Editorial
Abolishing executive presidency non-issue at present moment
There are many who believe that Mr. Karu Jayasuriya, though not in active politics now, is the best president this country never had. His accomplishments in the political field are too numerous to list and his integrity is widely acknowledged. Given the proximity of the event, people even in this country notorious for their short memories, remember his sterling performance as speaker in October 2018.
That was when then President Maithripala Sirisena, elected to office in 2015 mostly on anti-Mahinda UNP votes, triggered a constitutional crisis by appointing former President Mahinda Rajapaksa as prime minister while Ranil Wickremesinghe held that office and retained a parliamentary majority. The result was two concurrent prime ministers. The wild scenes in parliament then with chillie powder thrown and other missiles flung and the speaker physically restrained from taking his seat cannot be forgotten. Jayasuriya demonstrated guts showing he would not be intimidated by thuggery.
Karu Jayasuriya has assumed the leadership of the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ) from Ven. Madulwawe Sobhita Thero who played a major role in fielding Maithripala Sirisena as a common opposition candidate in 2015. Sirisena was committed to abolishing the executive presidency running against then President Mahinda Rajapaksa who, abolishing the constitutional two-term limit on the presidency, unsuccessfully sought a third term for himself. Ven. Sobhitha’s untimely death undoubtedly enabled Sirisena to welsh on his promise of abolishing the executive presidency.
Among those who have recently held that office, Gotabaya Rajapksa, despite the ignominy of the manner of his exit, stands out as the only president who did not promise to abolish that office. Mahinda Rajapaksa did so in 2005. Chandrika Kumaratunga who talked of a bahubootha constitution came closest to getting rid of the office in 2000 but her attempt to retain transitional provisions in a new constitution retaining executive powers for herself until the end of her term resulted in that effort being aborted.
With the presidential election approaching at the end of this year, Karu Jayasuriya has once again brought up the question of abolishing the executive presidency. In a recent statement he said: “The NMSJ has been conducting discussions with social groups across the country. Based on the views expressed in those discussions, it is understandable that there is a widespread opinion among the people that the executive presidency should be abolished. Therefore the prospective candidates in the upcoming presidential election should state their positions regarding the abolition of the presidential system in their election manifestos. Those who promise to abolish it should also state the timeline for fulfilling it.”
With the clock ticking and the election drawing nearer, the matter of the abolition of the executive presidency seems to be a non-issue at this particular moment. Whether it will remain so further down the road or surface once again is an open question. President J.R. Jayewardene was not elected for his first term as president. As is well known, he scored a landslide five sixths parliamentary majority in the 1977 general election under the first-past-the-post Westminster-style election, became prime minister and thereafter created the executive presidency deeming himself the first executive president.
He was elected president for the first time only in October 1982. Thereafter, he extended his massive parliamentary majority for a further term through what is widely perceived, though not conclusively proved, as a rigged referendum. He purportedly obtained the people’s consent for a further term, without an election, for the incumbent parliament to retain his 1977 majority. It has been argued that the concentration of power in an executive presidency enabled the defeat of the LTTE after a near 30-year civil war but these are imponderables that could forever be debated.
Karu Jayasuriya’s NMSJ is not a political party. It is an influential social movement led by a trusted retired politician who has acquitted himself well in various elected and unelected positions including cabinet minister, mayor of Colombo, ambassador to Germany, business leader and, early in his career, a voluntary military officer. Whether NMSJ has the muscle to get the various presidential candidates who will run later this year to declare, with a time-frame, in their manifestos their stance on abolishing the executive presidency is something that remains to be seen.
The aragalaya demanded “system change.” Although it achieved the ouster of the Rajapaksas from the heights of power, there was no system change. What it created was the paradox of Ranil Wickremesinghe, who led the UNP to a zero seat defeat in August 2020 being first appointed prime minister and then president by a president on the run. RW who returned to the legislature on the UNP’s single national list seat, no doubt, has established more than a semblance of normalcy and hopes to be elected president on the back of this performance. Abolishing the executive presidency is not a part of his present agenda although the subject had been perfunctorily discussed.
The incumbent is busy cobbling a broad alliance on the back of which he hopes to be elected. The principal contenders are not likely to include the abolition of the executive presidency in their manifestos whatever NMSJ requests. The top priority of the electorate will be setting the economy right and easing the cost of living. Other things, most voters are likely to feel, can come later.
