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India-Pakistan Peace:Key to Solving Khalistan Puzzle

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by Nilantha Ilangamuwa

The India-Canada diplomatic spat has grown into a fierce showdown, pitting Western powers against the Global South, with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s explosive accusation against India regarding the death of Canadian Sikh leader Hardeep Singh Nijjar sending shockwaves reverberating across the international stage. Speculations run rampant, fingers are pointed at India’s RAW and Pakistan’s ISI, even as both nations vehemently deny any involvement, leaving the murdered victim’s quest for justice in limbo as accusers present unsubstantiated evidence—a stark reminder of the escalating complexities of regional conflicts on the global arena.

Recent events only exacerbate the situation, with the suicide bombing in Mastung, Pakistan, claiming the lives of 60 innocents. Yet, instead of proactive prevention, the response remains mired in a blame game. The specter of a border wall, reminiscent of those in Israel or along the US-Mexico frontier, looms menacingly, casting a long shadow over the region’s future. At this critical juncture, India’s growing global political influence adds another layer of urgency to the equation.

However, the path to tranquility lies not in confrontation but in fostering mutual understanding between India and Pakistan—nurturing a climate of respect for each other’s sensitivities that can yield mutual benefits. Sadly, this genuine desire for rapprochement appears conspicuously absent, plunging the region into a predicament that darkens the prospects not only for these two nations but also for the entire South Asian region.

To safeguard South Asia from becoming a pawn in the hands of external forces, it is imperative to craft a comprehensive strategy to manage the long-standing rivalry between these two nations, with the paramount goal being the welfare of their populace. Since partition they have spent more time in conflict than in harmony.

Louis Mountbatten, the last British Viceroy of India, serving from 1947 to 1948, remains forever etched as the principal architect of the partition—a decision that, following his proposal, was haphazardly executed by Cyril Radcliffe, a man lacking understanding of the region. This arbitrary division severed historical bonds, driven primarily by personal ambitions, and shockingly, no statesman from either nation has had the courage or capacity to rectify this grave error to this day.

The catastrophic aftermath of this historic blunder eventually forced India’s hand in enabling the secession of East Pakistan, leading to its rebirth as Bangladesh in 1971. This, in turn, ignited a sequence of military conflicts and covert operations between India and Pakistan, tragically turning their shared borders into breeding grounds for extremists, terrorists, and a host of smugglers—an enduring testament to the far-reaching consequences of a decision made in haste.

Perhaps the most poignant aspect of this tragedy is the opposition to this division expressed by numerous local leaders, including Mahatma Gandhi himself, who championed Hindu-Muslim unity and undertook fasting and advocacy efforts to prevent divisions and communal violence. He unequivocally condemned the partition, proclaiming, “I see only evil in the plan and nothing but evil.

” Similarly, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, a prominent leader in the Indian independence movement and a staunch advocate for Pashtun rights, vehemently opposed the partition, advocating a united India where all communities could coexist peacefully. He famously implored, “I request the Congress and the Muslim League to make a sincere effort to bring peace immediately. If they do so, the Frontier Province will be saved, otherwise, God only knows what will happen.”

While initially reluctant to support partition, India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, eventually conceded to avoid further delays in independence and prevent the escalation of communal violence between Hindus and Muslims. On the other hand, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the All India Muslim League, championed the creation of a separate Muslim-majority state, Pakistan.

He believed that Muslims and Hindus constituted distinct nations with separate interests, necessitating the establishment of a Muslim state to safeguard their political, economic, and social rights. Jinnah’s leadership and negotiatingskills were pivotal in achieving partition, yet it was the pervasive suspicion among communities that plunged the region into enduring darkness. Contrary to the trend of nations overcoming divisions caused by political conflicts or imperialist oppression, as seen in Latin America and Africa, the discord between Pakistan and India continues to evolve into a complex web of strife with each passing day.

In the backdrop of the current crisis surrounding Panjab (Khalistan), thrust into the spotlight once more due to the tragic killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, it is imperative to delve into this complex issue. This must be done before the dream-state known as Khalistan, with nominal recognition but devoid of legal status, transforms into a Balochistan of India.

