Opinion
Vocabulary for Communication
Remarks of Prof Rajiva Wijesinha at the launch of
Vocabulary for Communication
by Parvathi Nagasunderam
At the University of Sri Jayewardenepura Arts Faculty Auditorium on April 27th
The launch of this book is a heartening event, first because it shows that my old student, colleague and friend Parvathi Nagasunderam is still wonderfully productive though now in her ninth decade; and second because the focus of her book shows her continuing commitment to the needs of students.
Many years ago, one of my mentors at university would talk of life’s little ironies, and it seems to me that Paru’s wonderful career has throughout been the result of ironies. I first met her at Peradeniya as a newly-appointed lecturer way back in 1990. Those were the days when university departments of English had very few students, and questions arose as to why they made little or no contribution to overcome the crying need of the country for good English teachers.
Obviously, their products, almost entirely from elite schools, and taught the great tradition of English Literature, would have been useless in our classrooms where language teaching was required, and the more basic as the years passed. But as one professor proudly put it, their students could go to Cambridge for postgraduate work, and I think that indeed over several decades one student did manage this, though he did not come back.
So, the departments developed a programme to take teachers who had passed the external General Arts Qualifying examination, and give them an English degree. But then they were drenched in the same old stuff, which was useless for rural or indeed most urban schools, and many ended up in other institutions. And to compound the problem, Peradeniya decided to offer a combined degree, to give them more exposure to English, it was claimed, but they decided on literary criticism so the poor teachers had to study Aristotle and Horace and Longinus.
Amidst the floundering teachers I did however find two who were hardworking and understood what they read and could talk about it, so I persuaded them to opt for Special Degrees. They were fearful, but in the end, they agreed, and then I resigned. That caused them great disappointment, but perhaps in the end Paru was benefited, for had I stayed I have no doubt she would have got a class. Given the vagaries of our system, there were many classes in the year above hers and in the years below, but in her year the examiners had different priorities. So that while the beneficiaries of the other system were absorbed by Peradeniya, to continue with an albeit confused version of the great tradition – to the disappointment of the much more enlightened Arjuna Parakrama when he became Professor there – Paru had to re-enter the school system.
But then she was selected to teach at the newly-opened College of Education, the one at Pasdunrata, which produced accomplished teachers of English while it was headed by the dynamic Charlie Gamage. This was when pre-service teacher training was begun, and an effective programme was introduced, with much assistance from the British Council, which provided a resident trainer.
This was David Woolger, and while I appreciated the comment earlier about how both Lakshmi Cumaratunga and I had mentored Paru, most credit I believe should go to David. He noted her excellence and encouraged me to use her in the various training programmes I began at the British Council and through the English Association in provincial centres.
For both he and the Representatives at the Council at the time had persuaded me to work on English Language as well as my original literature specialism, and in time I became an avid proponent of revising the system to improve language teaching.
Then, another irony, the new Minister of Education destroyed the Colleges and also the Higher Institute of English Education, which had been set up within the National Institute of Education to work on trainer training. But those in power could not understand the need for this in addition to teacher training, so that admirable initiative collapsed, and Lakshmi Cumaratunga left the country.
Paru, whom David had recruited to the HIEE, was thus ready for a change, and so I was able to tempt her to Jayewardenepura when I began to revitalize the English programme there as well through the Affiliated University Colleges that the visionary Arjuna Aluwihare had started.
My contract at USJP was not renewed for I refused to ask for this, knowing that the Vice-Chancellor wanted to tie me down, whereas I had been working also on the GELT programme and the AUCs which were being transformed into universities. And they needed me more than USJP, which I could leave in Paru’s safe hands. So, it proved, and she took what we had started to much higher levels, including when I urged her while I was at the Ministry of Education developing an English Language Teaching module for the degree, which other universities scorned at the time.
Thus, USJP has been at the forefront of English education in this country, and Paru’s students, who are devoted to her, have continued with her vision of English not only at USJP but at the other higher educational institutes where they teach.
Paru and I were able meanwhile to work together in other areas. She was one of the consultants we took on when I restarted English medium in 2001, though sadly, with a change of government opposition to this initiative meant that we could train only for a year before the NIE took over and did its best to introduce formulas instead of fun. Then, when in 2004 I chaired the Academic Affairs Board of the NIE, and tried to revise syllabi to introduce more critical thinking in all subjects, Paru produced for me a step-by-step set of achievement levels, which would have dealt with the problem she mentioned in her opening remarks, about vocabulary not being developed systematically.