Editorial
Selective transparency
Saturday 27th December, 2025
The NPP government has released a cordial diplomatic letter from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and gained a great deal of publicity for it as part of a propaganda campaign to boost Dissanayake’s image. Such moves are not uncommon in politics, especially in the developing world, where the heads of powerful states are deified and their visits, invitations and letters are flaunted as achievements of the leaders of smaller nations. However, the release of PM Modi’s letter to President Dissanayake is counterproductive, for it makes one wonder why the government has not made public the MoUs it has signed with India?
PM Modi’s Sri Lanka visit in April 2025 saw the signing of seven MoUs (or pacts as claimed in some quarters) between New Delhi and Colombo. Prominent among them are the MoUs/pacts on the implementation of HVDC (High-Voltage Direct Current) Interconnection for import/export of power, cooperation among the governments of India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates on developing Trincomalee as an energy hub, and defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.
The NPP government has violated one of the fundamental tenets of good governance––transparency; there has been no transparency about the aforesaid MoUs or pacts, especially the one on defence cooperation. They cannot be disclosed without India’s consent, the government has said. This is a very lame excuse. The JVP/NPP seems to have a very low opinion of the intelligence of the public, who made its meteoric rise to power.
When the JVP/NPP was in opposition, it would flay the previous governments for signing vital MoUs and pacts without transparency. But it has kept even Parliament in the dark about the MoUs/pacts in question.
Ironically, the JVP, which resorted to mindless violence in a bid to scuttle the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, has sought to justify the inking of an MoU/pact on defence cooperation between Sri Lanka and India and keeping it under wraps, about three and a half decades later. The signing of that particular defence MoU/pact marked the JVP’s biggest-ever Machiavellian U-turn. How would the JVP have reacted if a previous government had entered into MoUs with India and kept them secret? It opposed the proposed Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) between Sri Lanka and India tooth and nail, didn’t it?
Whenever one sees the aforesaid letter doing the rounds in the digital space, one remembers the MoUs/pacts shrouded in secrecy, which have exposed the pusillanimity of the NPP government, whose leaders cannot so much as disclose their contents without India’s consent.
Editorial
Desperate political sandbagging
Friday 26th December, 2025
There is nothing more predictable than surprise in politics. After securing a two-thirds majority in Parliament last year and emerging victorious in most local councils, this year, the JVP-led NPP may have thought that it was plain sailing. But the government now has many unforeseen, seemingly intractable issues to contend with almost on all fronts. The disaster-stricken economy is expected to slow down, with relief and rebuilding costs escalating, and the deadline for the resumption of debt repayment approaching. Vehicle imports are bound to decrease, causing a sharp drop in the government’s tax revenue. The rupee is depreciating fast. As if these were not enough, the government is experiencing serious problems on the political front.
The defeat of the NPP’s budget in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), which the JVP/NPP seized control of through extensive horse trading, could not have come at a worse time for the government. The same fate has befallen many other NPP-controlled local councils. Most of all, the NPP has suffered a string of defeats in the cooperative society elections countrywide during the last several months.
Desperate times are said to call for desperate measures. Cyclone Ditwah and the attendant extreme weather events that badly damaged roads, tank bunds and river banks prompted repair teams to resort to sandbag revetment. But there have been many instances where sandbag facings collapsed, unable to withstand the intensity of floods and slope failures. The government politicians who boasted of having carried out swift restoration work have been left red-faced; they have failed to assess the severity of the problems they are trying to solve.
The NPP government has resorted to a method similar to sandbag revetment in a desperate bid to consolidate its control over some local councils which cannot secure the passage of their budgets for want of majorities. Its members have gone to the extent of setting the clock forward in such institutions, meeting in advance of the regular start time and declaring their budgets passed before the arrival of the Opposition councillors. What the NPP did in the Horana Urban Council the other day is a case in point, the Opposition says.
The NPP is accused of having inflated the number of votes for its Galle MC budget amidst a howl of protests from the Opposition and declared victory. The Opposition councillors prevented the council secretary from leaving the auditorium, put the budget to a fresh vote and defeated it. The Opposition has threatened legal action against the Mayors/Chairpersons and the state officials for violating the law. The government is likely to employ a similar method to have the CMC budget passed when it is put to a vote again next week. The JVP has no sense of shame, just like all other political parties that have been in power.
