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Philip: Trotskyite-turned social reformer

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52nd Death Anniversary of Philip Gunawardena falls today

by Dr. W. A. Abeysinghe

The legendary revolutionary and pioneer of the Sri Lankan Marxist movement, Don Philip Rupasinghe Gunawardena, was born on 11 January 1901 in the rural village of Boralugoda in the Hevagam Korale. His father was Don Jakolis Rupasinghe Gunawardena, popularly known as Boralugoda Ralahamy. He was a local landowner who served as the village headman and Vidane Arachchi until he was imprisoned and sentenced to death under martial law during the 1915 Sinhala- Muslim riots. This sentence was later reprieved by the Governor following a petition by his wife.

Philip was the third child of a family of three boys and seven girls.

Having attended the local Boralugoda Temple and the village school Siddhartha Vidyalaya, Kaluaggala for his primary education, he later received his secondary education at the Prince of Wales’ College, Moratuwa and Ananda Vidyalaya, Colombo. After getting through the London matriculation examination, he entered the University College, Colombo to study economics. It was during this time that he joined the Ceylon National Congress. However, he was drawn towards the activities of the Young Lanka League.

His father wanted him to study in the United Kingdom to make him a barrister. Instead, at the age of 21, Philip travelled to the United States where he studied economics at the University of Illinois. There, he was radicalized and got caught up in the declining labour movement during the Great Depression days. Two years later, he moved to the more radical University of Wisconsin where he met Jayaprakash Narayan and a few other radical young men.

In Wisconsin, he completed Bachelor of Science and Master of Science degrees in agricultural economics. In 1925, he joined Columbia University for his postgraduate doctoral studies.

In 1927 Philip Gunawardena joined the League Against Imperialism in New York, where he worked with José Vasconcelos of Mexico, gaining a working knowledge of Spanish. In 1929 he went to London, and participated in anti-colonial mass agitations. excelling as a brilliant orator, trade unionist, and even a political columnist. Jawaharlal Nehru and Krishna Menon of India, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Tan Malaka of Indonesia, and Ramgoolam of Mauritius were some of his contemporary colleagues who later became prominent figures in their respective countries.

In the midst of his anti-colonial enthusiasm, Philip joined the staff of the new Daily Worker and took over the Indian Workers’ Welfare League , an organisation founded by Shapurji Saklatvala. He later crossed the Channel to Europe and worked alongside socialist groups in France and Germany.

In the midst of the Comintern’s ‘Left Turn’, Philip surreptitiously joined the Marxian Propaganda League of FA Ridley and Hansraj Aggarwala, who opposed the Stalinists’ characterisation of the Social Democratic parties. When Ridley and Aggarwala broke with Leon Trotsky, Philip Gunawardena sided with the latter. In 1932 he travelled on the Orient Express to meet Trotsky at Prinkipo, but was stopped at Sofia by the police.

At the British conference of the League Against Imperialism, in May 1932, Philip introduced a counter-resolution on India against those moved by Harry Pollitt. As a result, the Communist Party of Great Britain expelled him on charges of Trotskyism.

However, he had gathered around him several like-minded Ceylonese, including N. M. Perera, Colvin R de Silva and Leslie Goonewardene. They came to be known as the ‘T-Group’ – later forming the nucleus of the Trotskyite faction of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party.

Scotland Yard, under orders from the India Office, foiled his intention of going to India to build a new Communist Party there. He set out for the continent, meeting members of the Left Opposition in Paris. He then hiked over the Pyrenees to Barcelona, where he had a rare opportunity to meet the Trotskyites of Spain – who were soon to undergo a civil war. His passport was impounded by the British authorities and on the urging of D. B. Jayatilaka at the request of his father he was allowed to return to Ceylon.

Soon after his return to Ceylon in November 1932, he plunged into active politics organising rural peasants, plantation workers and urban workers. He pioneered the founding of Lanka Sama Samaja Party in 1935. The following year, he was elected to the State Council from his home town of Avissawella where he continued his struggle for the welfare of workers and peasants.

