination.

The group had rehearsed at a political meeting addressed by V. P. Singh at Nandanam in Chennai on May 7, 1991. Rajiv Gandhi was killed on May 21, 1991. The girls, known as Subha and Dhanu, who had been assigned for Gandhi assassination, managed to get close enough to Singh to garland him. Singh took the garland from Dhanu at the last moment and the person (Nalini Sriharan – one of the six convicts in the Gandhi assassination case she was released by the Supreme Court of India in Nov 2022) tasked to photograph the operation failed in her effort.

As the LTTE rehearsed before the assassination of Gandhi in Sriperumbudur, Robert in Jaffna and Kadirgamar in Colombo were finished off by it using snipers. Crooks, too, was certain to have previously visited the Agr International Building from where he took aim at the former President. US authorities haven’t so far explained why Crooks, who had been detected over an hour before the incident with a rangefinder – an instrument used to measure the distance to a target – was not detained.

Some Republican Senators demanded the immediate resignation of Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle. Perusal of US media reports indicated that law enforcement personnel at the scene had been fully aware of the threat and one unarmed local officer saw Crooks on top of the Agr International Building aiming a weapon, moments before he opened fire.

Political killings in the 90s

A few minutes before a suicide bomber blew up
Ranasinghe Premadasa at Armour Street, Maradana

President Ranasinghe Premadasa was blasted on May Day, 1993 by an LTTE suicide cadre who had infiltrated the UNP leader’s inner security cordon two years before. That assassination, near the Armour Street Police Station, soon after the writer returned to The Island editorial from a five minutes walking distance away, increased the threat of terrorism to a new level.

There hadn’t been such an attack on a high-profile political target before here though the LTTE also killed Rajiv Gandhi in a suicide bomb blast. The LTTE infiltrated the President’s security contingent. This wouldn’t have been possible if not for the President’s valet, Mohideen’s weakness for women and liquor. The relationship with Mohideen and the LTTE cadre (Kulaweerasingham Weerakumar alias Babu) who had been tasked for the mission was so close he even had access to the President’s bedroom at his private residence, Sucharitha.

It was pertinent to mention that Premadasa was assassinated three years after the eruption of Eelam War II in June 1990. The President’s security had been weakened to such an extent, the killer could even have planted a bomb inside the President’s bedroom or cause an explosion in a SLAF helicopter carrying him to his estate.

The assassination took place at a time of great political upheaval against the backdrop of the assassination of one-time colleague and political rival Lalith Athulathmudali on April 23, 1993 at a political rally at Kirulapone. Having overcome a bid to impeach him in 1991 amidst catastrophic battlefield losses, President Premadasa seemed to have engaged in a process of consolidation when the LTTE removed him.

Like the Gandhi assassination, Premadasa’s killing altered Sri Lanka’s political direction.

The killing of State Defence Minister Ranjan Wijeratne in March 1992, UNP presidential candidate Gamini Dissanayake in Oct 1994 and the failed bid on President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s life in Dec 1999 underscored the overwhelming threat posed by the LTTE that received financial backing from the Tamil Diaspora based in the West.

Dissanayake was killed while campaigning for the 1994 presidential election whereas Kumaratunga survived the blast directed at her as she was campaigning for her second term. Had the LTTE succeeded, perhaps UNP candidate Ranil Wickremesinghe could have won the contest. The killing of Dissanayake helped Kumaratunga to win the 1994 election. The LTTE obviously worked in mysterious ways.

The global community turned a blind eye to LTTE efforts to destroy the political party system here, while outwardly singing hosannas for democratic values world over. The group targeted both the executive and legislature. Former Army Commander General C.S. Weerasooriya in his recently launched autobiography ‘Duty & Devotion’ dealt with how systematic elimination of key political party men undermined the country.

The LTTE killed quite a number of Tamil parliamentarians, including Appapillai Amirthalingam and Vettuvelu Yogeswaran. Like the assassination of Robert and Kadirgamar during the CFA arranged by Norway, the LTTE eliminated Amirthalingam and Yogeswaran as it was engaged in negotiations with President Premadasa (1989 May-June 1990).

Western powers reiterated their lenient attitude towards separatist terrorism here in the wake of Kadirgamar’s assassination. Instead of immediate retaliatory measures against the LTTE, they demanded Sri Lanka’s commitment to a much flawed peace process.

The US statement exposed the duplicity in their stand. The then Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, in a statement issued on August 12, 2005 declared: “I am shocked and saddened by the assassination of Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. This senseless murder was a vicious act of terror, which the United States strongly condemns. Those responsible must be brought to justice.

I offer my deepest sympathies and condolences to Mr. Kadirgamar’s family and to his friends and colleagues in Sri Lanka who will miss him greatly.

I last met Foreign Minister Kadirgamar this June. He was a man of dignity, honour and integrity, who devoted his life to bringing peace to Sri Lanka. Together, we must honour his memory by re-dedicating ourselves to peace and ensuring that the Cease-Fire remains in force.”

How could Sri Lanka bring those responsible for the Kadirgamar assassination to justice while ensuring that the highly flawed Norwegian arranged CFA remained in force?

