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Did Hamas Brutality Revive Bibi’s Politics?

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by Nilantha Ilangamuwa

Absolutely nothing can justify any form of violence, whether it’s physical or psychological. Paradoxically, violence has been a tool used not just by humans, but by all living beings throughout history to assert dominance over the vulnerable. The chronic crisis initiated by British colonialists in Palestine, who arbitrarily granted statehood to create Israel based on biblical mythologies and political schism, without regard for ground realities and people’s sentiments, exemplifies the brutality that has scarred human civilization. Israel was born in war, has perpetually lived in war, and appears destined to end in war. The word ‘peace’ may exist in their language, but it remains a distant mirage.

What we witness in Israel is not new, but the recent attack launched by Hamas, a designated terrorist entity, yet one that managed to secure the people’s mandate through free and fair elections, was different in nature and approach. However, while Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, as Hamas dubbed it for purposes of their extensive public relations campaign, may have achieved some success, it’s clear that war will never bring an end to this multifaceted and exceedingly complicated conflict in the modern history of human civilization.

What truly matters is the timing of this attack. Historically, it occurred just a day after the 50th anniversary of the Yom Kippur War. More importantly, it unfolded against the backdrop of a deepening political quagmire within the Israeli government. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, commonly known as Bibi, who made a surprising comeback after a humiliating defeat, was steadily losing his political grip to other parties, presiding over an ultra-nationalistic and unstable political landscape. Recent judicial reforms, including the abolishing of the “reasonableness doctrine” to grant the head of state the power to appoint individuals with previous convictions of bribery, fraud, breach of trust, money laundering, and various tax offenses, only added fuel to the fire.

This prompted thousands of people to take to the streets in protest against the government. Even some senior officials within Israel’s top-secret agency, Mossad, voiced their discontent. Netanyahu’s confidante and former Mossad chief, Yossi Cohen, publicly called for the government to cease the judicial overhaul and return to negotiations, citing an immediate threat to national security. Simultaneously, leaders of the Brothers in Arms protest group announced at a press conference that approximately 10,000 reservists had pledged not to volunteer for duty if the overhaul legislation passed.

The unfolding internal crisis within Netanyahu’s government is nothing short of ominous and unmanageable. Given this political context, it would be no surprise if numerous conspiracy theories emerge in the days ahead, suggesting that Bibi, with prior knowledge of the impending attacks, allowed them to occur with the aim of restoring his political power. Indeed, this attack catapulted Bibi to the status of a savior in the country’s emerging new normal overnight.

Dr. Zuhair M.H. Zaid, the Ambassador for Palestine in Sri Lanka, shared his perspective on the ongoing conflict in the country with this writer from Gaza, Palestine

However, what is truly astonishing is that Hamas’s surprise assault not only revitalized the Israeli government’s grip on power but also galvanized society at large, rallying behind Netanyahu’s resolve to decimate Gaza in the name of eliminating Hamas. The Defense Minister’s orders to impose a total blockade on Gaza Strip have set in motion the all-too-familiar pattern of hunting ‘enemies’ at the cost of countless civilian lives. Basic necessities such as electricity, water, and food have been mercilessly cut off.

This marks just the beginning of what may well evolve into a conflict reminiscent of the Six-Day War. In the end, not only will the humanitarian crisis escalate, but a significant portion, if not the entirety, of Gaza may fall into Israeli hands to fuel the expansion of settlements. Yet, history teaches us that sowing the seeds of terrorism by creating conditions ripe for extremism will never lead to the defeat of terrorism. If ongoing operations continue to jeopardize the gradual and steady normalization of relations between Israel and Arab countries, the Israeli administration may further risk losing its grip and revisiting a dark chapter in history.