When World War II broke out in the Far East in 1941, the LSSP openly opposed the British war effort and the members of LSSP had to go underground. On the Governor’s orders, Philip Gunawardena was arrested and imprisoned owing to his open opposition to the British war effort. On 5 April 1942, during the Japanese air raid on Colombo, LSSP leaders including Philip were able to escape from prison. Going by the name “Gurusamy,” in July 1942 he escaped to India and participated in the independence struggle there. As a result, his seat in the State Council fell vacant in July 1942 and was filled by Bernard Jayasuriya in the by-election that followed. In 1943 he was rearrested and detained in Mumbai, and after many months deported to Ceylon where he was given a six-month sentence for escaping and was imprisoned till the end of war.

On his release in 1945, he resumed his political and trade union activities. During the war, the LSSP split into factions and Philip Gunawardena with N. M. Perera formed the Workers’ Opposition. Thus, the reformed LSSP contested the 1947 general election emerging as the main opposition party with 10 seats in the first Parliament. Philip Gunawardena who contested from the Avissawella electorate defeating Bernard Jayasuriya was elected to Parliament. His brother Robert Gunawardena too was elected to parliament from the LSSP representing Kotte. However, Philip soon lost his seat when he was convicted by the district court and sentenced to three months rigorous imprisonment for leading employees of the South Western Transport Company of Sir Cyril de Zoysa, the bus tycoon, in the general strike in 1947. As a result of the conviction he lost his civic rights for seven years. In the by-election that followed, his wife Kusuma Gunawardena won the Avissawella seat.

A process of reunification was initiated between the LSSP and the Bolshevik Samasamaja Party (BSP) in 1950. It was opposed by Philip as a result of which he left the LSSP and formed a new party. That was how Viplavakari Lanka Sama Samaja Party was formed in 1951. The VLSSP entered into an electoral alliance with the Communist Party and contested the 1952 general election, in which his wife Kusuma Gunawardena was returned to parliament from Avissawella as the only candidate to be elected from the VLSSP.

Since 1951, Philip led the Viplavakari Lanka Sama Samaja Party and as a constituent party formed the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna under the leadership of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. At the election in 1956, he won the Avissawella seat with a large majority and was appointed a key member of the Bandaranaike’s cabinet – as the Minister of Agriculture, Food and Co-operatives.

Philip Gunawardena is remembered as the architect of the Paddy Lands Act which brought relief to the tenant cultivator and he spearheaded the Port and Bus nationalization, introduction of the Multi-purpose Co-operative movement. He was instrumental in establishing the Co-operative Development Bank (now known as the People’s Bank). At the 1959 May Day rally, Philip made a public statement claiming that the government was threatened by a conspiracy within. On 18 May 1959, he resigned from his ministerial positions with other VLSSP members citing differences with the right-wing factions of the Bandaranaike’s cabinet.

On 26 September 1959, Bandaranaike was assassinated.

Then he reformed the VLSSP into the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) which was a leftist in ideology, but was not Trotskyist in political character.

Before this metamorphosis took place in Philp, writing a very shrewd column to the Daily News, in early sixties, D.B. Dhanapala, the veteran journalist aptly detected his” originality of approach to the masses” in the following words:

“The Leftists in this country have been bereft of any sense of originality in the preaching of their doctrines, speaking an idiom the people do not understand, referring to musty books that the people have no belief in.

“Philip is the only man who has shown originality of approach to the masses in the adaptation of his theories to the background and needs of the country ….”

(Vide – Page 143 – Among Those Present – D.B. Dhanapala – Second Edition)

MEP contested the March 1960 general election winning ten parliamentary seats! However, this number was reduced to three in the July 1960 general election. Philip Gunawardena retained his seat in parliament on both occasions and later the MEP joined with the LSSP and the Communist Party to form the United Left Front, so far, the strongest socio – political movement in the country.