In spite of on and off statements issued following high profile attacks, Western powers accepted violence perpetrated by the LTTE as part of their strategy.

Minister Douglas Devananda is one of the luckiest to escape LTTE operations to kill him. Of the many LTTE attempts, the deadliest was the bid made in late Nov 2007 to introduce a disabled woman with explosives hidden in her brassiere into Devananda’s office at Isipathana road, Narahenpita. Suspicious security staff thwarted her attempt. She triggered a blast killing several on the spot. Devananda, who was in his office, escaped.

Two other high profile assassinations were that of Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle in the Katana police area on April 6, 2008 and Puttalam District MP D.M. Dassanayake on January 08, 2008 at Ja-Ela.

The combined forces eradicated the LTTE less than two years later.

Over 15 years after the conclusion of the war, a lawmaker was killed in broad light at Nittambuwa by people influenced by Aragalaya. The Speaker himself claimed that he was also threatened by those behind Aragalaya. The ousted President, too, claimed the conspiracy also targeted him. There hadn’t been proper investigation to date as to what happened during the March 31-July 14, 2022 period that changed the course of Sri Lanka’s history. The common thread in all that was outgoing US Ambassador Julie Chung as she defended it as a peaceful protest movement and insisted that security forces and police should not lay a hand on them.



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Midweek Review

B’caloa Tigers’ 2004 shock revolt in retrospect

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Pilleyan, a key element in that drama now arrested for political expediency?

The LTTE killed two Karuna loyalists on July 15, 2004 in the Batticaloa Prison. The dead included Satchi Master. The killer was an LTTEer serving a short sentence for jewellery theft and assault. The killings in the Batticaloa Prison caused anxiety among senior government officials. On Aug. 24, 2004, an LTTEer shot dead another Karuna loyalist, P. Jayakumar, in the Akkaraipattu Magistrate’s Court. A jail guard and a court clerk sustained minor injuries. The police arrested Jayakumar, along with another LTTE dissident, Saravanamuthu Shanthakumar, at a road block, at Akkaraipattu, on May 19th, 2004. They were in possession of a pistol, one hand grenade and 15 rounds of ammunition. Shanthakumar was killed on July 15, 2004 at the Batticaloa Prison along with Satchi Master.

Against the backdrop of one-time LTTEer Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, alias Pilleyan’s arrest on April 08, 2025 and subsequent detention under Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) over Eastern University Vice Chancellor Prof. S. Raveendranath’s disappearance on Dec. 15, 2006, whose life was actually under threat from the TIGERS several years after Karuna and Pilleyan broke away from it, various interested parties started commenting on the role played/atrocities perpetrated by Pilleyan and Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, aka Karuna Amman, during the conflict, and after.

Both Karuna and Pilleyan entered mainstream politics before the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009. Pilleyan is the current leader of TMVP (Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal).

In a way it is a pity that the police are now trying to pin Pilleyan for the disappearance of Prof Raveendranath, obviously to please the current political masters.

Comments included their role in LTTE terrorism and what they did after switching their allegiance to the government in March 2004. Let me stress that they daringly rebelled against the LTTE during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the Prime Minister. The UNP has repeatedly claimed the credit for the unprecedented schism in what was considered a monolithic terror organisation and some asserted that the LTTE engineered Wickremesinghe’s defeat at the 2005 presidential election to avenge the catastrophic split.

Pilleyan’s arrest caused a political storm with his counsel Udaya Gammanpila alleging that an attempt was being made to compel his client to confess complicity in the 2019 Easter Sunday suicide attacks. Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader and former Minister Gammanpila is no stranger to controversy, but he has remained unscathed when it comes to his integrity.

In spite of vindictive attacks on him, Attorney-at-Law Gammanpila declared that nothing could be as ridiculous as accusing Pilleyan, who had been detained at the Batticaloa Prison for a period of five years (Oct. 11, 2015 to Nov. 24, 2020) of arranging National Thowheed Jaamaath (NTJ) to bomb churches and hotels on April 21, 2019. Having granted bail to Pilleyan and four others held in connection with the Christmas Day, 2005, assassination of TNA MP Joseph Pararajasingham on two personal sureties of Rs. 100,000/- each, the Batticaloa High Court acquitted and released them on January 13, 2021.

It would be pertinent to examine the devastating split caused by Karuna in March 2003 and its impact on the Eelam War IV (2006 August to May 2009).

Karuna’s move

Having received information that ‘Colonel’ Karuna decamped, the Kilinochchi-based leadership acted swiftly and decisively to neutralise the impending threat. The LTTE planned to take hold of both Karuna Amman, responsible for Ampara-Batticaloa sector, and his colleague, Sivasubramanium Varadanthan, aka ‘Colonel’ Paduman, in charge of the neighbouring Trincomalee District, to Kilinochchi. The Kilinochchi-based leadership, or Vanni leadership, wanted to ensure that those deployed under the command of Karuna and Paduman remaind loyal to the organisation. Both Karuna and Paduman had held the rank of ‘Colonel’ at that time, though Karuna was in the limelight due to his involvement in negotiations with the UNF government.

