Features
Donald Lu’s Comeback Story
By Uditha Devapriya
More than a year after he visited Sri Lanka, US Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu went on record calling Sri Lanka the greatest comeback story in “the region I work on.” He contrasted the situation two years ago – rife with shortages and riots – with the relative stability and calm present today. Pointing at the support given by India in 2022, he highlighted USAID’s humanitarian efforts in the country and the debt restructuring assistance given by Japan, France, and India.
Not surprisingly, Lu does mention China, but only in the context of the pressure that US allies applied on it to grant Sri Lanka debt relief. Just as unsurprisingly, he credits Sri Lanka’s recovery to “a Little Help from friends” and “this better proposition” that the US Indo-Pacific strategy offers for the region. One can only assume he means that Sri Lanka is a comeback story partly – or largely – because of US intervention in the Indian Ocean.
Lu’s presentation garnered polarising responses almost immediately after it came out. Sri Lankans took to Twitter in particular to berate what they saw as his indifference to ground realities in the country. On the other hand, supporters of the present government and of Ranil Wickremesinghe praised his comments, with the President’s official Twitter account promoting the video. Lu has not responded to these comments. He is not obliged to. But the video has had massive impact, on social media and elsewhere.
The presentation looks and sounds out of sync with the country he is referring to on at least three counts. First, there is his reference to stability and calm. Not a few Sri Lankans feel that the stability we are living under is more imposed than organic, more extrinsic than intrinsic. There is a sense of disaffection, not just with the government but with the policies being enacted. Since the government frequently uses these policies as justification for its austerity measures, people no longer bother distinguishing between the two.
If the conventional, orthodox understanding of stability is the lack or absence of price and currency fluctuations, we have certainly made it. But when fuel and food prices are three times what they were three years ago, when the dollar rate of the rupee has come down to a third of its pre-2021 value, when salaries have stagnated and failed to keep up with cost of living rises, this stability seems little better than the queues and shortages we faced in 2021 and 2022. Not surprisingly, many of those who have responded positively to Lu’s comments seem to hail from a milieu which has been able to weather these storms.
Most Sri Lankans do not have that luxury. They are angry at the government, the tax hikes and price hikes being imposed on them, and practically everyone who bats for the government or its policies. That much was clear at a recent programme on NewsFirst, where a representative of a prominent economics think-tank was overwhelmed, first by a leftwing political economics professor and second by the YouTube comments feed. What such developments show more than anything is that anyone advocating austerity, or policies which depend on austerity, will lose credibility among the public.
My critique of these policies, of course, does not and should not undermine the veracity of some of their propositions. For instance, it is true that SOEs need drastic restructuring. It is true that we need to enforce growth-centric reforms. But it is also true that this can be done outside of the hard, harsh, austerity-oriented framework we are living in now. As a political analyst pointed out last week, moreover, the issue with pro-market economists in Sri Lanka, including those attached to Opposition political parties, is that they view the problem in terms of a conflict between capitalism and socialism, when it is possible, within a capitalist framework, to think of alternatives to austerity.
The problem is that anyone even remotely suggesting such alternatives are, as Pasan Jayasinghe points out in a recent, thoughtful DailyFT piece, “painted as a unique, society-destroying danger… cast as stupid and selfish.”
Such is the contempt that the establishment holds ordinary Sri Lankans in that they are required to be grateful for the very policies driving them to ruin.
I am not an economist, so to ponder or reflect on these issues further may lead me astray. But my point is that Lu’s comment blithely ignores these realities. One does not have to be a degree holder from Cambridge or the London School of Economics, or for that matter the University of Colombo, to understand that there is, at present, a palpable rift between the acclaim the government is getting for implementing neoliberal policies and the backlash it has provoked on the streets over those policies. The narrative may have shifted in favour of this regime, since 2022. But the contradictions on the ground are just too much for anyone, even a diplomat of Lu’s standing, to applaud the restoration of stability.
Economic policy is not the only grounds on which Lu’s comments can be critiqued. And the Left is not the only political orientation within which that critique can be formulated. Lu’s reference to the US Indo-Pacific strategy, and his view that such strategies are to the benefit of countries like Sri Lanka, for instance, has ruffled nationalist feathers.
Rightly or wrongly, this government’s lurch towards the US – be it in the Red Sea or on the economic front – has opened it up to allegations of siding with Washington, an allegation that has almost always been toxic for any presidential candidate, as Wickremesinghe himself realised in 2019 with regard to the MCC fiasco. The advantage Wickremesinghe has now is the support he has secured from the SLPP. The question remains, however, as to how long the SLPP will cling on to Wickremesinghe. There are several ideological differences between the president and the party giving him the numbers in parliament. Yet will that party tolerate the president’s tilt to Washington forever? Probably not.
