Features
Secrets behind Success of the Iranian Revolution
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
How did Western intelligence agencies pave the way for Iranians to stand against the pro-Western leader irreversibly?
The Iranian Revolution is completing 45 years this week. The Western alliance remained oblivious to the profound resentment brewing among the Iranian populace towards their final monarch, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Embracing an illusion of unshakable authority, Pahlavi championed his “White Revolution” as a symbol of progress, positioning Iran as an inspiration of Western liberalism and economic advancement. However, beneath the facade of prosperity discontent festered, unbeknownst to many outside observers.
Ascending to power at the youthful age of 21, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi inherited a legacy shaped by his father, Reza Shah Pahlavi, the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty. Presenting himself as a contemporary incarnation of Cyrus the Great, Pahlavi orchestrated a grand spectacle in 1970 at the ancient ruins of Persepolis, aiming to impress global leaders and assert his dynastic legitimacy.
Yet, as he reveled in adulation, the populace endured poverty and repression, obscured by the tactics of the Iranian secret police and the support of the US-backed intelligence apparatus, SAVAK, highlighting the growing chasm between perception and reality. Despite the Shah’s efforts to bolster his legitimacy through lavish displays of power, the elaborate festivities only served to underscore the decadence and detachment of his regime, hastening its eventual downfall.
In the mid-1970s, however, mounting public discontent reached a tipping point, compelling the Shah to offer apologies for his regime’s excesses. Yet, these gestures failed to appease the swelling tide of mass protests, culminating in the seismic upheaval of the Islamic Revolution. The revolution’s aftermath witnessed the swift collapse of the Shah’s reign, marking the end of a monarchy that had endured for millennia. This monumental event exposed the limitations of Western intelligence and intervention, reshaping the geopolitical terrain of the 20th century.
In August 1978, despite the escalating unrest, the CIA infamously concluded that “Iran is not in a revolutionary or even a pre-revolutionary situation.” Figures like Alan Dulles and Richard Bissell grappled with the moral ambiguity of clandestine operations, revealing the intricate power dynamics at play in global affairs. In reality, it’s clear that the animosity directed towards Iran stems not from any genuine political ideology, but rather from the relentless pursuit of control over the oil industry. The concocted narrative surrounding this issue is often branded by the CIA as ‘Black Propaganda’.
The 1953 coup, orchestrated by Western powers including the United States and the United Kingdom against Iran’s democratically elected Prime Minister, Mohammad Mossadegh, exemplifies manipulative tactics employed to safeguard Western interests. Operation Ajax, as it was known, set a precedent for similar interventions in other countries, including Guatemala, Chile, Brazil, and Greece. However, this successful coup, aimed at preserving Western dominance in the region, sparked widespread opposition and laid the groundwork for Iran’s subsequent revolutionary fervor under Ayatollah Khomeini’s leadership. It underscores the deceptive facade of Western foreign policy, which often masks imperial ambitions with rhetoric of democracy and liberty, perpetuating cycles of exploitation and subjugation.
Before Mossadegh’s premiership, Iran’s oil industry was firmly under British control through the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company’s monopoly. The nationalization of this asset in 1951 significantly weakened British interests in the region, revealing strategic miscalculations. Rohan Butler’s suppressed analysis offers crucial insights into the complex blend of political, economic, and strategic factors behind the crisis.
The fervent political milieu preceding the nationalization and the subsequent coup in 1953 have made it one of the most scrutinized events in Iranian-Western relations. Mossadegh, central to this narrative, symbolizes resistance against autocracy and foreign intervention, his collapse seen as the moment when Iran’s democratic aspirations were thwarted, paving the way for the reinstatement of autocratic rule under Western patronage.
In this context, the Iranian Revolution marks a pivotal moment not only in Iran’s modern history but also in the geopolitics of West Asia, as it overthrew the monarchy and established an Islamic Republic. While its broad contours are well-documented, exploring lesser-known aspects of the revolution reveals its complexity and lasting significance.
A diverse coalition of secularists, nationalists, liberals, and leftists united to express long-suppressed grievances against the Shah’s despotic rule, culminating in widespread discontent and his eventual ousting. Despite its success, the revolution left lingering resentment towards Western powers, particularly the United States and the United Kingdom, perceived as backers of the Shah’s regime. This suspicion of foreign interference continues to shape Iranian attitudes, while the revolution’s influence extended beyond Iran’s borders, inspiring Islamic movements and revolutions in neighboring countries and reshaping the Middle East’s geopolitical dynamics.
The charismatic leadership and religious authority of Ayatollah Khomeini played a pivotal role in galvanizing popular support for the revolution, while the participation of bazaar traders, a powerful economic class, amplified its momentum. The Iranian Revolution serves as a nuanced case study, highlighting the complex socio-political dynamics inherent in revolutionary movements. Religious ideology played a central role in mobilizing and legitimizing political dissent, underscoring its potent influence in effecting societal change.
The revolution’s aftermath underscores the importance of inclusive governance, warning against the marginalization of dissenting voices, which can lead to authoritarianism and sectarian strife. Its far-reaching repercussions underscore the interconnections of global politics and the imperative of respecting national sovereignty to avoid unintended consequences.
Decades after the Iranian Revolution, Iran continues to grapple with its profound and multifaceted legacy, both internally and externally. The revolution’s trajectory was significantly shaped by the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini, whose charisma and influence galvanized widespread support and determined the revolution’s outcome. This pivotal event serves as a reminder of the enduring impact of revolutionary fervor on the socio-political structure, showcasing its transformative potential alongside its enduring complexities.
Iran’s foreign policy is deeply rooted in its cultural and psychological heritage, characterized by a complex blend of pride, victimization, and a steadfast commitment to independence. Iranians draw upon their rich cultural legacy, tracing their heritage back to ancient civilizations like Zoroastrianism, which shaped major world religions.
Yet, they also harbor collective memories of centuries of foreign oppression and exploitation, including imperialistic endeavors by the West that overthrew Iran’s democracy. This historical backdrop profoundly influences Iran’s perception of foreign powers, particularly the United States, which is often viewed through the lens of economic and strategic interests rather than genuine support for democratic principles.
In navigating Iran’s foreign relations, it’s imperative to understand the intricate interplay of cultural, historical, and geopolitical factors that shape its policies. Iran’s complex relationship with the Western world, spanning centuries of engagement and confrontation, underscores the nuanced nature of its foreign policy decisions. From the Safavid dynasty’s establishment of Twelver Shiism to European powers’ economic and strategic interests during the Qajar dynasty, Iran’s historical legacy continues to inform its interactions with the international community, highlighting the importance of historical context in understanding contemporary foreign relations.
The Iranian Revolution offers a nuanced study of power dynamics in history, where victories can sow the seeds of future resistance. Despite facing formidable challenges, Iran has experienced remarkable advancements across various sectors over time. Statistics from UNESCO demonstrate significant improvements in literacy rates and life expectancy, showcasing the nation’s commitment to education and healthcare.
Additionally, Iran’s economic panorama has undergone substantial growth, with the nation ascending in global rankings and witnessing remarkable expansion in sectors like space technology. The revolution’s triumph over Western-backed forces not only reshaped Iran’s domestic political structure but also reverberated across the globe, inspiring similar movements and challenging Western dominance.
Unfortunately, many Western strategists and policymakers are quick to jump to conclusions with their preconceived notions, potentially contributing to the turmoil in the Red Sea and the chronic disasters in West Asia, spanning from Palestine to Syria and beyond. The essence of revolution, however, as emphasized by Lu Xun in his writings, lies in its purpose: to ensure people can live, rather than face death.
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
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