The Kilinochchi command cleverly used the Defence Ministry and SCOPP (Secretariat for Coordinating Peace Process) officials to arrange for an SLAF chopper to fly Karuna Amman, along with Paduman, to Kilinochchi. SCOPP records prove that on the authorisation of the Defence Ministry, it directed the SLAF to pick Paduman from Trincomalee and then touch down at a pre-arranged location in the Batticaloa District, on March 2, 2004, to take on board Karuna.

Fearing that he would have to face a firing squad in Kilinochchi, Karuna declined to join Paduman. Instead, he set in motion a strategy, which finally debilitated the LTTE’s conventional fighting capability. The writer disclosed the LTTE’s counter-move in a Sunday Island report headlined ‘Prabhakaran plotted Karuna capture’ in its March 28, 2004, edition.

Both Karuna and Paduman, at that time, confirmed the LTTE using SCOPP/ SLAF to arrange their transfer from the East to Kilinochchi.

The UNP and the Norwegians never bothered to raise the issue with the LTTE at that time. The Defence Ministry continued to provide chopper rides to the LTTE and did everything possible to appease the outfit, even at the expense of national security.

Norwegian peace facilitator and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), too, had been aware of the LTTE request for an SLAF chopper ride for top Tigers in the East. Had Karuna got into that chopper and ended up in a secret LTTE detention camp or executed, Eelam War IV would have taken a different course.

The Vanni leadership used Paduman, on several occasions, to counter reports of a debilitating split in the LTTE. The LTTE never allowed Paduman to leave the Vanni throughout Eelam War IV. Paduman surrendered on May 15, 2009, four days before troops killed LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.

Karuna caused the split just over a year after the LTTE quit the negotiating table. President CBK, PM Wickremesinghe, and the co-chairs of the peace process, agreed that the LTTE should be allowed to deal with the situation. They allowed the situation to develop into a bloody confrontation. They failed to realise that Karuna’s revolt caused irreparable damage to the organisation by dividing the LTTE’s fighting cadre on regional lines. The crisis denied the LTTE recruitment in the Batticaloa and Ampara sectors, while its operations in the Trincomalee District, too, experienced difficulties due to the detention of ‘Colonel’ Paduman, the senior man in charge of the area. ‘Colonel’ Paduman, too, was perceived as a threat due to his close association with Karuna.

Karuna acted swiftly to ensure his protection and that of the eastern cadres. The well-proven battlefield strategist felt that his security, as well as the safety of the Batticaloa fighting cadre, depended on an understanding with the Sri Lankan military. Karuna pushed for a separate agreement on the lines of the Norwegian arranged CFA between the GoSL and the LTTE in February 2002.

The Island dealt with Karuna’s move in an exclusive headlined ‘Rebel Karuna wants separate deal with government’ in the March 5, 2004 issue, which was based on information provided by Varathan, an aide to Karuna. The then Army Chief, Lieutenant General Lionel Balagalle and DIG Nimal Lewke confirmed what Varathan had to say on behalf of Karuna.

Karuna offered to negotiate a separate ceasefire in the Ampara-Batticaloa sector, though both the Norwegians and the government promptly rejected the move, while reiterating their commitment to the CFA. But, an influential section, within the establishment, supported Karuna’s move. Varathan alleged that a wave of killings in the Eastern Province, in the wake of the CFA, and a demand for 1,000 more cadres from the Batticaloa-Ampara sector for deployment in the Northern Province, too, had contributed to Karuna’s decision to break ranks.

Wobbling goverment

An unprecedented crisis caused by Karuna sent shock waves through the LTTE and its supporters. Among the affected parties were the TNA and the Tamil Diaspora. The LTTE struggled to contain the developing crisis. In spite of specific government orders issued to the Army not to intervene, at certain levels the military cooperated with Karuna.

Karuna wanted the Army to prevent a group of senior cadres, who had been under his overall command, from crossing the entry/exit point at Omanthai, north of Vavuniya, back to the Vanni. The LTTE dissident also urged the Army to facilitate an operation to help his men, deployed in the Northern Province, to return through Army lines on the night of March 3, 2004. The government prohibited the Army from supporting Karuna’s efforts, hence a group of senior cadres, including ‘Colonel” T. Ramesh and their families, crossed the entry/exit point. Immediately after their arrival in Kilinochchi, ‘Colonel’ Ramesh was declared as Karuna’s successor.

Undaunted by the government’s refusal to back his revolt against, what Karuna called, the treacherous Kilinochchi leadership, he ordered public protests in Batticaloa. The first of a series of protests was held at Kiran, Karuna’s home town, where a crowd of over 2,000 people gathered in support of Karuna. Some of them set fire to effigies of Prabhakaran and Ramesh, while Karuna reiterated his demand for a separate CFA with the government. Much to the glee of the LTTE and the Norwegians, the government rejected Karuna’s call for cooperation out of hand. But, the military continued to extend support to Karuna.

In spite of the LTTE’ pull-out from negotiations in April 2003, the government reiterated its commitment to a non-existent peace process thereby bending backwards to please the LTTE and the so-called peace facilitator with its own ultimate agenda coinciding with those of the LTTE.