This writer is of the firm belief that the ULF of 1964 headed by Philip, N.M. and S. A. Wickramasinghe was “the most precious lost opportunity” in the history of Sri Lankan politics in post post-independence era. If that “Leftist Trio” could have sustained their will power and determination for another few more years, the destiny of Sri Lanka would have been wonderfully different .

By the time Sri Lankan politics reached the year 1965, just a little more than five years after the assassination of Bandaranaike, the ultra Trotskite Philip Gunawardane had undergone an ideological transformation of colossal nature. It resulted in a political metamorphosis of rare nature in him, which enabled the fire brand Marxist revolutionary to come to terms with the affable Dudley Senanayake to form a national government. It was the only option left for the well experienced and matured veteran Marxist and political activist of formidable character Philip, during his ripe years was to join the National Government. Thereby, he was able to render his final contribution to the people of the motherland, he immensely loved.

Philip’s historic words as the Minister of Industries and Fisheries, addressing the Parliament on 18th July, 1967, at the debate of the Governor General’s speech, are worthy of reiteration:

“I have always said that I will work with any group of people who are ready to develop this country, who are ready to defend the independence of this country, who are ready to serve the people of this country. Let it be any group of people – Yes, not only with the devil, but with the devil’s grandmother.”

In 1964, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party government of Sirima Bandaranaike lost its majority in parliament on its move to nationalize Lake house Newspapers where the defection of the senior minister C. P. de Silva played a big role. In the election that followed in 1965, only Philip Gunawardena was elected to parliament from the MEP and he joined the national government led by Dudley Senanayake. He was appointed as the Cabinet Minister of Industries and Fisheries and he served till 1970.

He established the Industrial Development Board, strengthened and expanded state industrial corporations and national private sector industries, and planned the development of the fisheries sector with the formation of the Fisheries Corporation. With Soviet aid he developed the Tire Corporations and Steel Corporation.

He transformed and activated, in a formidable manner, already existing industrial ventures in the country. The rejuvenation he ushered in as well as the farsighted transformation with which he fashioned the industrial sector in Ceylon from 1965 to 1970, I believe, is an integral part of our national development which the present-day students of politics should carefully study.



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Opinion

The shadow of a Truman moment in the Iran war

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Wars often produce moments when leaders feel compelled to seek a decisive stroke that will end the conflict once and for all. History shows that such moments can generate choices that would have seemed unthinkable only months earlier. When Harry S. Truman authorised the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, the decision emerged from precisely such wartime pressures. As the conflict involving the United States, Israel and Iran intensifies today, the world must ensure that a similar moment of desperate calculation does not arise again.

The lesson of that moment in history is not that such weapons can end wars, but that once the logic of escalation begins to dominate wartime decision-making, even the most unthinkable options can enter the realm of strategic calculation. The mere possibility that such debates could arise is reason enough for policymakers everywhere to approach the present conflict with extreme caution.

As the war drags on, both Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu will face mounting pressure to produce decisive results. Wars rarely remain confined to their original scope once expectations of rapid victory begin to fade. Political leaders must demonstrate progress, military planners search for breakthroughs, and public narratives increasingly revolve around the need for a conclusive outcome. In this environment, media speculation about “exit strategies” or “off-ramps” for Washington can unintentionally increase pressure on decision-makers. Even well-intentioned commentary can shape the climate in which leaders make decisions, potentially nudging them toward harder, more dramatic actions.

Neither the United States nor Israel lacks the technological capability associated with advanced nuclear arsenals. The nuclear arsenals of advanced powers today are far more sophisticated than the devices used in 1945. While their existence is intended primarily as deterrence, prolonged wars have historically forced strategic communities to examine every available option. Even the discussion of such possibilities is deeply unsettling, yet ignoring the pressures that produce such debates can be dangerous.