This crisis transcends mere victory in battle; it strikes at the very core of our humanity. If Israel persists in its inability to acknowledge the historical forces that have consistently eroded the basic rights of Palestinians, no generation will ever know a peaceful night. As one of Tel Aviv’s most senior journalists, Yossi Melman, proposed during an interview with this writer, the idea of opening a ‘humanitarian corridor’ for the exchange of women and children could serve as a vital first step in this humanitarian quagmire.

In this turbulent time, let us not forget that Netanyahu has faced some of history’s most arduous battles. His brother, Yonatan Netanyahu, met a tragic end at the hands of Ugandan security forces during Operation Entebbe. In reflecting on the Yom Kippur War, Prime Minister Netanyahu reminds us that history has a way of repeating itself, and the same impulses that drove past crises may resurface in the face of this seemingly insurmountable assault on Israel’s moral authority. ‘I didn’t hear the news until late in the day on October 6, 1973. Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack on Israel on the holiest day of the Jewish year, the Day of Atonement,’ Netanyahu wrote. When assessing the political leadership at the time, he noted, ‘Golda Meir should have known better… on the critical decision of preemption, Golda missed the mark.’

While Hamas may be the immediate target of Israel’s response, its longstanding adversaries, situated miles away from the borders—namely, Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah in Lebanon—loom large in the equation. This could explain why, just hours after Hamas’s surprise attack on Israel, Western media attempted to draw links to Iran, despite vehement denials from both Iranian authorities and the Israel Defense Forces.

In the wake of Hamas’ audacious operation, a resounding defeat suffered by Western alliances and their sophisticated technologies in Ukraine is now shifting attention towards the Israel-Palestine conflict. They find themselves in a position where they can wash their hands of an already faltering battle against Russia, potentially relegating Ukraine to a lesser priority. As a consequence, the impending autumn and approaching winter, as forecast by this writer several months ago, spell doom for the Ukrainian people.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy, if he can cast aside his preconceived notions and misplaced overconfidence in Western support, must consider initiating fresh peace talks mediated by third parties. If direct dialogue with Russia proves challenging, options such as involving China—the only country to submit a written proposal for lasting peace in the region—or the commendable efforts of a group of African nations led by Cyril Ramaphosa, the President of South Africa, could provide Ukraine with a chance to restore peace despite the worsening situation.

Numerous investigative reports have painstakingly exposed the rampant corruption plaguing Ukraine. Furthermore, a significant portion of the highly advanced weaponry supplied to Ukraine by Western nations has mysteriously ended up near the Polish border and in other vulnerable regions, where arms smugglers hold sway, redirecting them to other global conflict zones. It remains too early to confirm whether Hamas tapped into this supply chain discreetly while devising its remarkable war plan against its ‘enemy.’ However, Hamas’ tactics and strategies are showcasing a shifting landscape in this conflict, one that not only challenges Israeli technology but also demonstrates the ability to adapt to technological advancements, underscoring the fact that war can never be the ultimate path to peace.

The peril of the astonishing success of Hamas’ operations lies in the potential resurgence of Islamic fanaticism, propagated by groups like Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. This could herald new strategic dimensions as they seek to infiltrate targets and recruit new members across the globe, potentially causing even more catastrophic mayhem.

As Chris Hedges astutely argues, what transpired in Israel is that Palestinians have learned the language of violence that Israel has taught them over generations. It once again proves that ‘the terror Israel inflicts is the terror it will receive.’ This bitter truth highlights the plight of unarmed civilians in both Israel and Palestine who pay the price for the actions of those who manipulate political and military power. Therefore, what truly matters is not the global alliance for the manufacture of war material, but the commitment to uphold equal and dignified lives for all.

***

“In the tumultuous Palestinian quest for basic rights, the international community and Western nations have perpetuated a disturbing dual standard,” Dr. Zaid stressed. “As the world looks on, we find ourselves backed into a corner, our very existence hanging in the balance. Our access to essential daily necessities has been violently severed, pushing our nation to the precipice of despair. Israel has maintained this oppressive status quo for far too long, all the while striving to normalize relations with neighboring nations.”

