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The promise of ‘English for all’: Gloomy contextual notes and unsolicited advice

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By Kaushalya Perera

I walked into a branch of the Sarasavi bookshop recently, looking for Amarakeerthi Liyanage’s Wishwawidyalayak Yanu Kumakda? [What is a university?] and was told that this branch only sold books published in English. Being only mouthpieces of company policy, the staff could not say why. In a way, no rationale is needed. The company is responding to a national desire for anything English, tied to our colonial history and fed by poor language policies since Independence. English is also a globally-spread weed, taking over territory of other languages (governance, tech, publishing, etc.,), such that some scholars call it a ‘killer language’.

Due to all this, we now have in Sri Lanka what linguists call ‘subtractive multilingualism’. Children are encouraged to use only English, and stop using their other languages. English-medium pre-schools and schools are at a premium. But what we should be looking towards is ‘additive multilingualism’: developing abilities in language(s) we already have while learning additional languages.

When I come out empty-handed from the bookshop, and share what happened with the driver of the three-wheeler I was using, he asks me whether Sri Lanka will stop speaking Sinhala in the not-so distant future. As we travel, the driver and I talk about the prestige of English and linguistic inequalities in the country. Sinhala and Tamil (even lesser-spoken languages like Malay) will continue to be spoken; the better opportunities though, appear with English.

English featured heavily in this month’s Parliamentary budget debate on education. The Minister of Education promised ‘English for all’, to be supported via loans by the World Bank. In recent decades, English language teaching and medium of education have been unhealthily impacted by the World Bank’s loans (IRQUE, HETC, AHEAD); similar loans (most recently, GEMP) affect school education as well. When loans drive policies, what we hear as national policies are merely a re-wording of the loan agreements. The Minister also said that money is set aside for activity-based teacher training for English teachers; and for students exiting school, career guidance, IT and English language training. But no provision is made for the expenditure necessary for such ambitious agendas: well-paid teachers, larger cadres, and long-term policies.

English for all is an old disappointment. Since the 1950s, when the education system suddenly switched to Sinhala (and later also Tamil), Ceylon/Sri Lanka was supposed to teach English to all students in school. Higher education too switched to Sinhala (and later Tamil) with the exception of science-oriented degrees: medicine, engineering and sciences. In the 1960s, glossaries were created in Sinhala and Tamil for government administration and for teaching subjects previously taught in English. A thriving business of translating academic texts to Sinhala and Tamil would make sense but has not happened. For many reasons which I don’t have space to elaborate here, intellectual activities and the little academic publishing happening locally is in English and all but stagnant in Sinhala or Tamil.

Despite many promises and billions of loans, English teaching in the country has failed spectacularly. Of the nearly 50,000 students entering state universities only a tiny percentage uses English for academic work. Undergraduates are typically given an intensive language course of a few weeks, and thereafter, a handful of hours of English per week. The sudden shift to learning new subjects entirely in English is torturous to students with no or low-fluency in English. Think about it – they must learn a new language very fast, with little support and while doing so, learn important subject matter in that language. Usually, this results in students with high English fluency doing better, being seen as more articulate, while other students struggle to manage their degree and face discrimination in employment.

Many such students have lacked English-learning resources at school level. This is not surprising when we look at the census data (Census and Statistics, 2020): only 1% of state-appointed teachers taught in English medium by 2020; only 2.4% of students in state-schools are in bilingual education (Tamil and/or Sinhala plus English-medium). It is possible to be an English teacher or teach subjects in English without tertiary level qualifications. A 2-year Diploma in English is enough for recruitment at provincial level; the private sector has no teacher recruitment regulations and may hire for “excellent command” of English.

In higher education, the argument for shifting whole-sale to English-medium is that knowledge generation happens in English and that we are all global workers. Yet, for most Sri Lankans, language choice and use depend on type of work, region, clientele, etc., and being bilingual is a necessity. Even so, degrees have been forced to shift to English medium, with little planning or resources. Law for example, currently taught trilingually, is set to become solely English-medium though Sinhala or Tamil is a professional necessity. We need bilingual speech and language therapists in the country, but the degree insists on English only learning.

What I want to say to governments and therefore universities (both public and private) is what a former student wrote in an essay: teaching English is not like making hoppers (appa baanaa wage ingrisi igaenwiya nohaeka). It is not similar to learning how to do a presentation or creating a website. Learning a language well takes hours, days, years of living and working in the language. Hours are also the one thing that universities are reluctant to provide. Universities are notorious for berating Departments of English Language Teaching for not doing their job properly, while at the same time adamantly refusing to increase the number of teaching hours beyond a measly 2-3 hours per week. The 10 hours per week that my colleague Madhubhashini Ratnayake wrangled for the students of the University of Jayewardenepura’s Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, is a unique and momentous event; yet most of us despair that it is a precedent that may not be followed.

You could argue that despite the minimal hours and poor resources, English-medium degree-holders from public or private universities have done well: we do have professionals and academics working in English. Any English-language editor, proof-reader, writer or ghost writer will expose this as a lie for you. While we can manage speaking (and comprehending) in English, advanced writing and reading skills in English are a dwindling resource in the professional and academic communities of Sri Lanka (Departments of Sinhala and Tamil share that literacy skills in the official languages are also in a problematic state).

This is not an argument against English. It is actually a call for governments and policy-makers to plan better and to consider English an addition to, rather than a replacement of other languages.

Any good language policy needs a commitment of treasury funds, and some minimal but important steps:

• More language teachers in schools and better training. To aid larger-scale recruitment, the government can start intensive language training parallelly with a longer-term training programme. To move to additive multilingualism, this is necessary for English, Tamil and Sinhala.

• Liveable salaries as a foundation for recruitment. Teachers in state schools receive about Rs 50,000 a month. Census data states that a private sector teacher receives an average salary of of Rs 340,000 per annum. State teachers need higher salaries; the private sector needs a minimum-salary regulation.

• In higher education institutions, more hours in the English-language classroom is a must. This will of course require more English language lecturers.

• Nationally, we need longer-term language-education policy with expertise from language education experts (unaffiliated with loan giving institutions). Language education is a thriving field of research globally, with lessons to be learnt from other countries and our own experts.

Most important of all, we need a seismic shift in attitudes towards the value of knowing more than English. Sri Lanka needs to work for a true multilingual policy. Our governments need to set aside more money to effect the promises they make in December each year. We can all ask for better policies, not only from governments, but also from our workplaces and schools.

(Kaushalya Perera teaches at the Department of English, University of Colombo)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.



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Features

The Division Bell Mystery

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.

Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.

The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.

West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.

Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.

That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.

Ellen

Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.

But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.

He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.

Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.

Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.

After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.

The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.

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The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive

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Anti-migrant protests in Durban, South Africa. BBC

The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.

At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.

Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.

In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.

Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.

The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.

Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.

In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.

The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.

It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.

Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.

On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.

That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’

In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.

In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’

True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.

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Features

Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly

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Perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions // Gift pack

I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.

Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.

She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.

As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes

Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.

Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity

These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.

What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.

What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.

According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.

Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”

Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.

Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.

He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love

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