For that reason, policymakers and societies on all sides must recognise the full range of choices that prolonged wars can place before leaders. For Iran’s leadership and its wider strategic community, absorbing this reality may be essential if catastrophic escalation is to be avoided. From Tehran’s perspective, the conflict may well be seen as existential. Yet history also shows that wars framed as existential struggles can generate the most dangerous strategic decisions.

The intellectual climate in Washington has also evolved. A number of influential voices in Washington now argue that the United States has become excessively risk-averse and that restoring global credibility requires a more assertive posture. Such arguments reflect a broader shift toward the language of renewed deterrence and strategic competition. Yet this very logic can make it politically harder for leaders to conclude conflicts without visible demonstrations of strength.

The outcome of this conflict will also be watched closely by other major powers. In 1945, the atomic decision was shaped not only by the desire to end a brutal war but also by the strategic message it sent to rival states observing the emergence of a new geopolitical era. Today, other significant powers will similarly draw lessons from how the United States manages both the conduct and the conclusion of this conflict.

This is why cool judgment is essential at this stage of the war. Whether the original decision to go to war was wise or ill-advised is now largely beside the point. Once a conflict has begun, the overriding priority must be to prevent escalation into something far more dangerous.

In such moments, the international system can benefit from the quiet diplomacy of actors that retain a degree of strategic autonomy. Among emerging nations, India stands out as a major emerging power in this regard. Despite its energy dependence on the Gulf and deep economic engagement with the United States, India has consistently demonstrated a capacity to maintain independent channels of communication across geopolitical divides.

This unique positioning may allow New Delhi to explore, discreetly and without public fanfare, avenues for de-escalation with Washington, Tel Aviv and Tehran alike. At moments of heightened tension in international politics, the world sometimes requires what might be called an “adult in the room”: a state capable of engaging all sides while remaining aligned exclusively with none.

If the present conflict continues to intensify, the value of such diplomacy may soon become evident. The most important lesson from 1945 is not only the destructive power of nuclear weapons but the pressures that can drive leaders toward choices that later generations struggle to comprehend. History shows that when wars reach their most desperate phases, restraint remains the only safeguard against catastrophe.

(Milinda Moragoda is a former Cabinet Minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank, can be contacted via email@milinda. This was published ndtv.com on 2026.03.1

by Milinda Moragoda

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Practicality of a trilingual reality in Sri Lanka

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Dr. B.J.C. Perera (Dr. BJCP) in his article ‘Language: The symbolic expression of thought’ (The island 10.03.2026) delves deeper into an area that he has been exploring recently – childhood learning. In this article he writes of ‘a trilingual Sri Lanka’, reminding me of an incident I witnessed some years ago.

Two teenagers, in their mid to late teens, of Muslim ethnicity were admitted to the hospital late at night, following a road traffic accident. They had sustained multiple injuries, a few needing surgical intervention. One boy had sustained an injury (among others) that needed relatively urgent attention, but in itself was not too serious. The other had also sustained a few injuries among which one particular injury was serious and needed sorting out, but not urgently.

After the preliminary stabilisation of their injuries, I had a detailed discussion with them as to what needed to be done. Neither of them spoke Sinhala to any extent, but their English was excellent. They were attending a well-known international school in Colombo since early childhood and had no difficulty in understanding my explanation – in English. The boys were living in Colombo, while their father would travel regularly to the East (of Sri Lanka) on business. The following morning, I met the father to explain the prevailing situation; what needs to be done, urgency vs. importance, a timeline, prioritisation of treatment, possible costs, etc.

Doctor’s dilemma

The father did not speak any English and in conversation informed me that he had put both his boys into an International School (from kindergarten onwards) in order to give them an English education. The issue was that the father’s grasp of Sinhala was somewhat rudimentary and therefore I found that I could not explain the differences in seriousness vs, urgency and prioritisation issues adequately within the possible budget restrictions. This being the case and as the children understood exactly what was needed, I then asked the sons to ‘educate’ the father on the issues that were at hand. The boys spoke to their father and it was then that I realised that their grasp of Tamil was the same as their father’s grasp of Sinhala!