Dr. Zaid underscored the agonizing reality that the Palestinian population confronts daily. “We have been pushed to a point where resistance appears to be the sole recourse. Innocent civilians are caught in a dire ‘do or die’ situation. Whether through its dealings with Hamas or any other group, Israel has fostered an environment where violence becomes nearly inevitable. It is high time for Israel to heed the tenets of international law and embrace the norms of the rule of law.”

He then went on to remind the world of recent atrocities. “Just a few months ago, on July 3rd and 4th, Israeli forces initiated a large-scale operation in the Jenin refugee camp, resulting in the tragic loss of 12 Palestinians, including four children, and the injury of 143 others. This marked the highest number of Palestinian casualties in a single operation in the West Bank since 2005. Israel’s actions resound louder than its rhetoric; they expose a profound lack of genuine commitment to peace and a disconcerting propensity to manipulate the international community.”

Dr. Zaid emphasized the hypocrisy in international affairs. “The irony lies in Israel’s persistent use of brutal tactics to undermine Palestine. A cursory examination of the map reveals the extent of Israel’s occupation, defying the spirit of numerous agreements between both parties. For years, they have thwarted democratic elections, fully aware that the majority of the populace holds views contrary to theirs.”

Ambassador Zaid concluded with a question that resonates universally. “We must ask ourselves, if the international community can rally support for Ukraine in its struggle against what they consider as Russian occupation, why does a deafening silence persist when it comes to Palestine? They are supporting the Israeli occupation. Why this glaring double standard, it is a question that demands an answer, a plea for justice that reverberates across borders and transcends politics.



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United in diversity: Lessons from Erasmus+ for Sri Lanka’s future

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by Viran Maddumage  ✍️
Assistant Lecturer & PhD (Reading) Department of Human Geography and Migration,
Macquarie University,
Australia and Sanduni Rathnayake Lecturer (Probationary) Faculty of Law,
General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University

Can a scholarship programme help heal a divided society? At first glance, the idea seems ambitious. Yet one of Europe’s most celebrated educational initiatives was created with precisely that aspiration. Long before Erasmus+ became synonymous with international student exchanges, it represented something far more profound: a belief that education could bridge historical divisions, foster mutual understanding and lay the foundations for lasting peace. Nearly four decades later, that vision offers valuable lessons not only for Europe but also for countries like Sri Lanka, where the search for sustainable social cohesion remains unfinished.

Today, Erasmus+ is recognised as the European Union’s flagship programme for education, training, youth and sport. Since its launch in 1987, it has enabled millions of students, academics, educators and young professionals to study, teach, train and collaborate across borders. What began as an exchange programme, involving just 3,200 students from 11 European countries, has grown into one of the world’s largest educational mobility initiatives, benefiting more than nine million participants, while extending partnerships well beyond Europe.

Its success, however, cannot be measured simply by the number of scholarships awarded, or universities connected. To understand why Erasmus+ has become one of Europe’s greatest success stories, one must return to the continent that gave birth to it.

Europe, in the 20th century, was defined as much by division as by cooperation. Two World Wars devastated entire societies, leaving behind fractured economies, broken political relationships and generations shaped by conflict. Countries that now cooperate closely, within the European Union, had once fought devastating wars against one another. Germany itself became the most visible symbol of post-war division, split into East and West as ideological tensions hardened during the Cold War.

Rebuilding roads, industries and institutions was only part of Europe’s challenge. Rebuilding trust proved far more difficult. Political agreements could establish new alliances, but they could not erase decades of suspicion, or guarantee, that future generations would see one another as partners, rather than adversaries.

It was in this context that the idea of European integration steadily gained momentum, during the 1950s. Economic cooperation was recognised as essential for prosperity, but European leaders increasingly understood that lasting unity demanded something deeper. If peace was to endure, citizens, not merely governments, needed opportunities to learn from one another, engage across cultures and develop a shared sense of belonging.