Addressing the real problems in the region is paramount. Despite the current US-India camaraderie driven by anti-China motives, a domestically crafted initiative is essential to foster sustainable growth in India and ensure social stability in the region.

Consider this: if Israel can establish peaceful relations with Arab nations that were embroiled in decades-long conflicts for the sake of common interests, is it inconceivable for India and Pakistan to make sacrifices for peace?

The present plight faced by Pakistan can be strategically harnessed. Geopolitically, the United States once leveraged Pakistan to counterbalance India, which had cultivated strong diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union. Pakistan, under Yahya Khan, served as the covert conduit for Richard Nixon’s secret China trip. Pakistan made significant sacrifices to become a global political player alongside the likes of the US and China.

However, the United States has now aligned itself with India, further exacerbating Pakistan’s social challenges, as evidenced by covert interventions aimed at removing former Prime Minister Imran Khan from office. Understanding this geopolitical backdrop sheds light on the geopolitical context surrounding the Sikh Diaspora’s propaganda project, particularly in the West, focused on the Khalistan dream nation.

Sikhism’s illustrious history bears witness to the courage of spiritual leaders, warriors, and patriots who made countless sacrifices for India. Guru Nanak celebrated the nation’s rich cultural diversity and preached a message of unity and compassion. From the martyrdom of Guru Arjun and Guru Gobind Singh to the reign of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, these figures left an indelible mark on the nation’s destiny. However, reports suggest that British colonization in the 19th century aimed to create divisions between Sikhs and Hindus by distorting Sikh history, and these British manipulations persisted, ultimately contributing to the development of a distinct Sikh identity.

The Khalistan movement evolved into a potent strategic weapon utilized by the Soviet Union to undermine U.S. influence in Pakistan, employing tactics ranging from media manipulation and political negotiations to disinformation campaigns, notably during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. In the midst of this geopolitical chess game, the Sikh leadership was unjustly painted as anti-Hindu during the Afghan invasion, as the Soviet Union posed as a crucial ally to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

Meanwhile, persistent allegations have emerged of clandestine collaboration between the United States and Pakistan’s government under General Yahya Khan, dating back to 1971, with the purpose of fueling a separatist movement in Punjab. Following the dramatic Operation Blue Star in June 1984 and the tragic assassination of Indira Gandhi in October 1984, a wave of horrifying atrocities against Sikhs swept across India. This remains a deeply sensitive and unresolved issue, casting a long shadow to this day.

Hence, it becomes evident that the issue of Khalistani separatism cannot be resolved through mere accusations. Rather, it has evolved into a complex problem necessitating an understanding of the historical social context that sowed divisions between Sikhs and Hindus. This issue has now taken on an international dimension, manipulated by great powers. First, British colonialists sowed the seeds of division between Hindus and Sikhs, and subsequently, it became a tool for the Soviet Union and the United States to advance their geopolitical ambitions.

The term “Khalis” signifies purity, and “Sthan” denotes land or place, loosely translating to “Pure Land” of Khalistan. Paradoxically, this region has witnessed some of the most impure events throughout its history. It’s crucial to emphasize that the majority of people living in this area, who have been victims of a history distorted to serve the interests of external parties, steadfastly reject separatism.

Therefore, it is imperative at this moment to make a genuine attempt to establish peace between India and Pakistan, one that is more resolute than previous agreements, such as the Liaquat-Nehru Pact in 1950 or the Shimla Pact signed by Bhutto and Indira Gandhi in 1972. This is a precondition for Punjab to be established without external interference. If not, harboring dreams of sustainable development in this region appears to be nothing more than a pipedream.



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Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace

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by Jehan Perera

There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.

Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.

The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.

Institutional Commitment

The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.

The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”

Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.

Local Action

The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.

A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.

Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.

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Quality assured education commodities

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by Ahilan Kadirgamar

I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.

Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?

Corporate speak

Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.

Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.

World Bank Trojan horse

Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.

The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.

The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.

The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.

Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.

In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.

Commodity fetishism

Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.

We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.

Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

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Thailand’s biggest new global star …

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The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!

Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.

Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.

The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.

She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.

Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.

Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.

She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.

For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.

And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.

When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.

And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”

Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”

Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.

With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.

What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.

Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.

Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).

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