Lu’s view of Sri Lanka is rose-tinted, overtly optimistic, and, to his critics, utterly unrealistic. It is true that Sri Lanka has returned to stability, it is true it has reclaimed it. But the stability we are seeing now is more imposed than intrinsic. It cannot continue for long. If US diplomats, particularly those who work in regions where regime change and electoral coups have become part of the political culture, cannot see that, well, too bad.
Uditha Devapriya is a writer, researcher, and analyst based in Sri Lanka who contributes to a number of publications on topics such as history, art and culture, politics, and foreign policy. He can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Features
New US sanctions on ICC, a fillip to worldwide political repression
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s warning to the International Criminal Court (ICC) was stark: ‘Either the ICC will end its threats, or we will end the ICC.’ It followed US central administration accusations that the court was unfairly targeting Americans on the basis of trumped-up war crimes charges.
However, a new plethora of sanctions has been clamped on the ICC by the US, which in turn has spurred accusations by sections of the world that the latter has unleashed an ‘assault’ on the international legal order.
What some of the sanctions would mean for the ICC was outlined by Rubio: ‘We will ban transactions with this rogue court, cutting off their resources and crippling their ability to operate against us.’
The ICC has shown consistency of purpose over the years. Despite some operational constraints it has indicted a large number of political strongmen from around the world, accused of war crimes and other governance excesses that come under its purview. Two such recent figures are: Russian President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Rather than enjoy a mere nominal presence in the world community, the ICC has proved its effectiveness by detaining and bringing to justice scores of VIP politicians and others of their ilk who have been found guilty of human rights abuses and kindred excesses that come within the terms of reference of the ICC.
Accordingly, the international justice system would be stymied considerably as a result of the ICC being dis-empowered, particularly financially. Needless to say, potential and real perpetrators of the species of crime coming under the jurisdiction of the ICC would stand to gain most from such anarchic tendencies. That is, political repression globally would be enabled to enjoy a new lease of life.
A detailing of the types of crime coming under the purview of the ICC provides an idea of what it would cost the international community if the ICC’s operations are gravely hampered. They are mainly: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression.
That is, the part of the world to be worst affected would be the global South, since the latter is awash with the mentioned crimes. Needless to say, a chronically-disaffected South will sooner rather than later undermine the well being of the world dangerously. The world is already being put through these paces.
At the time of writing, ‘illegal migrants’ from the South, for example, are aggravating many a Western economy’s woes, besides creating for them acute law and order issues. The fact that these migrants’ presence goes on to become a virtual test of the migrant receiving states’ ability to forge domestic social inclusion in the face of jingoistic protests by mainly white supremacist groups is evidence of the latter. As is known, the US, to take just one example, has been up against this crisis for quite a while.
Accordingly, it will be in the best interests of the West if ‘illegal’ migrant arrivals on their shores are stemmed. If the socio-political and economic problems assailing the South are effectively managed through North-South collaborative, ‘trouble-shooting’ efforts the causes leading to ‘illegal’ migration and connected issues could be resolved at source as it were. For, it is the aggravation of the South’s material questions that lays the basis for the emergence of repressive and anti-democratic regimes in the hemisphere.
Until such time that the aforementioned issues in North-South relations are visited afresh and addressed urgently, a vibrantly functioning ICC would be needed. For, the latter would prove a deterrent to Southern political and military strongmen, highly prone to power abuse and like excesses, from coming into being in the wake of the South’s chronic material woes and the wars and conflicts that result from them.
It stands to reason then that the US would be acting in its own interests by enabling the ICC to perpetuate its mandate without hindrance. For a crop of issues that impinges negatively on internal law and order would be defused.
Meanwhile, there needs to be a meeting of minds among the rest of the West to put back in place a North-South dialogue process aimed at reducing some of the economic pressures that are weighing on the South.
Since economics usually drives politics it will be in the interests of the world community to scrutinizingly re-visit North-South issues of the past and put in place economic relief packages for Southern publics that would enable them to tide over their material hardships rather than permit the latter to aggravate into social disaffection and eventually armed militancy. It is the latter juncture that paves the way for the emergence of authoritarian rulers in the South who then go on to be a blight on their publics.
Accordingly, the Southern-based global development thinking of the past that envisaged a more equitable world economic order needs to be seen as an urgent need. That is, NAM’s international development paradigms need to be resuscitated to the extent possible.
It is unlikely that rightist governments of the West, such as the current Republican administration in the US, would find these projects feasible, but democratic states of Europe, led by perhaps the UK, are likely to think otherwise. For it would not be beneficial for the democratic world to be having on their hands repressive governments in the South who would be gravitating towards the major military and economic actors of the South, such as Iran and North Korea, who tend to be in constant power struggles with the West.
However, until such time that the mentioned, pro-people initiatives are given serious thought the ICC would need to be enabled by the international community to be in place comfortably and carry on with its mandate of bringing repressive rulers to book. Besides the ICC should pave the way for the peoples of the developing world to enjoy some substantial respite from the political repression and even terror which tend to be their lot.