The LTTE ordered the Tamil media not to provide space for the rebellious group. No one dared challenge the LTTE, though Karuna, too, exerted pressure on the media. Undergraduates from the Northern Province, studying at the Eastern University at Vantharamoolai ,returned to their villages amidst rising tension.

Regardless of the government directive that the military kept its distance from the rebel faction, an influential section of those in the military, who were earlier deployed in clandestine operations behind enemy lines, threw their weight behind the former LTTE field commander.

Batticaloa’s hostility towards the LTTE increased after an LTTE operative shot dead eight Karuna loyalists, including Kuheneshan, widely believed to be a high ranker among the renegade group, at Crystal Terrace housing scheme, Kottawa, on July 25, 2004. They were slain in their sleep

Batticaloa Tamils defied an LTTE directive prohibiting public participation at the funerals of the three Karuna loyalists killed at Kottawa. Several hundred people paid their last respects to Pakyam Amarasevan, alias Tehvan, of Main Street, Kommathurai, Chennkalady, Ponnathurai Thurainadan alias Ruban of the same address, and Kandiah Annandakumar of Kattankudy. The LTTE distributed leaflets warning the public of dire consequences if they attended, what they called, traitors’ funeral. The LTTE made an attempt to prevent public participation, having failed to dissuade families of the victims from bringing the bodies to Batticaloa. Families, living in military held areas, accepted the bodies, whereas those living in the LTTE-controlled region had no option but to accept the directive.

It would be important to examine the circumstances under which the LTTE hunted down those given refuge at the Crystal Terrace housing scheme. They had moved in on July 13, 2004, and were in the process of trying to obtain passports to leave the country. The police quoted a neighbour as having said he heard gunshots around 3.30 a.m. As people used to light crackers to scare monkeys away, he had not taken much notice, he said.

In fact, the first indication of the LTTE operation, the biggest directed against the Karuna faction in Colombo, since the March 2004 split, came to light after the military intercepted a conversation between two LTTE personnel. Although they discussed a successful hit in Colombo, there was no clue as regards the location. The conversation revealed that those involved in the operation had reached Karuna’s successor, ‘Colonel’ Thambirajah Ramesh based in the Batticaloa district. The Colombo police took about four hours to locate the scene of the massacre.

Impact on CFA

The crisis created by Karuna quickly engulfed the entire CFA process. Those trying to save the CFA soon realised that they were fighting a losing battle. They understood Karuna’s action had caused irreparable damage and nothing could resurrect the Norwegian initiative.

The SLMM (Norway led Sri Lanka monitoring mission) suspended the monitoring process in areas under Karuna’s control. Overnight, the Northern and Eastern Provinces were divided into three sectors, under the control of the GoSL, the LTTE and the breakaway LTTE faction. The Norwegians and the SLMM rejected Karuna’s overtures to have a separate CFA negotiated between the breakaway faction and the GoSL. Karuna also emphasised that the LTTE should recognise that the Batticaloa-Ampara sector was outside its purview. UNICEF and the UNHCR, too, pulled out of Karuna’s territory.

Today only a few remember the dicey situation the country experienced at thatime.

The SLMM also turned down an SLA request to arrange for a meeting between the Army and Karuna. In spite of the Army chief, Lt. Gen. Balagalle, who held the post of the Chief of Defence Staff, personally pushing for a meeting, which he felt could help ease tensions, the SLMM refused to comply. The LTTE insisted that there shouldn’t be any interaction whatsoever between the SLMM and the breakaway faction. Erik Solheim ruled out a Norwegian intervention, thereby effectively ending any sort of mediation effort.

In a desperate bid to settle the crisis, the UK stepped in. The UK sent its top diplomat in Colombo, Steven Evans, along with its Defence Attaché, Lt. Col. Mark Weldon, to find a way out.

Efforts to isolate Karuna failed. Premier Wickremesinghe compelled Ali Zarheer Moulana to resign his parliamentary seat after the disclosure of his role in facilitating Karuna to leave the Batticaloa district. Before that, the battlefield tactician quickly won over the confidence of the Tamil-speaking people in the region. He took advantage of the situation by offering to discuss long standing grievances of the public. Then General Officer Commanding (GoC) the Army’s 23 Division, headquartered at Welikanda, Brigadier Vajira Wijegunawardene, recalled how Karuna moved swiftly to consolidate his power in areas under his control. Karuna offered to discuss the forcible takeover of land by the LTTE in the east. Soon, the UNP and the TNA realised that the crisis was having a debilitating impact on their campaign for the April 2, 2004 parliamentary polls. In fact, Premier Wickremesinghe had to avoid Batticaloa during campaigning in the East as the Defence Ministry couldn’t guarantee his security.

