Editorial
Abolishing the Executive Presidency
The Friday Forum has made a welcome reappearance after a somewhat long absence, an event which we warmly welcome. We carry the statement the group released a couple of days ago in this issue of our newspaper and urge readers to digest the commentary set out with due diligence. Its signatories are persons of the utmost integrity and achievement in academia and elsewhere who are not political activists or aspirants – though they undoubtedly hold political opinions – and their viewpoint on contemporary national development deserve the consideration of all thinking people. In their statement, Friday Forum while elaborating of many ongoing shortcomings in the governance of the country has socked home the point that the “toxic” executive presidency must be ended this year.
The week that passed saw the issue of a short bulletin by the President’s Media Division (PMD) which said among other things that the presidential election that is due this year will be held as constitutionally mandated. Obviously this statement, issued on the directions of President Ranil Wickremesinghe, was a clear reaction to ongoing rumours/ accusations/ allegations, or whatever label you may choose to stick on it, that machinations are afoot not to hold these elections as due now crowding the public space. Given that it has only been a few months since this country watched with wide open mouths the spectacle of nominations for local elections being duly received and polling dates set, but the election not held on grounds that there was no money to fund it, who can blame anybody for being suspicious of the possibility of any kind of villainy being afoot? The PMD may have signed off its bulletin less formally than the customary “By His Excellency’s Command” as many communications from his office conclude. But the message remains the same.
Dr. Nihal Jayawickreme, an eminent legal academic in an article in the opposite page asks “why on earth the PMD bulletin was issued to assert the obvious?” Why indeed. “Was it to stifle the movement for restoring the parliamentary executive that appears to be gaining wide public support?” he has asked. As is very well known to all Lankans, we have had several presidents elected to office promising the electorate that they would abolish the executive presidency fathered on us in 1978 by President J.R. Jayewardene, swept into office with an unprecedented five sixths parliamentary majority a year earlier. The highly respected British journal, The Economists, once called JRJ “Junius Rex,” deliciously punning on his name and monarchical attitudes which made him publicly proclaim that there was nothing he could not do under his constitution “except make a man a woman or vice versa.”
While Mahinda Rajapaksa, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Maithripala Sirisena vowed to the electorate that they would abolish the executive presidency, none of them did so. In fact, Rajapaksa engineered a constitutional amendment abolishing the previous two-term limit to give himself a third term and disastrously lost the 2015 presidential election to Sirisena, touted as a “common opposition candidate” and was elected to office on UNP votes. Sirisena who now says that he’ll raise “both hands to abolish the executive presidency” was able to welsh on his campaign promise perhaps on account of the untimely death of Ven. Madulwawe Sobhitha, who along with the UNP were the major factors in his election. Rajapaksa who recently went on record that he stood for the abolition of the executive presidency admitted he enjoyed holding that office.
President CBK, now making a reappearance in the political scene following her role in securing the “common opposition” nomination for Sirisena in 2015, came closest to abolishing the executive presidency with a new draft constitution, finalized after consultations with the major opposition, with an ironclad guarantee of abolishing the office. But a transitional provision for her to exercise the powers of that office until the end of her term, allegedly introduced without consultation with other stakeholders, resulted in the UNP setting fire, in the chamber of the House, to that document presented to parliament by then Constitutional Affairs Minister GL Peiris, in August 2000. There are those who believed then President Kumaratunga may have been persuaded to back down on those provisions but that was not to be and Kumaratunga served two full terms as executive president till November 2005.
While the president himself has not formally declared his candidature for a presidential election later this year, his proxies have done so and the machinery to run for election is being set up. While the Rajapaksa have not said that Ranil will be the SLPP candidate at such an election, insisting that their candidate will be presented at the “right time,” individuals and sections of their party have indicated their backing for Wickremesinghe. The president seizes every possible opportunity to call upon the opposition to join the government to revive the economy but does not himself show the slightest sign of cooperating with the opposition on anything. Anura Kumara Dissanyake, leader of the NPP/JVP and Sajith Premadasa are declared candidates. Nihal Jayawickreme has found hilarious the demand of Chief Opposition Whip Lakshman Kiriella of the SJB that the presidential election be first held and thereafter the executive presidency abolished. However events may unfold, there is a clear public perception that this outcome is highly desired by the country.
Friday Forum has bluntly said in its statement: “The time has come for us as citizen to demand that the abolition of the Executive Presidency is realized as a matter of urgency in 2024. It is a toxic model of governance that has damaged public institutions. All the major political parties of this country made this promise and never fulfilled it……”
Editorial
Reforms, frogs and tortoises
Thursday 15th January, 2026
The government finally swallowed its pride and postponed the implementation of education reforms meant for Grade 06. It has said its reform initiative is on track, but it is very likely to avoid a headlong rush. It may not concede defeat, but it is obviously wary of performing another high-wire act without a safety net amidst protests.