Meanwhile, the wars of West Asia are relentlessly aggravating the economic hardships of people everywhere, driving the point home to enlightened sections that there is no alternative to peacemaking. A challenge is to convert the US under President Trump to this line of thinking.
Features
Clear, soft and shine-free skin
This week, I give you five simple, time-tested homemade remedies that help reduce the appearance of blemishes, control excess shine and leave your skin feeling softer and smoother.
The Honey and Lemon Brightening Dab:
For stubborn blemish marks, this is a classic. Mix one teaspoon of pure bee honey with three to four drops of fresh lemon juice. Apply gently, only on the affected spots, and leave for 10 minutes before rinsing with lukewarm water. While honey soothes and softens, lemon helps to brighten naturally. Use twice a week in the evening.
Besan and Rose Water Oil-Control Pack:
An ideal remedy to combat shine, especially on the T-zone. Take two teaspoons of besan (gram flour) and mix with sufficient rose water to form a smooth paste. Add a pinch of turmeric for its antiseptic goodness. Apply evenly, keep for 15 minutes and wash off. It absorbs excess oil without over-drying, leaving a beautiful matte finish.
Aloe Vera and Cucumber Ice Soother:
Blend fresh aloe vera gel with the juice of a grated cucumber and freeze the mixture in an ice tray. Each morning, wrap one cube in a soft muslin cloth and gently rub over a cleansed face for 30 seconds. It calms, tightens pores and imparts a baby-soft smoothness.
Oatmeal and Curd Gentle Polish:
Roughness and old blemish marks need gentle exfoliation. Combine one tablespoon of finely powdered oatmeal with one tablespoon of fresh curd (yoghurt). Massage very gently, in circular motions, for one minute, leave for five minutes and rinse. It removes dead cells and unveils softer, clearer skin.
Multani Mitti and Green Tea Magic Mask:
Brew some green tea and allow it to cool completely. Mix one and a half teaspoons of Multani Mitti (Fuller’s Earth) with the tea water to make a fine paste. Apply for 10 to 12 minutes – do not let it dry and crack completely – and wash off. It draws out impurities, fades blemishes and bestows a fresh, shine-free glow.
A Gentle Reminder:
As with any natural remedy, always do a patch test on your inner arm first. For those with oily or combination skin, avoid heavy coconut oil application and harsh scrubbing, as they tend to aggravate shine and blemishes.
Features
Compete, shine and be discovered at WCOPA 2027
Dream of performing on a world stage? Well, here is your unique, golden opportunity!
The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) — the one and only official “Talent Olympics” — is the world’s premier global platform for aspiring singers, dancers, actors, models, instrumentalists, etc., to compete, shine and be discovered!
And, yes, this world stage is open to YOU, Sri Lankans living in Sri Lanka and overseas!
Held annually in glittering Las Vegas, WCOPA brings together over 70 countries, all competing for Gold, Silver and Bronze Medals, just like the traditional Olympics.
Outstanding performers vie for the coveted titles of Junior and Senior Grand Champion Performer of the World, with winners and standout participants awarded over $500,000 in scholarships, cash awards and prizes to catapult their education and careers!
Sri Lanka is already making waves! At WCOPA 2026, Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka, made the nation proud by winning a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category!
Recruitment for this prestigious competition is handled through a system of scouts and licensed National Directors — and this is where our very own Chris Rajendra, now based in Las Vegas, and National Director for Team Sri Lanka, comes into the scene.
If you are a singer, dancer, actor, model, instrumentalist — if you have talent burning inside you — contact Chris Rajendra today for registration and, who knows, you may find yourself in Las Vegas, and proudly draped in the Sri Lankan flag, at WCOPA 2027!
The contact address is: Chris Rajendra, wcopa.nationaldirector.sl@gmail.com
or chris.rajendra@gmail.com
Meanwhile, a star is born for 2027, in the form of Lakisha Bernard who is all set to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027.
Originally hailing from the sun-drenched coastal city of Colombo and now carving out her creative career in Canada, 22-year-old Lakisha is stepping into the international spotlight.
This accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate has officially been appointed as the Team Sri Lanka Promoter for Canada as she prepares to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA in Las Vegas.
Lakisha brings a unique blend of high-fashion sensibility, captivating camera presence and expert garment design to the Team.
Having built her career, from local college shoots to high-glamour concepts, Lakisha’s inspiring journey embodies the true spirit of cultural bridge-building and creative resilience, bringing immense pride and recognition to Sri Lanka on the global stage.
WCOPA 2027 will be held at the legendary Westgate Hotel & Casino, Las Vegas, from 12th to 20th July – the very same iconic arena where the late, great Elvis Presley himself performed!
Your moment is now. Your stage is Las Vegas, so hurry and contact Chris Rajendra.
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