Features
Deplorable Debt: Is Sri Lanka caught between IMF and IIF?
by Jayasri Priyalal
Jayasripriyalal59@gmail.com
The greatest challenges confronting the nation-states in the current era revolve around; deplorable debt, depleted natural resources, and degraded environment. Economic growth and future prosperity for all living beings are stalled due to the varying degrees of the 3D problems emerging out of ill-conceived policy divergences propelling the linear economic activities for centuries in many countries.
Sri Lanka hit its worst economic setback, since independence, in 2021, experiencing near bankruptcy short of a failed state. Still, the country is reeling from its socio-economic and political debacle without a clear visionary leadership putting the country on a recovery path. Showing resilience alone will not take us anywhere. Amongst many shortsighted policy debacles, including unmanaged debt without a semblance of fiscal discipline, remains unresolved. The unbridgeable mismatch between government revenue and expenditure is one such burning issue. Not a single political party, gearing for elections to secure political power, squarely addresses this challenge with viable options proposed.
Debt restructuring talks are dominating the media as the second IMF tranche of the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) with access to SDR 254 million (about US$337 million), subject to the IMF Executive Board’s review in due course.
Time, Information, and Power (TIP) are critical elements for persuasive Negotiations
The delegation from Sri Lanka for debt restructuring with the Official Creditor Committee (OCC) which consists of the majority of the private sector creditors, and sovereign bondholders, faces critical challenges. The author aims to highlight the various challenges and obstacles to unfold during the tough negotiations Sri Lanka faces in this essay. All Sri Lankans should endeavour to negotiate favourable terms in putting Sri Lanka’s debt on the path towards sustainable economic growth in a medium and long-term time frame.
As a nation, we should not burden those private creditors who hold our sovereign bonds, and it is our supreme responsibility to pay all our dues with reasonable compensation. Those who invested their money in Sri Lankan Sovereign Bonds are not at fault for the economic mismanagement of the corrupt politicians and their cronies. Sri Lanka, a sovereign nation, should take ownership to honour our commitments to settle all our creditors.
Unless Sri Lanka shows clear policy directions to revive and grow the stagnant economy, no one will be ready to put good money behind wasted bad money. Instilling trust and confidence in our ability to come up with viable and sustainable solutions to jump-start the growth of the economy is the way forward. This conditionality is paramount even to restructuring the existing debt instruments so that they can be traded in secondary markets to mobilize cash flows for stimulating the economic activities for growth.
In times of crisis, stakeholders are forced to sit and negotiate to find viable solutions, balancing the common and conflicting interests between the two sides. Hence, parties who sit down for negotiations are forced to deal with adversaries and not with friends or sympathizers ready to bargain to meet different expectations.
Time for Schock Doctrines
In an excessively financialized world cyclic financial crises are a common feature. Someone’s pain will always turn into another’s gain swiftly. The international financial system, consisting of private and public institutions, is well set to manage the crisis with the sole objective of privatization of gains and socializations of pains.
Many of their strategies anaesthetize weak policymakers looking for innovative and creative economic growth-led solutions to overcome the debt-burdened situations in the developing world. Capitalizing on this phenomenon, they force painful shock doctrines and austerities on the victims of financial crisis reversing all the socio-economic gains achieved thus far.
The classic example could be quoted from our own experience, currently, a quarter of Sri Lanka’s population is pushed below the poverty line. Moreover, the second IMF EFF assistance is a blessing in disguise for policymakers to hoodwink the public, especially on the eve of elections. Partners, with whom Sri Lankan Treasury and Ministry of Finance officials negotiate, are aware of the time-critical importance of this factor.
Media statements, following the various IMF official’s meetings, are loaded with praises but without any substance in handling the crisis for viable resolution. Instead, many are saddled in their comfort zone depending on further debt as the only recourse.
Pruning expenditure on social security and welfare, imposing unbearable income tax on the middle class – working poor – curtailing their purchasing power, reversing all progressive labour laws and regulations that mainstream inclusive growth and fairer distribution of wealth created in the economy, especially hampering the investment growth in the EPF, workers savings with arbitrary interest rate cuts, are some of the policy options concealed within the shock doctrine recommendations.
Aside from the above privatization of profitable State-Owned Enterprises was mismanaged by appointing cronies by the various governments, including appointing ‘yes’ men to serve the political interest, including in the banks, allowing the henchmen to rob the banks from inside. Commercially viable enterprises are loaded with debt, restraining them from coming out with any turnaround strategies.
And many national wealth is now offered on a platter for privatization as a remedial measure to the current crisis. These are part and parcel of the shock doctrine proposed to serve the interest of those foreign investors to grab the national wealth. A classic case, outsourcing the on-arrival visa issuance to tourists, at the BIA, to a private company hiking the visa fees at a disproportionate increase impacting the resilient tourism industry. On top of that, the private company charges US$ 18.50 as their fees on each tourist applying visa.