Vanni move on East

Under the noses of the Norwegians, the LTTE moved cadres to beef up its strength in the Batticaloa District to take on Karuna. The SLMM and the government facilitated the transfer of LTTE cadres from the North to the East in the run-up to the parliamentary polls. The CFA permitted transfers, though there had been restrictions as regards the number of personnel. The LTTE overcame the problem by sending groups in small batches across Army controlled entry and exit points at Omanthai and Uliyankulam. Although the Army had managed to detect some of those entering the East illegally, it couldn’t thwart the LTTE plans. Then the LTTE humiliated the government by launching a series of sea landings on the night of April 9, 2004 to wipe out the breakaway group. The LTTE operation had got underway a few hours after the service commanders arrived at Trincomalee. In spite of the Defence portfolio being under her control, President Kumaratunga did nothing, while the Prime Minister and the Norwegians looked the other way. A confident LTTE leadership told the government that it intended to use sea routes to mount an operation targeting Karuna. The government was told to keep the Navy out of the LTTE’s way. The government gave in to LTTE demands. Following urgent consultations in Colombo between the military and the President, the top brass summoned a meeting at the Batticaloa Brigade Headquarters, where senior officers, in charge of the region, were told to keep out of the fight.

After Karuna’s decision to give up the fight on April 9, 2004, when the LTTE confronted his cadres on the banks of the Verugal River, many believed that Prabhakaran’s erstwhile friend wouldn’t survive.

Karuna’s decision has been influenced by the realisation that the sea borne assault was led by Batticaloa cadres, the majority of those who had fought under him. Had Karuna engaged them on the banks of the Verugal River, there would have been many casualties. Instead of fighting, Karuna ordered his men to leave the battlefield and return to their villages, while he fled Batticaloa with the help of UNP National List MP Ali Zaheer Moulana. Until Moulana acknowledged his role in Karuna’s escape, the UNP, a section of the medi, and even the Norwegians, blamed the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) for helping Karuna escape. Once the UNP had established Moulana’s involvement, PM Wickremesinghe demanded his resignation. He swiftly complied. Moulana sought protection abroad. After years in the US, he returned to the country to pledge his allegiance to President Rajapaksa.

Karuna loyalists killed five LTTE cadres, including ‘Lt. Colonel’ Neelan, the deputy head of the Batticaloa District Intelligence outfit before fleeing the area. A furious Kilinochchi leadership vowed to hit back wherever Karuna and his top men took refuge.

A spate of killings undermined SLMM efforts to restore normalcy in the Batticaloa-Ampara sector, where unidentified gunmen killed 10 LTTE personnel, in three separate incidents on April 24, May 2 and May 6, 2004. The LTTE accused the DMI of carrying out the killings, a charge vehemently denied by the DMI. The LTTE hit back. An LTTE operative shot dead Lance Corporal Wasantha Liyanage. He was shot through the head inside a private bus approaching Batticaloa town on May 9, 2004. The bus was coming from Chenkaladi.

The LTTE struck again on May 19, 2004, outside the Batticaloa hospital. Reserve police constable, Dassanayake (32658) of police intelligence shot through his head in broad daylight. The gunman walked out of the nearby post office and shot the policeman before walking away.

In spite of a change of government in April, 2004, the UPFA’s response to the LTTE, too, remained the same.

But the military responded to the LTTE threat by stepping up clandestine action, particularly in the East. A growing relationship, mutually beneficial to the military and the breakaway LTTE faction, gradually undermined the LTTE in the Eastern Province. By the time Eelam War IV erupted in Aug 2006, the LTTE had suffered a debilitating setback in the East.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Power of colour beyond visual appeal and aesthetic beauty

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Blue lights (R) at the Woodside LIRR train station in New York (Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Woodside_LIRR_Blue_Lights_on_platform_.jpg )

Use of colours in pre-historic era

Humans have been long fascinated by colour, which has played a significant role since the beginning of human civilization. Ancient people had painted caves even before they settled in houses. Cave paintings were created during the stone age from 10,000 to 40,000 years ago. Primitive artists used natural materials available to them to mark their territory, beautify their surroundings, and tell their stories. For thousands of years, paints were handmade from ground mineral-based pigments. Ochre, a natural pigment which comes in shades of red, yellow, orange and brown, was the first pigment used by humans, in the Middle Stone Age of Africa. Ochre, also called hematite, is found all over the world and has been used by nearly every prehistoric culture, whether as paint on caves and building walls, for staining of pottery or other types of artifacts, or as part of a burial ritual or body painting.

Man’s irresistible desire to create pigments was not without untoward consequences. For instance, in 1,775, Carl Wilhelm Scheele, a Swedish chemist, invented a bright green pigment, but it was laced with the deadly poisonous chemical arsenic; it was cheap to produce, but dangerous for artists and patrons alike. However, the French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte was so fascinated by and passionate about this colour, he wanted his bedroom wallpaper painted with   Scheele’s Green. Historians believe that the green pigment used in the wallpaper caused his untimely death in 1821 at the age of 51 due to cancer. By the end of the 19th century, Paris Green—a mixture of copper and arsenic—replaced Scheele’s Green as a more durable alternative, enabling Claude Monet, Paul Cézanne, and Pierre-Auguste Renoir to create vivid, emerald landscapes. It is also toxic, and thus has also been used as a rodenticide and insecticide. The blindness which Monet subsequently succumbed to may have been due to the toxicity of Paris Green, which was banned in the 1960s.