Sadly, Ministers who keep talking about the need for better English do not look at what has been done, which could be made available again. And, while obviously, as I told Dinesh Gunawardena when he asked me to help, I could not get involved with the current government, there are others who could well be consulted such as Paru, but those in charge will not suggest names of those more able than they are.
It is heartening though that in her own way Paru continues to function so effectively to fill the gaps in the system, by producing books like this which are so useful to students. Their needs, rather than the needs of administrators, should be the key to educational initiatives, and I congratulate her, and the students she has nurtured, for keeping this in the forefront of all they do.
Opinion
The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement
By Lalin I De Silva
Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:
Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?
Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.
That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”
This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.
Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.
The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.
This deserves national attention.
We Produce — But Do We Connect?
Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.
Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.
The farmer often does not know the final consumer.
The consumer rarely knows the farmer.
Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.
Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.
Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.
That is not value-chain management.
It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.
25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies
A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.
The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.
Its purpose must be practical.
Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.
The first task would be to understand the district itself.
What fruits are grown?
Where are they grown?
When are they available?
Which traditional varieties are disappearing?
Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?
Where are the post-harvest losses?
What do farmers need?
What do consumers actually want?
From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.
Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.
From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit
Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.
You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.
You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.
That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.
The problem is not technology.
The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.
Traceability could change that.
The principle is simple:
Know your farmer. Know your fruit.
Let the Consumer Lead
For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.
“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.
A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:
What does the consumer need, value and trust?
If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.
Retailers respond.
Farmers respond.
Nurseries respond.
Researchers respond.
Investors respond.
Government eventually has to respond.
That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.
Start With Children
Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:
Two Fruits a Day.
Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:
“What are our fruits today?”
Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.
Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.
Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.
It must become part of family culture.
Kandy Could Begin
Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.
Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.
A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.
The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.
It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.
Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.
Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.
We simply have to recognise its value.
Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.
Opinion
‘Outpost of Empire’
Review
by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing
“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”
Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.
The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.
Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.
As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.
Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.
The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.
Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.
I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author
Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.
Opinion
Speaker’s dilemma
The Opposition, in its wisdom (or perhaps stupidity), has submitted yet another No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against the Speaker of Parliament. Perhaps it hopes to score some brownie points in the eyes of the public, which is hardly indifferent to such developments. Yet, knowing full well that the motion is unlikely to succeed, the exercise may well prove futile — akin to banging one’s head against a solid rock.
Nevertheless, the nearly fifty allegations levelled against the Speaker, whether justified or mere mudslinging, cannot simply be brushed aside. Such allegations may well have a bearing on the individual concerned, particularly where it matters most — his conscience — and few would dispute that possibility.
From a protocol standpoint, the Speaker occupies one of the highest positions in the country, ranking third in the hierarchy of state. He consequently belongs to the uppermost echelons of public life, with acquaintances and associates extending across a wide spectrum of society, including diplomats and other distinguished personalities. Such a position carries with it not merely prestige and privilege, but also an onerous responsibility to uphold the dignity and integrity of the office.
As the guardian of Parliament, the Speaker is expected to maintain standards of conduct, impartiality and discipline that are beyond reproach.
Whether the allegations are justifiable or not may be of little consequence to members of the ruling party, who will undoubtedly defend their colleague to the hilt. Nevertheless, the stigma arising from such allegations may prove difficult to erase, particularly in the eyes of his family, close associates and, ultimately, the voters who placed their trust in him. Of course, it is common knowledge that politics can be a dirty game and that, as Lord Acton famously observed, “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
Yet, nothing could be more devastating than a person losing his own soul in the process. On the one hand, stepping down could be construed as an admission of responsibility for the allegations levelled against him. On the other, allowing the No-Confidence Motion (NCM) to proceed could expose him to further public scrutiny and potentially inflict lasting damage on his character, dignity and reputation. Thus, he finds himself caught between two unenviable choices, each carrying consequences that may extend far beyond the immediate political fallout.
The Speaker is therefore confronted with a classic Hobson’s choice, with neither option likely to be without consequences. After all, in politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests.
WILLIAM
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