In the end I had to get down a translator, which in this case was a junior doctor who spoke Tamil fluently; explained to him what was needed a few times as he was not that fluent in English, certainly less than the boys, and then getting him to explain the situation to the father.

What was disturbing was having related this episode at the time to be informed that this was not in fact not an isolated occurrence. That there is a growing number of children that converse well in English, but are not so fluent in their mother tongue. Is English ‘the mother tongue’ of this ‘new generation’ of children? The sad truth is no and tragically this generation is getting deprived of ‘learning’ in its most fundamental form. For unfortunately, correct grammar and syntax accompanied with fluency do not equal to learning (through a language). It is the natural process of learning two/three languages (0 to 5 years) that Dr. BJCP refers to as being bilingual/trilingual and is the underlying concept, which is the title of Dr. BJCP’s article ‘Language: The symbolic expression of thought’.

“Introduction into society”

It is critical to understand at a very deep level the extent and process of what learning in a mother tongue entails. The mother’s voice is arguably the first voice that a newborn hears. Generally speaking, from that point onwards till the child is ‘introduced into society’ that is the voice he /she hears most. In our culture this is the Dhorata wedime mangalyaya. Till then the infant gets exposed to only the voices of the immediate /close family.

Once the infant gets exposed to ‘society’ he /she is metaphorically swimming in an ocean of language. Take for example a market. Vendors selling their wares, shouting, customers bargaining, selecting goods, asking about the quality, freshness, other families talking among themselves etc. The infant is literally learning/conceptualizing something new all the time. This learning process happens continuously starting from home, at friends/relatives’ houses, get-to-gathers, festivals, temples etc. This societal exposure plays a dominant role as the child/infant gets older. Their language skills and vocabulary increase in leaps and bounds and by around three years of age they have reached the so-called ‘language explosion’ stage. This entire process of learning that the child undergoes, happens ‘naturally and effortlessly’. This degree of exposure/ learning can only happen in Sinhala or Tamil in this country.

Second language in chilhood

Learning a second language in childhood as pointed out by Dr BJCP is a cognitive gift. In fact, what it actually does is, deepens the understanding of the first language. So, this-learning of a second language- is in no way to be discouraged. However, it is critical to be cognisant of the fact that this learning of the second language also takes place within a natural environment. In other words, the child is picking up the language on his own. As readily illustrated in Dr. BJCP’s article, the home environment where the parents and grandparents speak different languages. He or she is not being ‘forcefully taught’ a language that has no relevance outside the ‘environment in which the second language is taught’. The time period we (myself and Dr. BJCP) are discussing is the 0 to 5-year-old.

It does not matter whether it is two or three languages during this period; provided that it happens naturally. For as Dr. BJCP states in his article ‘By age five, they typically catch up in all languages…’ To express this in a different way, if the child is naturally exposed to a second /third language during this 0 to 5-year-old period, he /she will naturally pick it up. It is unavoidable. He /she will not need any help in order for this to happen. Once the child starts attending school at the age of 5 or later, then being taught a second language formally is a very different concept to what happens before the age of 5.

The tragedy is parents, not understanding this undisputed significance of ‘learning in/a mother tongue’, during the critical years of childhood-0 to 5; with all good and noble intentions forcefully introduce their child to a foreign tongue (English) that is not spoken universally (around them) i. e., It is only spoken in the kindergarten; not at home and certainly nowhere, where the parents take their children.