All self-righteous politicians, given to moral grandstanding, lay bare their true faces when their interests are threatened, and they face the prospect of losing their hold on power. The JVP/NPP is now without any right to be critical of its rivals who did not scruple to undermine democratic principles and traditions to retain power.
Gaining control of hung local councils is one thing, but running them to the satisfaction of their members and the public is quite another. The non-majority councils that the Opposition parties have gained control of could face the same fate as the CMC. This situation has come about because the country is without patriotic leaders. Ideally, the political parties that obtained pluralities in the hung councils should have been allowed to control those institutions, and they should have adopted a conciliatory approach and sought their political rivals’ cooperation to serve the public.
The shameful manner in which the NPP acted during the Galle MC budget vote is not unprecedented. One may recall that in January 2024, the SLPP-UNP government did something similar to secure the passage of its despicable Online Safety Bill. The then Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena stooped so low as to make use of a brawl in the House and declare the Bill passed. Interestingly, the SLPP and the UNP are among those who are raking the NPP over the coals for undermining democratic principles and traditions. So much for the self-proclaimed messiahs and their critics.
Editorial
Christmas spirit, relief and pledges
Thursday 25th December, 2025
Christmas has dawned while Sri Lanka is reeling from the cumulative impact of multiple disasters which snuffed out hundreds of lives and destroyed many homes and livelihoods. It is a time of hope. Its ethos, which emphasises hope, compassion and giving, could not be more relevant in these difficult times when the task of looking after a large number of disaster victims and helping rebuild their shattered lives has become a top national priority.
Santa came here the other day, as it were. There was no magical flight of a sleigh pulled by reindeer across the night sky. Instead, a jet landed at the BIA, and out stepped Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. He unveiled a generous disaster relief and reconstruction package from India and flew back. This noble act of giving exemplifies the spirit of Christmas as much as good neighbourliness.
The best way the Sri Lankan rulers can show appreciation for generous assistance from India and other nations is to uphold accountability, rationalise disaster relief and ensure that it is distributed in a transparent manner. There are disturbing reports about political interference with the disbursement of funds among disaster victims. A high-level probe must be conducted into these allegations.
Christmas is also the season of giving and forgiving. The irony of Minister Jaishankar meeting President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the JVP, may not have been lost on keen political observers. If the JVP had acted wisely, heeding religious tenets, and pursued its political goals without resorting to violence, in the late 1980s, tens of thousands of precious lives and state assets worth billions of rupees could have been spared. India has forgiven the JVP, which it even helped gain international legitimacy and shore up its electoral chances in the run-up to last year’s presidential election. India has also helped Sri Lanka manage its worst-ever economic crisis and the impact of natural disasters. The people of Sri Lanka have also forgiven the JVP, despite its past violence, as evident from its impressive electoral victories last year. Sadly, the JVP is not willing to forgive its political enemies. Its General Secretary Tilvin Silva himself has said so. It ought to soften its stand.
All political leaders in this country usually issue well-written Christmas messages, extolling the core Christian virtues, such as giving, forgiving, compassion and peace-making. If only they lived up to the ideals they claim to cherish, at least while the country is struggling to recover from a series of natural disasters. Unfortunately, their post-disaster political battles are intensifying apace, and one wonders whether their focus is actually on helping disaster victims or furthering their political interests. They are not willing to sink their political differences for the sake of the disaster victims crying out for relief.
Meanwhile, the government leaders ought to go beyond issuing Christmas messages if they are to prove that they actually care about the believers in Jesus Christ. They ought to fulfil their pledge to serve justice for the victims of the Easter Sunday terror attacks (2019), which claimed more than 275 lives.
About seven years have elapsed since that tragedy which could have been prevented if the then government had heeded intelligence warnings, and the country has had four Presidents and three governments. But the promises made by the political leaders to bring the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday carnage to justice have gone unfulfilled. Those who are desperately seeking justice pinned their hopes on the current leaders who vowed to trace and prosecute the terror masterminds expeditiously.
The present-day leaders, too, have chosen to remain silent on their promise at issue; they are impervious to calls for justice, just like their predecessors. Let fulfilling their pledge to serve justice for the Easter Sunday terror victims be one of their Christmas resolutions.
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