Education emerged as one of the most effective instruments for achieving that vision.

Universities became spaces where young Europeans could encounter perspectives beyond their own national histories. Academic exchange was no longer viewed simply as an educational experience but as an investment in peace itself. Every student who crossed a border carried back more than academic knowledge; they returned with friendships, cultural understanding and a broader appreciation of Europe’s diversity.

Erasmus became one of the most enduring expressions of that philosophy. Rather than treating education as an isolated national endeavour, it positioned learning as a shared European project, capable of strengthening social cohesion, alongside economic development. The classroom, in many respects, became an arena where reconciliation could take root more naturally than through political negotiation alone.

Over the years, that vision expanded significantly. What began as a higher education exchange programme has evolved into Erasmus+, supporting vocational education and training, school education, adult learning, youth initiatives and sport. It facilitates not only student mobility but also research collaboration, professional development, volunteering and institutional partnerships that connect universities, civil society organisations, businesses and public institutions across national boundaries.

The programme’s ambitions extend well beyond academic achievement. At its core lies the conviction that lifelong learning contributes not only to individual advancement but also to stronger, more resilient societies. Education becomes a driver of innovation, economic opportunity, civic participation and social cohesion, creating benefits that extend far beyond university campuses.

Over the years, that vision expanded significantly. What began as a higher education exchange programme has evolved into Erasmus+, supporting vocational education and training, school education, adult learning, youth initiatives and sport. Today it enables millions of learners, educators and institutions to collaborate across national boundaries through academic exchanges, research partnerships, professional training and community engagement.

At its heart, however, Erasmus+ remains guided by a simple idea: that education can be a powerful instrument of social transformation. By encouraging mobility, fostering institutional cooperation and creating opportunities for people from different cultures and backgrounds to learn together, the programme has become one of the European Union’s most enduring investments in social cohesion. Its emphasis on inclusion, multilingualism, democratic values and international partnership reflects a broader understanding that education is about shaping societies as much as it is about educating individuals.

Europe’s experience offers an important insight. Lasting peace cannot rest solely on political agreements, or economic growth. It also depends on creating opportunities for people to meet, learn and build relationships across the boundaries that once divided them.

That insight resonates far beyond Europe. Sri Lanka’s history is different, but the challenge is strikingly familiar. Although we are a single island nation, we remain a society shaped by multiple and often overlapping divisions. Ethnic tensions, linguistic disputes, regional inequalities and uneven access to opportunity have all left lasting marks on the national consciousness. Decades of civil conflict claimed thousands of lives, displaced communities and interrupted generations of economic and social progress. While the guns have long fallen silent, building a genuinely cohesive society remains an unfinished task.

Much of Sri Lanka’s post-war discourse has understandably centred on constitutional reform, political settlements and economic recovery. These remain indispensable. Yet reconciliation cannot be legislated into existence. It must also be experienced. Trust is built through sustained interaction, shared experiences and opportunities for people to encounter one another beyond the identities that have historically separated them. This is where education can become more than a means of acquiring qualifications; it can become a means of rebuilding society itself.

An Erasmus-inspired model offers an important way of thinking about that possibility. Its greatest lesson is not that students should study abroad, but that educational mobility has the power to transform individuals and, over time, societies. When young people leave familiar environments, study alongside peers from different backgrounds and return with new perspectives, they bring back more than degrees. They return with networks, confidence and a greater appreciation of diversity. These are precisely the kinds of social capital that divided societies often struggle to cultivate.

For Sri Lanka, mobility should not be understood only in international terms. It should begin at home. Many young people, particularly those from rural and economically disadvantaged communities, have limited opportunities to study or train outside their immediate surroundings. A national scholarship and exchange programme could enable students from Jaffna to spend a semester in Matara, undergraduates from Monaragala to undertake research in Kandy, or vocational trainees from Batticaloa to work alongside institutions in Colombo. Such exchanges would expose students to different communities, cultures and lived realities within their own country before connecting them with opportunities overseas.

