Features
KEY TO DEVELOPMENT IS COMMITTED AND ETHICAL LEADERSHIP
BY OMAR KAMIL
The Presidential Election of 1988 was held amid fear of disruption and death threats to campaigners. During the election period, a curfew was in force from 11 pm to 5 am throughout the month from Nomination to Polling Day while the forces of disruption were also enforcing fear psychosis, causing shops, government institutions, offices, and even court houses to close regularly.
From Nomination Day, the candidates Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa, Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike and Mr. Ossie Abeygunasekara were conducting their election campaigns under heavy security. People were fearful of attending meetings, and attendance at most meetings was limited. The JVP did not run at this election.
Traveling to ‘Sirikotha’ in Battaramulla in the evening hours was a nightmare due to fear of being stopped by violent mobs who opposed the elections. Prime Minister Premadasa’s campaign headed by Mr. Sirisena Cooray held its meetings at the Colombo at Mayor’s residence while the General Secretary of the UNP, Mr. Ranjan Wijeratne, operated from Sirikotha in Battaramulla. Those present at the Mayor’s residence were, Messrs Sirisena Cooray, Jehan Cassim, Imran Markar, F. A. Yaseen, A. H. M. Azwer, Siridharan, myself, and a few others.
As a Municipal Councilor in Colombo, I was appointed co-ordinator of the Northern and Eastern Provinces while others were assigned to co-ordinate the other 25 districts. Due to the curfew, public meetings were held in the mornings and would end around 8.00 p.m. to enable people to get back to their homes before the curfew came into force.
Under these trying circumstances, Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa launched his election campaign in Kandy at a meeting chaired by Hon, E.L. Senanayake MP. In view of the local people being unable to get involved in stage arrangements etc due to reprisals, party workers and supporters from Colombo decorated the stage and surroundings and participated at the meeting.
Election meetings were held throughout the country by the candidates, but under a cloud of uncertainty of disruption by those who opposed the elections. Despite all these threats and obstacles created by the JVP to discourage polling or casting of votes, the people braved the threats and voted in numbers for Mr. Premadasa, giving him over 50% of the total vote cast in the first count.
The economy of the country during this period was in dire straits as the JVP called for a boycott of Indian products and imports from India, disrupting the of Colombo Port with wildcat strikes and many shipping lines bypassed Colombo calling at neighboring ports instead. The conflict in the north and east of Sri Lanka was a further burden on the economy.
President Ranasinghe Premadasa assumed office on December 20, 1988, at a time when Treasury reserves had dwindled to a very low ebb and was barely sufficient to service three to four weeks of imports. Oil imports too could not be made as the establishment of Letters of Credit required at least two months requirement of foreign exchange to be held in the Treasury.
Upon assuming office, one of the first acts of the new president was to appoint Retired Deputy Governor of the Central Bank, Dr. H. N. S. Karunathilaka, as the Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, He was immediately sent off to Washington to finalize a Standby Agreement with the IMF (International Monetary Fund).
Although stringent conditions were laid by lending agencies such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, the president confidently renegotiated the terms and conditions of the agreement without burdening the people with additional taxes.
The Privatization Program of the IMF was effectively transformed to a people friendly “Peoplization” (a new word coined by the president) with the ownership of plantation lands being retained by the government in respect of the estates vested under the Land Reform Commission (LRC), Janatha Estate Development Board (JEDB) and Sri Lanka State Plantation Corporation (SLSPC). Nine Regional Transport Boards were established in all the Provinces and each Province was called upon to manage the transport services without seeking funds from the Treasury.
The requirement of the IMF to prune the numbers employed in the Government sector led to a Voluntary Retirement Scheme (VRS) being introduced through Treasury Circular 44/90, whereby those above 50-years of age could retire on pension.
The management of estates vested in the LRC were leased for 30 years to quoted Regional Plantation Companies with previous plantation management experience and this arrangement reduced the burden of the Treasury paying workers’ and staff wages and salaries hitherto funded by it.
All these innovative measures helped to reduce the burden on the Treasury and the economy began to pick up slowly. In order to increase Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), the President introduced a 200-garment factory program expanding the Free Trade Zone (FTZ) concept enabling factories located throughout the country to enjoy benefits previously restricted to areas under the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC) which was replaced by the Board of Investment (BOI).
This helped to locate factories even in the remotest parts of the country to provide employment to workers near their homes so that the wages they earned would be circulated in the village.
All these steps brought prosperity throughout the country and within a short period of two years, the foreign reserves which were barely sufficient for three weeks imports increased to five and a half months. In addition, incentives were given to the tourist industry to build hotels and resorts all over the country.