The government has done itself a favour by shelving the education reforms for Grade 06. Protests tend to snowball, and the Satyagraha campaigns, rallies and marches against the education reforms have the potential to develop into another ‘go-home’ movement.
The opponents of the current education reforms are now demanding that the government deep-six its reform package wholesale and ensure that the architects thereof bear the cost of error-ridden modules, amounting to about Rs. 70 million. Their message is loud and clear; those who wasted state funds for printing those modules will face legal action when the NPP loses power.
The Opposition and the trade unions critical of the proposed education reforms are still out for Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya’s scalp, blaming her for the reform mess in the education sector. They are also making many unsubstantiated allegations against her. Trouble is far from over for her and the government.
Now that all stakeholders have agreed that the education system needs reform, the government should begin formulating education reforms anew while adopting an inclusive approach. The best way to set about the task of introducing reforms in any sector is to consult all key stakeholders and secure their concurrence.
The NPP government led by the JVP, which is a great admirer of the Chinese Communist Party, should have adopted the gradual trial-and-error approach recommended by Deng Xiaoping, and crossed the river by feeling the stones. Instead of taking one experimental step at a time and adapting to circumstances, the NPP government made the mistake of plunging headfirst into reforming the education system.
It has been proposed that the government set up a Presidential Task Force consisting of experts, political representatives, trade unionists and other stakeholders to reform the education system. This proposal deserves serious consideration. A broadly representative task force will help ensure the smooth implementation of education reforms. Well begun is said to be half done.
Meanwhile, Tuesday’s meeting between President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and some trade unions representing teachers and principals has been viewed in some quarters as part of a divide-and-rule strategy, for it has caused a rift between the trade unionists invited by the President and others, who claim that the event was scripted. However, those who met the President on Tuesday have thrown their weight behind the campaign to recover the cost of poorly crafted learning modules that have been shelved.
President of the All Ceylon United Teachers’ Association Ven. Yalwala Pannasekera Thera, one of the trade unionists who met the President on Tuesday, has given a karmic twist to the education reform issue. Tearing into the NPP politicians and state officials responsible for printing the badly drafted modules, he said yesterday those who misused funds meant for children would be reborn as frogs in Beira Lake and tortoises in the Kandy Lake.
Politicians who misuse state funds and abuse power may find themselves in the company of frogs and tortoises even before they go the way of all flesh. One may recall that in 2022, some politicians of the previous dispensation and their supporters swam with frogs in Beira Lake, where angry mobs plunged them. The same fate is likely to befall all politicians who let power get the better of them, resort to highhanded action, flaunting mandates and supermajorities, and thereby test the public’s patience.
Editorial
Ubiquitous scams
Wednesday 14th January, 2026
The police have warned of an escalation in online financial scams. There have been numerous complaints of such frauds, and fraudsters often offer online employment opportunities, investment schemes or other financial benefits, luring victims into transferring money to their accounts, the police have said.
The commonest online scams in Sri Lanka, according to cybersecurity warnings during the past two years, are deceptive loan schemes, phishing links, fake job offers, work-from-home frauds, love traps, pyramid schemes, investment and crypto frauds, lottery prize and shopping rackets, and duping people into sharing their banking details with unknown parties. Common precautions against these scams are said to include ignoring suspicious links, never sharing passwords or OTPs with others, and being sceptical of lottery wins and unsolicited employment or investment offers.
Scams are as old as the hills; they have proliferated during the past couple of decades due to the phenomenal expansion of social media. Humans have a penchant for trust and leaps of faith. One of the earliest known scams occurred in 300 BC, when two Greek sailors sank their cargo ship to cheat money lenders. Historians inform us that some members of the Praetorian Guard ‘sold’ the Roman Empire, of all things, after murdering their master. Sir Isaac Newton struggled to outwit forgers following his appointment as the Warden of the Royal Mint. A con-artist sold the Eiffel Tower to an unsuspecting buyer about 100 years ago. Such instances abound in world history.
Scams mushroom at all levels of society in this country, and it is not possible for the police and other state institutions to crack down on all of them. There’s said to be a sucker born every minute. The same is true of scammers. Most Sri Lankans do not heed warnings and invest money and even their nest eggs in fraudulent schemes only to regret. The scam victims, except those who invest their black money, deserve sympathy and help, and everything possible must be done to bring the scammers to justice. Various factors drive the ordinary people to take such risks and fall prey to scammers, one being low banking returns, but it is debatable whether taxpayers’ money should be used to compensate those who lose their clandestine investments.