This is not merely an educational investment; it is an investment in social cohesion. Mobility broadens horizons, but it also improves employability by exposing students to new skills, institutions and professional networks. Erasmus+ has consistently demonstrated that graduates with international and intercultural experience are better prepared for an increasingly interconnected labour market. A Sri Lankan model could similarly strengthen both human capital and national integration, ensuring that access to opportunity is determined less by geography than by potential.

The same philosophy applies to institutional partnerships. One of the defining strengths of Erasmus+ lies in its ability to connect universities, schools, vocational institutes, businesses and civil society organisations through collaborative projects. Knowledge is not confined within institutional walls but shared across disciplines, sectors and borders. Sri Lanka’s universities have long produced talented graduates and important research, yet stronger collaboration between higher education institutions, industry, local communities and international partners could generate far greater social and economic impact. Educational cooperation should become a national strategy rather than a collection of isolated initiatives.

Equally significant is the programme’s commitment to inclusion. Sri Lanka’s inequalities are not confined to ethnicity alone. They are also geographical, economic and educational. Access to quality higher education and international opportunities remains uneven, with students from rural districts often facing barriers that extend well beyond academic ability. An Erasmus-inspired initiative would, therefore, need to place inclusion at its centre, ensuring that students from historically underrepresented communities are not merely invited to participate but actively supported to do so. Excellence and equity should not be competing priorities; each strengthens the other.

Language presents another compelling lesson. Sri Lanka’s own history reminds us that language is never simply a means of communication; it can also become a marker of identity, opportunity and exclusion. The language question has occupied a central place in the country’s political history, shaping relationships between communities for decades. Erasmus+, by contrast, treats multilingualism as one of Europe’s greatest strengths. It promotes the idea that linguistic diversity should connect rather than divide societies. Sri Lanka’s continued investment in Sinhala, Tamil and English education should, therefore, be viewed not only as an educational objective but also as a nation-building project. A multilingual citizen is often better equipped to understand perspectives beyond their own community, reducing barriers that have historically fuelled misunderstanding.

Perhaps the most important lesson, however, lies in the values that underpin the programme itself. Erasmus+ is built upon respect for human dignity, equality, inclusion and the rights of minorities. These principles are not peripheral to the programme; they define it. Sri Lanka’s future, likewise, depends upon nurturing a national identity that complements rather than competes with cultural, religious and ethnic identities. Educational exchange can help cultivate that shared civic identity by creating spaces where diversity is encountered as an everyday reality rather than an abstract ideal.

Looking beyond our own borders, such a programme could also redefine Sri Lanka’s place within the region. South Asia continues to grapple with many of the same challenges that Europe once faced, historical grievances, political tensions, social inequalities and limited educational mobility across borders. Sri Lanka is well positioned to lead conversations on regional educational cooperation by establishing an exchange and scholarship model that welcomes students from neighbouring countries, while creating opportunities for Sri Lankan students to study throughout Asia and beyond. In doing so, the country could position itself as a regional hub for higher education, research collaboration and intercultural dialogue.

Such an initiative would strengthen not only universities but also Sri Lanka’s international standing. Educational diplomacy has become an increasingly important component of foreign policy across the world. Countries that attract students, foster academic partnerships and invest in knowledge exchange often build influence that extends well beyond conventional diplomacy. For Sri Lanka, investing in educational mobility would, therefore, represent an investment in both domestic reconciliation and international engagement.

Europe’s experience offers no blueprint that can simply be transplanted to another society. History, politics and culture differ too greatly for simple imitation. But the principles that shaped Erasmus+, mobility, inclusion, cooperation, multilingualism and respect for diversity, are remarkably adaptable. They speak to universal challenges faced by societies seeking to transform historical divisions into shared futures.