However, many economists, and advisors are keen to measure productivity gains, even at times of crisis, on factor inputs such as Labour, Land and Entrepreneurship, except Capital. At times of Financial Crises, private-public partnerships strongly advocate Quantitative Easing options as a remedy to maintain market stability by subsidizing the Capital Markets with zero and negative interest rates.
Those civic-conscious officials, consisting of the Sri Lankan delegation who sit for negotiations with the OCC, should bear in mind, for the sake of sustainability of the debt and stimulation of future growth in the economy, should not pass on the advantage of time factor to the opponents across the table. They need to put the country’s interest first, not to serve the interest of the bankrupt political propaganda, merely to deceive the electorate on the eve of elections.
Sadly, there isn’t any form of social dialogue between the policymakers, officials, private sector chambers, and academia to propose policy recommendations, at least, to identify and cut the avoidable expenditure in the parallel administration structures in the island state. A culture of meaningful stakeholder consultations before policy formulation is a must in the desired new system that Sri Lanka is aspiring for.
Information Asymmetry and the Role of the Institute of International Finance (IIF)
The second critical element that is vital in negotiations is information. In any negotiation process to achieve desirable goals all parties need to act in good faith and be fully informed of the facts and circumstances.
The Institute of International Finance (IIF) is a powerful organization that represents the interests of private creditors and financial institutions. IIF members include a wide range of financial firms operating globally in the sovereign debt markets, with common and divergent interests. The mission and basic lobbying position of the IIF are enshrined in its by-laws, namely, to be the most influential financial lobby organization at the international level that promotes voluntary market-based approaches to financial or debt crisis prevention and management.
According to Netherlands Amsterdam-based Stichting Onderzoek Multinationale Ondernemingen (SOMO), Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations) October 2021, report highlights serious imbalances in relationships between the IIF and private creditors, on the one hand, and the other hand public international and national financial decision-makers, parliamentarians, citizens, and other affected stakeholders. Furthermore, reports contend, that the IIF’s strategy leads to even higher indebtedness to private creditors and promotes a profitable sustainability-linked financial industry, which the IIF actively supports in the interest of its members. https://www.somo.nl/the-iif-debt-relief/
The Sri Lankan delegation needs to be aware of the advantages enjoyed by the counterparties with whom they negotiate. As per findings of the SOMO research, IIF membership covers the largest international financial conglomerates with common and diverse interests regarding sovereign debt of middle-to-lower income countries: from private and public Chinese banks and Wall Street investment banks to credit rating agencies, asset managers and hedge funds. Official authorities, like the IMF and World Bank, and even the central banks of some middle- and low-income countries, are IIF members.
On the one hand, this diversity of members involved in the international debt market can enable members more easily to exchange views and coordinate. On the other hand, members’ very diverse interests may block positions and solutions that are proposed in the IIF’s lobbying activities.
Lazard the French Asset Management company Sri Lanka consults for the debt restructuring and the law firm Clifford Chance both could be members of IIF, if so the conflict of interest between the parties will become a stumbling block in reaching a favourable solution to the benefit of Sri Lanka as highlighted in the SOMO report. This fact must receive the best attention of the Sri Lankan delegation to the negotiation, bearing in mind that no one subordinate could work for two masters’
honestly – the adage often quoted as a warning to be cautiously optimistic in similar circumstances.
Information is Power – Markets are good When you are on the Right Side
The third element that is crucial in handling negotiation effectively rallies around the power that the parties to the negotiation garner. Readers would understand better by the foregoing how the balance of power tilts between the parties to negotiations.
IIF is committed to protecting the interests of its members by lobbying for voluntary market-based approaches to financial or debt crisis prevention and management. Towards achieving these goals IIF functions with a few committees such as IIF Committee on Sovereign Risk Management (CSRM), G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI), IIF Debt Transparency Working Group (DTWG), IIF Emerging Markets Advisory Council (EMAC). They are very well equipped with data on capital market flows and debt situations in countries and markets across the region. IIF is committed to serving the interests of its members to spot investment opportunities and secure the assets with returns.
Following the recent rounds of negotiations with the Sri Lanka delegation with OCC, media reports revealed that in principle understanding was reached with a set of frameworks for further negotiations. Furthermore, there appear to be some discussions to extend the maturities with varying haircuts and interest rates reclassifying the Sovereign Bonds linked to either Macro or Governance parameters. We are forced to agree weighing the pros and cons to make the bonds marketable in the secondary markets to overcome the short-term constraints knowing how the Creditors team up to serve their interest.