Besides online scammers, loan sharks operating in the guise of microfinance companies have become a curse. They exploit the poor, especially those in the rural sector, with impunity. Many borrowers end up losing their belongings, including agricultural equipment put up as collateral. They have no one to turn to. On Monday (12), the Sectoral Oversight Committee on Economic Development and International Relations approved the proposed Microfinance and Credit Regulatory Authority Bill, subject to amendments. It is hoped that we are not going to witness another false dawn, and the laws this vital Bill seeks to make will help liberate the poor from the clutches of the microfinance Shylocks.
Perhaps, the biggest scams in this country are not in the financial sector but in politics, and they are taken for granted. Remember the much-advertised political promises that helped politicians hoodwink the public and savour power—‘rice from the moon’, ‘eight pounds of grain plus a righteous society’, ‘a country free from corruption and violence’, ‘a prosperous future’, ‘good governance’ and ‘a beautiful life’? The best way to deal with those who are responsible for such politico-social scams is to make election manifestos and campaign promises legally binding, and change the existing electoral system to introduce the recall mechanism so that it will be possible to unseat the crafty politicians who secure state power by making umpteen Machiavellian promises and betray people’s trust. But the question is whether the politicians who alone can make such laws will ever legislate for the politico-social scams in question to be brought to an end. We are reminded of a question Juvenal famously asked about two millennia ago: “Who guards the guards?”
Editorial
A dirty political war
Tuesday 13th January, 2026
What began as a debate on the government’s education reforms has descended into a dirty political war, with the propaganda brigades of both the JVP/NPP and the Opposition carrying out vilification campaigns against the key figures in the rival camps. Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, who is also the Minister of Education, has become a victim of a savage character assassination campaign, which no reasonable person will hesitate to condemn unreservedly. Shame on those who have stooped so low as to carry out personal attacks on her!
What has led to the current dispute in the education sector is basically the government’s intransigence. While claiming to be willing to consider dissenting views, it is all out to shove its reform package down the throats of other key stakeholders who unfortunately want the baby also thrown out with the bathwater, so to speak. A prerequisite for resolving the current conflict, which has the potential to cripple the education sector, is for both warring parties to soften their stands and negotiate.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is scheduled to meet the representatives of the trade unions representing teachers and principals shortly, we are told. One can only hope that two sides will move towards a rapprochement, which is the need of the hour.
The government ought to stop cherishing the delusion that its mandate is carte blanche for it to do as it pleases with no heed for dissent. It is only wishful thinking that the government will be able to ensure the implementation of its education reforms without the fullest cooperation of the frontline stakeholders—school teachers and principals.
Even the staunchest opponents of the education reforms at issue agree that the education system has to be reformed. What they are opposing tooth and nail is the manner in which the government has set about the task of introducing education reforms and its attempts to impose a fait accompli on other key stakeholders. The Opposition is not without a political agenda where its campaign against the education reforms is concerned; it will go to any extent to gain political mileage.
The government has erred by compressing the process of formulating education reforms into a year or so and proceeding at a pell-mell pace to implement them. Teachers’ and principals’ trade unions are of the view that some modules were prepared in just three months.
By rushing to reform the education sector, the government has provided the Opposition with a fresh rallying point and the latter is making the most of it. Various associations have sprung up overnight purportedly to ‘save free education’, and some Opposition politicians are planning to launch fasts against the education reforms.
A collective of Opposition parties held a protest in Matugama, the other day, claiming to safeguard free education. A group of NPP supporters staged a demonstration in the same township against the malicious propaganda attacks on Prime Minister Amarasuriya. They vehemently condemned the Opposition for insulting women. Their message must have struck a responsive chord with the public regardless what the Opposition politicians and their propaganda hitmen may say about them. Worryingly, the female JVP/NPP supporters have remained silent on scurrilous attacks the pro-government propagandists carry out on women in the Opposition; they have launched a vilification campaign against a young woman who spoke at a joint Opposition rally at Nugegoda recently. Politicians and propagandists in both the government and the Opposition must do unto others as they would have others do unto them.
Since all stakeholders agree that the education system needs reform, the government should put its controversial reform package on hold immediately and invite teachers, principals, the Opposition and others to a serious discussion.
The government would do well to refrain from crossing the Rubicon and be flexible enough to listen to the other stakeholders and make a course correction. It is hoped that the focus of the talks to be held between the government and the opponents of the education reforms will be on how to retain the baby while throwing away the bathwater.
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