Sri Lanka has long recognised education as a pathway to social mobility. The next step is to recognise its potential as a pathway to social cohesion. If Europe could use educational exchange to help overcome the divisions left by war, Sri Lanka can draw inspiration from that experience to imagine its own model, one rooted in our history, responsive to our realities and ambitious enough to invest not only in better graduates, but in a stronger, more united nation. (Views expressed in this article are personal.)

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Soaring Pada Yatra numbers spark alarm over mounting ecological damage in Yala-Kumana parks

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A Pada Yatra in progess

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

The rapid expansion of the annual Kataragama Pada Yatra is placing unprecedented pressure on Sri Lanka’s most sensitive protected ecosystems, with conservationists warning that the centuries-old spiritual pilgrimage is increasingly being transformed into a large-scale public event at the expense of wildlife and biodiversity.

Conservationist and researcher Supun Lahiru Prakash has urged the Government and the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC) to introduce urgent reforms to protect the Yala-Kumana protected area complex, warning that the country’s natural heritage is “paying the price” for the uncontrolled growth of the pilgrimage.

The 2026 Pada Yatra officially concluded on July 24 after entry to the Kumana National Park was closed at 3.00 p.m.

According to figures cited by Supun, a record 41,077 pilgrims entered through the Kumana National Park, between July 10 and July 24, before proceeding through the Kumana-Yala protected area, to Kataragama.

The figures reveal a steep upward trend. Pilgrim numbers rose from 28,838 in 2022 to 34,604 in 2025 before climbing to 41,077 this year—an increase of more than 42 percent, over four years, and nearly 19 percent, compared with last year alone.

“The Pada Yatra is one of Sri Lanka’s oldest religious traditions, symbolising sacrifice, devotion and endurance,” Prakash said. “However, its spiritual character is steadily being overshadowed by a carnival-like atmosphere that is inflicting increasing damage on two of the country’s most important wildlife reserves.”

He warned that the annual movement of tens of thousands of people through Yala and Kumana National Parks causes severe disturbance to wildlife, while placing enormous strain on fragile ecosystems.

One of the most pressing concerns is waste management.

Despite efforts by Wildlife officials, Supun alleged that authorities this year resorted to burying non-biodegradable waste in pits at locations, including Madametota and Kumana Villuwa, raising fears of long-term soil and groundwater contamination.

“As participant numbers continue to rise, the volume of waste, demand for water, and overall ecological disturbance inevitably increase,” he said.

He also claimed that several unauthorised activities continued inside the protected areas, with little effective control.

These included alleged night-time vehicle movements by security personnel, medical teams and alms-giving groups, the use of powerful lighting that disrupts nocturnal wildlife, operation of generators and loudspeakers, large-scale collection of firewood using tractors, and the disposal of waste from gully bowsers within park boundaries.

He said many of these activities occur beyond the effective control of the Department of Wildlife Conservation, further weakening conservation efforts.

Supun also expressed concern that the pilgrimage has become an attraction for groups whose interests extend beyond religious devotion.

“Alongside genuine pilgrims, the event increasingly attracts adventure tourists, commercial operators, self-proclaimed environmentalists and wildlife photographers, seeking free access to the national parks,” he said.

He further alleged that some senior district administrators have prioritised making the pilgrimage more convenient and sophisticated rather than safeguarding the ecological integrity of the protected areas.

According to Supun, this approach has contributed to regulatory neglect and undermined conservation objectives.

He called on the Government to introduce a comprehensive management framework that would limit participant numbers, strictly enforce laws against unauthorised commercial activities and environmental offences, establish effective solid waste management systems, strengthen the authority and operational capacity of Wildlife officers, and restore the Pada Yatra to its original spiritual and ascetic character.

“The future of both this sacred religious tradition and one of Sri Lanka’s most valuable wildlife landscapes depends on immediate, accountable and conservation-focused intervention,” Supun stressed.

Environmentalists have long cautioned that Yala and Kumana National Parks represent internationally significant biodiversity hotspots supporting elephants, leopards, sloth bears, crocodiles, migratory birds and numerous endemic species, making careful management of human activities within these protected areas essential for their long-term survival.