The Egyptians artists added binders such as eggs, resins and beeswax to pigments so that the paint would adhere to plaster and began painting on it. Hence, Egyptian tombs made of limestone were covered with plaster that was painted using six colours: charcoal black, red ochre, yellow orpiment, brown ochre, blue azurite, and green malachite. Natural mineral pigments were dug from the earth and shaped into sticks that were used as chalks by artists including Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and Rembrandt. Dyes made from plants were also used in artwork in the Mediterranean region. By the mid-nineteenth-century, watercolors became available for sale to the public. Since the 1940s, technological advances have produced synthetic pigments and chemical processes for paint making which greatly contributed to expanding the once mineral-based limited colour palette to all the colours of the rainbow. Since then, colour-based industries have grown progressively in the world and the worth of the paint and coatings industry and of colour cosmetics industries in 2023 amounted to around $ 180 billion and $ 80 billion, respectively.

 Physics of colour and vision

In the 1660s, English physicist and mathematician, Isaac Newton, demonstrated that clear white light was composed of seven visible colours. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in 1810 published his treatise on the nature, function, and psychology of colours titled “Theory of Colours”. One of his most radical points was a refutation of Newton’s ideas about the colour spectrum, suggesting that darkness is an active ingredient rather than the mere passive absence of light. Though his work was dismissed by a large segment  of the scientific community, it remained of intense interest to a cohort of prominent philosophers and physicists, including Arthur Schopenhauer, Kurt Gödel, and Ludwig Wittgenstein.

Colour springs from the alchemy of light and perception. Light, an ethereal wave of electromagnetic radiation, spans a spectrum visible to human eyes from approximately 380 to 750 nanometers. As light touches an object, it may be reflected, absorbed, or transmitted, with the reflected wavelengths crafting the hue perceived by the eye. This interaction is interpreted by the brain, transforming raw light into the rich palette of the world around us.

The human eye, a wondrous instrument, houses three types of photoreceptor cells known as cones, each attuned to different wavelengths of light:

S Cones: Sensitive to short wavelengths, peaking around 420 nm, endowing us with the perception of blue.

M Cones: Responsive to medium wavelengths, peaking around 534 nm, allowing us to see green.

L Cones: Tuned to long wavelengths, peaking around 564 nm, revealing the red hues.

Human beings   can only see the colours that these receptors can receive. Together, these cones create a symphony of signals that the brain harmonises into the countless colours we perceive, enabling us to distinguish millions of shades.

Nature’s creatures possess a diversity of vision, often surpassing human capabilities. Birds and insects, for instance, enjoy a tetrachromatic[DC1]  vision (having four types of cone cells in the eye to perceive colour), with an additional type of cone sensitive to ultraviolet (UV) light, unveiling a hidden spectrum invisible to human eyes. Many bird species use UV signals for mating, navigation, and foraging.

Colours are ‘illusions’

People are quite interested in and passionate about colours; thus, they generally make an initial judgment about a product, person, or environment within 90 seconds, and a significant proportion of this assessment, i.e. 60-90%, is based on colour. This shows how strong the influence of colour on perception and decision-making is.  Despite this extraordinary experience of colour perception, all colours are ‘illusions’ in the sense that they do not belong to objects independently of how these are perceived. Neither objects nor lights are coloured ‘in themselves’, but are seen as coloured as a result of neural processes and perceptual mechanisms. In fact, the physical properties of colours are different from the way colours are perceived. For example, take a yellow sunflower; it absorbs the blue, red and other colour energy waves, and then reflects back wavelengths that appear yellow. The colour receptors in our eyes then translate the flower’s wavelength into its colour and send that to our brain.

Blue colours in animals are not caused by chemical pigments, but rather by physics and the way light bounces off a surface. Blue-winged butterflies have layered nanostructures on their wing scales that manipulate light layers, cancelling out certain colours and projecting the fluorescent blue colour that we see; thus, they are called structural colours. Another classic example of structural coloration is the peacock’s feather. The microscopic structures in the feathers manipulate light to produce brilliant blues and greens that shift and change as the viewing angle alters. Thus, blue butterflies, roses, and peacocks aren’t actually blue and our eyes have duped us (Fig. 1).

Effects of colour on human behaviour and wellbeing

People have long understood the power of colour over moods and well-being. Colour was used in ancient Egypt, China, and Greece to evoke emotions, aid in spiritual practices, and treat a variety of conditions. Many ancient civilizations, such as the Egyptians and Chinese, embraced the belief that colours possessed healing properties and could be harnessed for therapeutic purposes. This practice, known as chromotherapy, involved the use of specific hues to treat various ailments and promote overall well-being.

Colour is a multidimensional concept which goes beyond visual appeal and aesthetic beauty. It   encompasses physical, psychological, cultural, symbolic, artistic, aesthetic and scientific dimensions, including physiological. The aesthetic beauty of colour has added a mesmerizing and exciting tapestry to nature and it is inconceivable to imagine a world without colour. Leigh Hunt (1784–1859), prolific English poet and journalist, said “Colours are the smiles of nature”.