Breaking the Vicious Debt Cycles – Focus on Growth instead of Distribution Sri Lanka is battling with the current crisis because of irresponsible borrowing and investment in wasteful projects. The Supreme Court has given a ruling pointing out the responsible policymakers and concerned government officials who contributed to the mismanagement of the economy. But it is good to remember stupidity is not a crime in the eyes of law, hence marginalized and vulnerable population sacrifice future prosperity for sins of the corrupt and greedy.
To offer a viable counter-proposal to the OCC at the next round of negotiations, the Sri Lankan delegation must be prepared with viable policy options that stimulate economic growth in the long-term enabling us to repay the debts and move away from the debt traps. To make that happen Sri Lankan policymakers will have to move away from popular distribution-led policy directives offered to deceive the electorate to growth-led directives for bottom up transformation.
A May Day promise by the President to increase the daily wage of Workers in Plantations to Rs. 1700 is one such gimmick. This writer fully supports the upliftment of the quality of life of the plantation workers. But that must come as a non-wage benefit as a form of social security measure, without destabilizing the plantation industry. There is enough money saved by the plantation workers in their EPF/ETF to be invested in such projects getting a reasonable return to sustain the viability of the fund. Such projects will serve the growth and distribution needs of the country.
Sri Lanka has been depending too much on the advice from the neo-liberal pundits aiming at realizing fake prosperities widening inequality in wealth, income, health, and education. We need to count on organic growth-focused economic policies and directives instead of synthetic short-term policies grappling with deplorable debt.
Facts, issues highlighted in the essay; assumptions made and actions proposed are to stimulate discussion and debate amongst the like-minded. Critics’ comments are welcome to encourage meaningful social dialogues among various stakeholders and policymakers to think of creative and innovative growth led options to overcome the eternal debt crisis.
Features
People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy
Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.
The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.
A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.
Different Approach
Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.
Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.
The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.
Maintain Confidence
The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.
In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.
The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation
In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.
The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.
To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.
A Shared Strategic Vision
Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:
A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner
These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.
A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.
Good Governance: The Cornerstone
The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.
Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.
Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.
When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.
The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence
An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.
Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.
Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.
Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.
Human Rights: A Strategic Asset
There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.
Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.
Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.
Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.
Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre
At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.
Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.
Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.
An effective intelligence system should be:
* Predictive rather than reactive.
* Preventive rather than investigative alone.
* Integrated rather than fragmented.
* Technology-driven rather than paper-based.
* People-centred rather than institution-centred.
Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.
Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.
Intelligence Beyond National Security
Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.
Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.
Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:
* Economic planning
* Public health preparedness
* Disaster risk reduction
* Cybersecurity
* Energy security
* Food security
* Environmental protection
* Artificial intelligence governance
* Foreign policy
* Investment protection
An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.
Whole-of-Government Cooperation
One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.
Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.
A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.
Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.
Economic Prosperity Through Security
Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.
Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.
An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.
Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.
Investment creates employment.
Employment reduces poverty.
Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.
Social stability reinforces national security.
International Partnerships
No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.
Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.
Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.
Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.
Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.
Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.
Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.
The Relationship Between National Stakeholders
National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.
Government provides leadership and policy direction.
The judiciary safeguards justice.
Law enforcement protects public safety.
The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.
Civil society strengthens social cohesion.
Educational institutions develop future leaders.
The private sector generates investment and innovation.
International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.
Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.
When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.
The Strategic Path Forward
Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.
That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.
The pathway is straightforward:
Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation
This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.
The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.
A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.
A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.
The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace
By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)
Features
The perfect victim: How institutions respond
It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.
I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.
The myth of the perfect victim
One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.
In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.
What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.
Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.
Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?
The subject of scrutiny
When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.
“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”
“Why didn’t you go to the police?”
“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”
“Why did you continue interacting with him?”
“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”
“There is no smoke without fire.”
Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.
These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.
The silence that speaks
The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.
The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.
Post judgement reflections
At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.
Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.
(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
by Udari Abeyasinghe
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News2 days agoSingapore-based Buddhist monk marks nearly four decades of humanitarian service
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News3 days agoFreedom 250: US Embassy celebrates America’s 250th Independence Day through magic of American cinema
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News4 days agoCIABOC to question Harak Kata on Rs. 200 mn bribery allegation
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News4 days agoSLAF conducts successful rescue mission under UN command in Central African Republic
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Midweek Review6 days agoH’tota port’s strategic status remains focal point of geopolitical scrutiny
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News1 day agoAI concerned over proposed SL military deployment in Haiti
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News4 days agoUNEP support pledged to strengthen Sri Lanka’s Environmental Priorities
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Features2 days agoThe NPP’s New Challenge: Balancing Easter Lawfare and Economic Welfare