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Dengue epidemic 2026: lessons unlearnt

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Health workers inspect mosquito breeding grounds in a residential area as part of a dengue eradication programme in Colombo. (Photo by Gayan Sameera/Xinhua)

by Dr Pradeep Kariyawasam ✍️
Former Chief Medical Officer of Health,
Colombo.

 Dengue outbreaks have been taking place in the country for 60 or more years, but the large-scale epidemics began only in the 21st century. There are basic understandings and actions that health officials must take if we wish not to see them taking place every year.

First, not all patients who get dengue fever are reported to the Health Authorities as some may get only a mild fever and, after a few days, the fever will go away. Secondly, the vast majority will get treatment from their General Practitioners, and they may not be reported to the area Medical Officer of Health. Thirdly, there is a structural failure in dengue control in this country. Sri Lanka has fought dengue with “ad hoc measures” for over 50 years, relying on periodic “Mosquito Weeks” instead of sustained, year-round surveillance, preventive and control action.

The success of Sri Lanka’s Malaria Control Programme was mainly due to the fact that it had dedicated staff throughout the country to eradicate the disease. Take for example the Epidemiology of Dengue Control Units of the Ministry of Health. They have no dedicated staff in the field to take measures needed to prevent the diseases spreading, especially in major urban centres run by Local Authorities. The issue of understaffing at the Local Authorities is an impediment that has not been addressed by the Ministry.

Dengue spreads to other parts of the country from Colombo through the transport system. Trains and buses operating from the bus stands in Fort and railway yards in Maradana and Fort areas took, not only the persons who contracted the disease, but also infected Aedes mosquitoes. Those state employees, or students from outstations, who get ill in urban areas, go home to rest, in the majority of cases. That is why Matara, Puttalam, Kurunegala, Anuradhapura, and Kandy became dengue hotspots years ago.

As the Chief Medical Officer of Health, I campaigned hard to have all field officer vacancies filled to carry out preventive measures, but the appeals fell on the deaf ears of the provincial and government officials. Colombo’s Public Health Department needed around 450 field officers (Public Health Inspectors, midwives, health instructors, mosquito control assistants) to inspect the city’s 80,000 premises but only had about 180 — leaving inspections badly under-resourced. There were budget constraints that prevented public education campaigns through television and newspaper advertisements. However, I must note that major NGOs and private firms helped me immensely and carried out educational programmes. The International award-winning Green Star programme was launched with their help. It was launched 25 years ago.

The first lesson we have forgotten is that social mobilisation is a must for dengue prevention and control. Unfortunately, hardly any residents have realised the need to keep their premises clean. We cannot expect that from them when garbage mounds are visible everywhere and roadsides are not kept clear of rank vegetation.  The Green Star programme was created to motivate the residents to keep their premises mosquito free while the Council took measures to clear the areas of garbage and vegetation. To recognise the efforts of the residents we pasted a ‘Green Star’ sticker on their walls, and they were proud to have one. This programme replicated in areas outside Colombo, too.

The second lesson we have forgotten is that timing of starting dengue prevention work is a key aspect of a successful programme. We have two rainy seasons, although the weather pattern has changed, and we find that sometimes it rains much harder at other times. But it is important to start dengue prevention programmes much before the beginning of the rainy seasons. We used to get information on rainfall from the Department of Meteorology. So, the authorities, local or central, must start programmes in the latter part of April and September and see that all possible rainwater collection sites, utensils, etc., are removed. Canals and drains should be cleaned, biochemicals should be sprayed into gabion walls. More than 10 years ago when the government took action to clear the canal system, and with this kind of spraying, we found that hardly anyone had dengue fever in those areas. Shramadana campaigns are unheard of today, but these must be restarted as the government, or the Municipal or Urban Councils, cannot do everything alone. Social mobilisation is again the key to all this.