Colour can affect humans in manifold ways ranging from psychological, physiological, cognitive to emotional, behavioural, healing etc., thereby having a profound influence on their mood, creativity, productivity, health and happiness. In addition, it   has a remarkable power not only to heal, rejuvenate and inspire, but also to instill a sense of peace and harmony in us. Colour is also a powerful means of communication and a defining aspect of human experience, influencing our perceptions and preferences, and interactions with the world. Therefore, extensive studies have been carried out on those aspects which have led to the emergence of disciplines such as Colour Psychology, Colour Chemistry, Colour Therapy and Visual Ergonomics. Colour can potentially be a powerful source of inspiration, delight, tranquility and solace when used in the right manner for the right place for the right purpose.

However, people generally apply colours purely based on the visual and aesthetic appeal, without a proper understanding of the profound impact that colour can have on people – their performance, experience and wellbeing. Therefore, the use of the right colour for a given place is crucially important in order to provide a more relaxed, congenial and harmonious living environment which goes beyond the aesthetic appeal. Here, it is important to explore the world of colour psychology without diving into technicalities

The colours you choose for your walls, furniture, and the decorations of your bedroom can influence your mood. A bedroom painted in calming tones, e.g. in light blue, might help you to unwind, and create a feeling of serenity. It is not recommended to paint the bedrooms in dark shades of blue as it could interfere with sleep. Similarly, the blue light emitted by electronic screens could produce a similar effect. Therefore, it is not advisable to work on the computer or watch film on electronic screens for long hours prior to retiring to bed. Because the blue light gives the impression to the brain that it is daytime, the body stops releasing the sleep hormone Melatonin. On the other hand, light shades of amber may promote the release of Melatonin helping us to wind down and prepare for sleep in nature’s way.

Feeling relaxed

As blue light causes people to feel relaxed, it has led countries to add blue street lights in order to decrease suicide rates. In 2000, the city of Glasgow installed blue street lighting in certain neighborhoods and subsequently reported the anecdotal finding of reduced crime in these areas. A railroad company in Japan installed blue lighting on its stations in October 2009 in an effort to reduce the number of  rail suicide attempts (Fig. 2). Blue is often associated with calmness and serenity and is not naturally associated with food; hence, it can make food appear less appetizing and appealing and reduce the desire to eat. Therefore, blue is generally considered an appetite suppressant and eating off a blue plate could help to reduce overweight and obesity.

Walls of cafés are generally painted in warm, earthy tones like brown or terracotta which evoke a sense of comfort and homeliness. It helps the customers to settle in with a cup of coffee and a good book to spend some relaxing and rewarding time in a congenial ambience. On the other hand, some fast-food chains use red and yellow in their logos and external and internal walls in order to create a vibrant and exciting environment. It not only attracts attention, promotes quick decision making and creates a sense of excitement and urgency, but also stimulates appetite and encourages lively discussion. Though such colours attract both children and adults to fast-food restaurants, they may not wish to stay long in such an ambience after partaking of food, unlike in a coffee shop. Similarly, a kitchen with lively colours could energize you during meal preparation. (Figure 2)

Blue-winged butterfly (Source: https://pixabay.com/photos/butterfly-insect-animal-142506/) (left) and peacock (Source: https://www.photowall.co.uk/peacock-feathers-poster ) (right)

Even when designing websites, careful attention is paid not only to aesthetics, but to emotions that need to be evoked. When a company designs a new website, it carefully selects colours with this in mind. They might use blue for trust, green for growth, and orange for enthusiasm, creating a website that feels inviting and reliable while encouraging action. Architect William Ludlow advocated pale pastel blues and greens in hospitals for therapeutic purposes. The walls of hospitals are often painted in soft, calming colours like pale green or light blue which help to reduce stress and create a healing environment.

Colour can enhance or impair learning, morale, performance and the behaviour of students. It can affect students’ attention span, and perception of time. Visual stimulation rewires the brain, making stronger connections while fostering visual thinking, problem solving and creativity. It has been shown that the cold-coloured walls, such as blue and green, produced the highest levels of relaxation and pleasure, while the warm-colored walls such as yellow and red had the better attention and learning performance. And the white-walled classroom had the lowest subjective evaluation and the worst learning performance. Classrooms when painted with bright yellow — the colour of happiness and optimism – spark creativity and enthusiasm and makes learning more joyful. That’s why some educational spaces use yellow in order to foster a lively and energetic environment. School buses are generally painted yellow the world over for safety and visibility. Yellow colour is in the middle of the visible spectrum so that it strikes the cones (photoreceptors) of the eyes from both sides equally.  That makes it almost impossible for anyone to miss a school bus even when it’s in one’s peripheral vision or under poor day light conditions or in bad weather.

Fitness spaces

Exercise rooms and fitness spaces are generally painted in bright orange which exudes energy, motivation and vitality, encouraging movement and activity. It helps to keep the energy high and spirits lifted. Studies have shown that red causes a significantly greater response in heart rate, respiration, brain wave activity, and other nervous system functions than green or blue. In addition, red decreases the perceived size of rooms and space and prompts a sense of warmth. Lush greenery in a park or a natural habitat has a refreshing and rejuvenating effect, creating a sense of harmony and tranquility. Besides, the choice of colour of clothing reflects and affects your mood and if you are feeling upbeat and confident, you might pick a vibrant red shirt or dress. On the other hand, if you seek comfort and tranquility, you may settle for soothing shades of blue, green, etc.