President Premadasa identified the best men for the jobs that needed to be done. Among them were Finance Secretary R. Paskaralingam, Secretary to the President K.H.J. Wijayadasa, Chairman BOI Lakshman Watawala, and retired civil servant Baku Mahadeva appointed to chair the National Development Bank among others.
Mr. Karu Jayasuriya, a successful businessman, was appointed to head the Government Owned Business Undertaking (GOBU) of United Motors Ltd which was vested in the state by the previous government. This institution was privatized and within a short period its shares were sold through the stock market. This innovation was a resounding success with the share prices trebling in the first month.
All these and many other innovative measures introduced by President Premadasa resuscitated the local economy despite of the conflict in in the North and East. In 1991, the JVP leaders and their cadres were arrested and peace was restored in the South of the country.
While the country was returning to normalcy and the economy being stabilized, foreign investors came here to be a part of developing Sri Lanka. Among them was the developers of the high-rise Twin Towers in the Colombo Fort.
With the JVP conflict brought under control, the President appointed a committee headed by Prof GL Pieris, Vice Chancellor of the University of Colombo, to submit a report on the youth unrest in the country. This report revealed that wherever poverty was at the highest, the insurrection was the most intense proving that one of the prime reasons for youth unrest was unemployment and poverty.
The US Quota for manufactured garments was distributed among factories countrywide and higher incentives granted to those located in the most remote areas as well as where the youth unrest was at its worst. Within a period of 18 months over 150 garments factories were in operation in many parts of the country including the Northern and Eastern Provinces.
Each factory was required to employ 500 female workers giving youth an opportunity to be employed in their own villages without trekking to the city. Prosperity started spreading throughout the country even to the remotest villages affected by both JVP and LTTE insurrections. The country was on the road to recovery, villages began to reawaken and progress and development was visible all around.
The president’s initiatives in other areas of development too were noteworthy. All projects commenced were monitored by officials specially assigned for the task. The president and his team ensured that they were completed and implemented within the stipulated time frame. President Premadasa brought about a total transformation in Sri Lanka. He was successful as he identified the right team of capable public officers to undertake a daunting task and ensure timely implementation.
The economic situation of Sri Lanka in 1988 with an ongoing North and East conflict coupled with JVP insurgency in other parts of the country was much worse than the economic crisis Sri Lanka faced in 2022/2023. Fortunately, astute leadership along with persons of integrity being appointed in the right place were the reasons that the country was able to come out of the crisis by 1990.
President Premadasa was not only able to win the hearts and minds of people of different communities but also won the confidence of the international community and funding agencies. This made top world business leaders and conglomerates come to Sri Lanka and invest here helping to rejuvenate the economy.
In today’s context, there’s much to learn from the recent history of Sri Lanka. It’s evident that even organizations like the IMF and other funding agencies are willing to engage in renegotiation of credit terms with leaders who can win their trust and confidence. This is crucial as it prevents the imposition of huge burdens on the people through increased taxes in various forms. It’s important to remember that the success of state-owned enterprises at that time was largely attributable to the appointment of professionals and skilled personnel assigned to manage various Institutions.
What the country lacks today is strong leadership with vision and determination to ensure that targets are met within set periods. President Premadasa had a commendable track record of identifying the right person for the job and constantly monitoring progress which ensured that projects were completed as planned.
Sri Lanka awaits a dynamic leader of vision to set the country right and develop its true potential. Hopefully, the necessary qualities will be available among those aspiring for the presidency later this year. Fortunately, Sri Lanka is not lacking in such talent; it’s just a matter of identifying and empowering them to lead effectively. The people now have the opportunity of electing leaders of the calibre of H.E. Ranasinghe Premadasa, a man of determination with a vision to develop the country, providing equal opportunities to all the people of the North, East, South and West.
(The writer was a senior local politician in Colombo who served both as Deputy Mayor and Mayor of Colombo in the nineties and a term as Ambassador to Iran)
Features
Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace
by Jehan Perera
There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.
Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.
The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.
Institutional Commitment
The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.
The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”
Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.
Local Action
The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.
A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.
Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.
Features
Quality assured education commodities
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.
Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?
Corporate speak
Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.
Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.
World Bank Trojan horse
Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.
The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.
The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.
The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.
Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.
In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.
Commodity fetishism
Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.
We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.
Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
Features
Thailand’s biggest new global star …
The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!
Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.
Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.
The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.
She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.
Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.
Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.
She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.
For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.
And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.
When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.
And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”
Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”
Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.
With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.
What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.
Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.
Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).
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