It is said that the dengue virus has changed and the herd immunity cannot cope with the new type of virus. Years ago, a study was done in the eastern part of the city in the Wanathamulla area, where it was found that nearly 95% of the children in that area had dengue antibodies in their blood. Although that area was notorious for dengue, later only a few dengue patients were found there although I don’t believe that the mosquito density decreased. For dengue to spread, herd immunity should be low and mosquitoes should be abundant. But reducing mosquito numbers too effectively can lower community herd immunity, creating conditions for sudden major outbreaks as had been found in Singapore’s experience where reduced Aedes populations combined with imported dengue viruses which caused increased transmission. What should be remembered is that the number of Aedes mosquitoes that bite, the number of times they bite, and within which a particular period, determine how a person is infected.

A lot of people wait for a vaccine to be given to them rather than spending time outside their garden destroying mosquito breeding places to prevent them getting the disease. There is a single dose vaccine, named Butantan, which covers all four virus types and could be given in one dose. But it is a long way off from reaching this country so, therefore, every effort should be made to reduce the mosquito population first.

Fourth Lesson we have forgotten is that prevention is the best way to keep away hundreds entering hospitals with dengue fever. Source reduction, larvicide, repellents (DEET), insecticide-treated nets/strips, and remember that Aedes mosquitoes also transmit Chikungunya, Zika, and Yellow Fever — making vector control non-negotiable. What is needed is a formal partnership between public health officials and communities, as in the past. In Colombo, there were 300 Community Development Councils at the time of my retirement. Today only a handful are there. They provided hundreds of volunteers for our educational and preventive and control programmes. There was no cost to the Council as everything was looked after by the NGOs and CSR projects of the private sector firms. Schools willingly participated in most of our programmes and in return we taught them recycling and gave them bins to collect the stuff. All the departments in the Colombo Municipal Council helped even in a small way by sending their staff during a weekend for these programmes. These actions should be restarted. Staff members and volunteers were then appointed into Street Committees, which were given lots of 100 to 200 premises to check for breeding and create awareness. The inspections were carried out once a month. In the same manner they created Dengue Free Zones in housing schemes, settlements, schools and large land parcels in the areas allocated to them using the people living in and around these areas. Unfortunately, there was no continuation of such programmes.

 A lot of people request fogging in their areas believing that it could get rid of the epidemic. I see a  lot of fogging being done during the present epidemic, too. However, using one machine and carrying out these programmes is dangerous as such action could spread the disease into newer areas. As soon as the mosquitoes get the smell of the smoke they fly into neighbouring regions. I have been advocating that if we fog then use at least 4-5 machines and block out an area and fog from the periphery into the centre, usually into the infected area. That way it is difficult for the mosquitoes to escape.

Mapping is also a key aspect of dengue control. I used GIS mapping for this purpose 20 years ago and that helped us to investigate the reasons for the outbreaks, the direction of the spread and analyse the successes and failures of our programmes. I believe the Colombo Municipal Council is continuing with GIS mapping and we have a proper Epidemiologist now. But it is good if the officers come out and tell the public where the disease is and the direction of the spread as we did 20 years ago. At least then people will take an interest in cleaning up their premises.

The Wolbachia issue: The Wolbachia bacteria were released in 2018 in Colombo and Nugegoda areas and the programme went on for several years. That has been successful in many countries. There is an attempt to restart the programme again, and I believe it should be started in between monsoon periods to mop up the remaining infected mosquitoes. Even for this we need the help of the community to breed and release the Wolbachia infected mosquitoes to the environment.

Every year the epidemic is on the wane towards the end of July and that is a natural phenomenon. In the same manner every year in the May-July and November-January periods we either have smaller outbreaks or epidemics.  Therefore, considering the past experience we can see that this epidemic will also go away in a few weeks. But the most important thing is to prepare for the next epidemic as all over the world the number of patients and epidemics is increasing.

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