Attending school

Once the child starts attending school in the English medium, there is no further (or minimal) exposure to his /her mother tongue -be it Sinhala or Tamil. This results in the child losing the ability to converse in his/her original mother tongue, as was seen earlier on. In the above incident that I described at the start of this article, when I finally asked the father did he comprehend what was happening; his eyes filled with tears and I did wonder was this because of his sons’ injuries or was it because his decisions had culminated in a father and a son/s who could no longer communicate with each other in a meaningful way.

Dr BJCP goes on to state that in his opinion ‘a trilingual Sri Lanka will go a long way towards the goals and display of racial harmony, respect for different ethnic groups…’ and ‘Then it would become a utopian heaven, where all people, as just Sri Lankans can live in admirable concordant synchrony, rather than as a splintered clusters divided by ethnicity, language and culture’. Firstly, it must be admitted from the aspect of the child’s learning perspective (0 to 5 years); an environment where all three languages are spoken freely and the child will naturally pick up all three languages (a trilingual reality) does not actually exist in Sri Lanka.

However, the pleasant practical reality is that, there is absolutely no need for a trilingual Sri Lanka for this utopian heaven to be achieved. What is needed is in fact not even a bilingual Sri Lanka, but a Sri Lanka, where all the Sinhalese are taught Tamil and vice versa. Simply stated it is complete lunacy– that two ethnic communities that speak their own language, need to learn another language that is not the mother tongue of either community in order to understand one another! It is the fact that having been ruled by the British for over a hundred years, English has been so close to us, that we are unable to see this for what it is. Imagine a country like Canada that has areas where French is spoken; what happens in order to foster better harmony between the English and French speaking communities? The ‘English’, learn to speak French and the ‘French’ learn to speak English. According to the ‘bridging language theory of Sri Lanka’, this will not work and what needs to happen is both communities need to learn a third language, for example German, in order to communicate with one another!

Learning best done in mother tongue

eiterating what I said in my previous article – ‘Educational reforms: A Perspective (The Island 27.02.2026) Learning is best done in one’s mother tongue. This is a fact, not an opinion. The critical thing parents should understand and appreciate is that the best thing they can do for their child is to allow/encourage learning in his/her mother tongue.

This period from 0 to 5 years is critically important. If your child is exposed naturally to another language during this period, he /she will automatically pick it up. There is no need to ‘forcefully teach’ him /her. Orchestrating your child to learn another language, -English in this instance- between the ages of 0 to 5 at the expense of learning in his /her mother tongue is a disservice to that child.

by Dr. Sumedha S. Amarasekara

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Tribute to Vijitha Senevirathna

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APPRECIATION

On Friday, the 20th of March, Vijitha Senevirathna would have celebrated his 85th birthday if not for his sad passing away nearly a year ago.

The passing of Vijitha was a moment of great sorrow to all who knew him.

He was my classmate from Montessori to pre-university at Maris Stella College, Negombo. As a Maristonian, Vijitha excelled in his academic studies.

Eventually, he entered the Law College and practised as an Attorney-at-Law and Notary Public for over 50 years.

As an Attorney-at-Law, Vijitha earned the respect of the judiciary and a wide circle of clients. He upheld the highest and most cherished values of the legal profession and earned the trust of all who knew him. His 50th anniversary in the noble profession of law was celebrated with much pageantry, amidst a distinguished gathering of friends, relations, clerics, and the rich and famous of Sri Lanka.

Vijitha dearly loved his proud wife Nirmali and his six children, who are in the highest professions in Sri Lanka. He inculcated among his children professional efficiency, diligence, and honesty.

We who associated closely with Vijitha miss his warm friendship, sense of humor, and animated conversation. He was a raconteur, and people gathered around him and listened to his narrations and tales of yore, especially at the many celebrations at his residence in Dehiwala, where the waters of Scotland flowed generously.

I have personally admired Vijitha’s patience, grit, and lifetime achievements, despite a physical dysfunctionality he suffered over his lifetime.

For Vijitha, the song has ended, but the melody lingers on, in the words of the popular composer Irving Berlin.

Merrick Gooneratne

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