Choice of colour for prisons is of prime importance as it affects the mood of inmates. When colour is used properly in prisons and jails, it can lessen overall tension and conflicts and make the places more comfortable for the inmates to live and work in. Based on the research carried out, bright colours are recommended in the prison, with green and blue colours being the best rated because people perceive them as soothing, stimulating, pleasant and safe. Yellow is also acceptable because the prisoners perceive it as a bright and cheerful colour. Painting the walls of the room with soft shades of yellow and green (kiwi color) was seen by the prisoners as “refreshing”. In all these cases, colour psychology is at play.

Therefore, colours play a significant role in shaping how we feel and behave; thus, they are not just pretty hues, but are the emotions painted onto the canvas of our lives. Hence, colour psychology is like a storyteller that sets the mood and tone of a space, a product, or even a piece of clothing. It’s the silent language that whispers to our emotions, shaping our experiences without us even realizing it. However, these associations between colours and emotions are not universal, but are influenced by cultural, historical, and personal factors. Understanding colour psychology can help individuals and businesses harness the power of colour to evoke specific emotions and convey messages effectively. Whether in branding, interior design, fashion, or art, colour plays a central role in shaping our perceptions and experiences. It’s a fascinating aspect of our world that continues to intrigue and inspire creativity in various fields.

Further information in this regard is found in the book titled “The Power of Colour: Enhancing Human Wellbeing and Unleashing Human Potential” edited by Ranjith Senaratne and Raj Somadeva. It emanated from a conference conducted by the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science and includes contributions from a multidisciplinary team comprising artists, architects, engineers, biologists, environmentalists, psychiatrists, musicians and scientists.

Concluding remarks

Though the manifold effects of colour on humans have been recognized from time immemorial, there is very little appreciation and understanding of those effects on humankind and how these effects could be harnessed to enhance and enrich human wellbeing, including life experience, productivity, performance, satisfaction, memory and creativity. Because of the significance of colour on humans, disciplines such as Colour Psychology, Colour Chemistry, Colour Therapy and Visual Ergonomics have emerged which have assumed considerable importance in day-to-day life.

A good grasp of Colour Psychology helps to create a psychologically satisfying, aesthetically pleasing, vibrant and energetic space, or a calm and tranquil environment by selecting the appropriate shades of colours depending on the need and occasion. This is crucially important in a fiercely competitive globalized environment characterized by anxiety, tension, disquiet and chaos where people are leading a stressful, restless and agitated life in a fast-paced world. In the circumstances, creating a relaxed, congenial and harmonious environment at home as well as at the workplace by painting the living and working environment with appropriate hues is of prime importance.

This need is paramount and should be addressed as a matter of great importance. Then only could we embark upon a colorful journey and paint our world with appropriate vibrant hues in order to unearth the boundless potential and transformative power that lies within us. However, there is a dearth of competent professionals, particularly in Sri Lanka who can proffer the right advice and guidance to clients in selecting appropriate colours for specific places such as the living room, bedroom, dining room, reading room, exercise room etc. in homes and public places such as hospitals, restaurants, coffee shops, gymnasiums theatres, prisons etc. for the human wellbeing. This issue has been further exacerbated due to hardly any academic interaction and collaboration, particularly between the Faculties of Arts, Science and Medicine.

The course unit system (CUS) developed in the USA enables students to pick and choose course modules from diverse fields so as to create complementarity and synergy; this in turn, leads to producing well-rounded and well-grounded creative graduates equipped with multiple competencies to address real-world issues more effectively. Though the CUS was introduced in our universities over 20 years ago, because of the heavy compartmentalization and fragmentation, course modules for degree programmed of a given faculty have been selected mainly from among the modules offered by the faculty concerned, thereby not deriving the key expected benefits from the CUS. Consequently, Sri Lankan universities have been hardly able to develop any cross-faculty academic programmed such as Colour Psychology, Colour Therapy, Music Therapy and such like. Therefore, it is imperative to make necessary interventions so as to facilitate and promote interfaculty degree programmed in Sri Lanka universities, paving the way for the development of such academic offerings jointly by the Faculties of Arts, Science, Medicine, Architecture etc. Moreover, cooperation and collaboration between faculties are needed to effectively address complex real-world issues such as SDGs which demand a holistic trans-disciplinary systems approach.  Hence, the earlier such interventions are made, the better.

by Emeritus Professor
Ranjith Senaratne
University of Ruhuna, (ransen.ru@gmail.com)

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Midweek Review

Silence of the Civilized

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The 2025 World Press Photo of the Year Award depicts Mahmoud Ajjour, nine, who was injured during an Israeli attack on Gaza City in March 2024 [Credit: Samar Abu Elouf for The New York Times]

With his limbs ripped off in a blast,

Mounting challenges await the Gaza boy,

And though he will be winning good hearts,

When he cries that Mum can’t be held now,

The stony silence of the civilized world,

In the face of his stepped-up mute suffering,

Should be seen as another frontier of agony,

And herein we have the conclusive evidence,

That hearts are made numb by unending savagery.

By Lynn Ockersz

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