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“I have only one agenda: emancipating my people” says Jeevan Thondaman

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By Saman Indrajith

Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC) leader and Minister of Water Supply and Estate Infrastructure Development, Jeevan Thondaman, plans to bring the grievances of his community before Global Union Federation Public Services International in Geneva and other international fora, such as the World Economic Forum and International Labor Organization, next month, he said.

“I have only one agenda, and that is to see the emancipation of the people of my community. It is saddening to notice that even after 200 years of toiling, shedding sweat, blood, and tears to nurture this nation, a significant portion of the Sri Lankan population does not consider the estate worker community as part of this country.

“Some view this community as Indian, failing to realize that we are Indian origin Tamils. We are not Indians; we are Sri Lankans. We were brought here 200 years ago, yet injustices against upcountry Tamils persist. Presently, we face injustices from the government, companies, and the people, all combined,” Minister Thondaman said in an interview with the Sunday Island on Thursday.

“In Geneva, when Sri Lanka and Tamils are mentioned, the focus is primarily on the North and East. They don’t talk about us. The UN in Geneva is not just a forum for war-affected areas; it addresses injustices worldwide. It is a platform where we can shed light on the sad reality that our people continue to face neglect and injustice, along with exploitation and many other injustices.

“If the global stage becomes aware of the situation of upcountry workers, the private sector here may be compelled to take meaningful action to end exploitation. Our intention in going to Geneva is not to undermine companies or disrupt revenues. Whenever estate unions resort to strikes or any other actions, we are advised not to do anything that would harm the economy. While we understand the need to protect the country’s interests, it cannot come at the expense of the 1.5 million people who are consistently neglected,” the minister said.

Excerpts from the interview:

Q: UNHRC sessions in Geneva are currently in progress, and the place seems to be becoming increasingly hostile to Sri Lankan interests. How do you justify your mission to address these issues?

A: We are not going to the UNHRC. I am attending the PSI (Public Service International) Labour Conference and meeting with other stakeholders in Geneva, such as the World Economic Forum, ILO, and other unions.

I disagree with your characterization of Geneva as a hostile territory for the Sri Lankan government. In my view, it is the epicenter of geopolitics. It’s important to recognize that a war did take place in this country, whether we accept it or not. Regardless of one’s status—be it a soldier, a terrorist, or a separatist—lives were lost on both sides.

In a war, there are no winners or losers. Thus, our first duty is to acknowledge the lives lost. We have made significant progress in terms of reconciliation and establishing the Truth and Reconciliation mechanism. The UNHRC should acknowledge the efforts of the current government in this regard. We cannot be held responsible for the actions of previous governments, as this is a coalition government formed with the support of parliamentarians from various parties.

We have completed about 19 or 20% of the resolutions that were set in 2015 in relation to the Sri Lanka’s course of action. President Ranil Wickremesinghe is making great strides in terms of reconciliation and also with the truth and reconciliation mechanism that is coming in. The UNHRC will need to recognize that this government cannot answer for actions of previous governments.

This as you are aware is a coalition government. It is a national government for all of us. Ranil Wickremesinghe when became the President was the only member in parliament from the UNP. He was supported by parliamentarians across the board. It was a secret vote. So how can you say it’s only SLPP that made him President? Are you telling me nobody from SJB voted for him? Nobody from TNA voted for him?

Alliances were broken and new alliances were formed. I am fairly confident that it was not only the SLPP that voted for him. Some who had voted joined the government while some others did not do so because of the political offices they hold but they’ll eventually come and join.

The UNHRC has to recognize the efforts made by the current President in terms of reconciliation. Though he has the intention of reconciliation he needs the support of all to put it into action. I do not think anybody wants to divide Sri Lanka. Everyone wants to unite it. Unfortunately, there are certain politicians with ideologies to create tensions so that their political interests would be protected. But the truth of the matter is that Geneva should recognize the efforts made by the government towards reconciliation. We have not completed reconciliation but are on the pathway to reconciliation.

Q: What issues are you planning to highlight?

A: Our primary concern is the exploitation of the tea estate worker community. If this continues, this community will be completely destroyed. Each worker is entitled to a 1,000-rupee daily wage, which is equivalent to $3.50. Companies pay this amount only if a worker plucks 20 kilos of tea. They are unwilling to pay more, arguing that they cannot sustain higher wages. However, what’s the point of the company surviving if these people are going to suffer? My goal is to bring this issue to light, not just for the government but also for the private sector and the public to recognize their responsibility toward this community.

Regarding government support, there has historically been a meager annual budget allocation of three billion rupees for this community, which has been deprived of its civic rights for 30 years. We need more comprehensive solutions than just building occasional houses. We must provide these people with the means to sustain their lives. Our main objective in going to Geneva is to ensure that the international community sees this injustice. Our community is an integral part of Sri Lanka, and we seek recognition and respect for the significant contributions we’ve made to the nation’s development.

At a government level we are facing that backlash while on the company level we are facing exploitation. Company owners in Colombo or their CEOs do not know when they say that minimum wage is paid to every worker who plucks 20 or 30 kilos. For example, a CEO would tell the manager that his target is to deliver 20,000 kilos this month. Then the manager’s job is to achieve that target. How does the manager achieve that target? He would squeeze the workers to the last drop of blood and sweat to get that 20,000 kilos.

The workers are provided houses to live as long as they work. There are many instances family members of workers losing their houses where they had lived for over 20 years because the company takes those houses back because the house is property belonging to the company. The manager of the company has the power to throw out the family after its breadwinner worker reaches the age of 60 years. The company’s position is that if you are not fit enough to work for my company, you are not fit enough to stay in the estate you are born.

There had been many discussions on this matter. Even many agreements had been signed since the days of late Ranasinghe Premadasa to change this situation. I believe there are more than 400 agreements. However, the problem persists. There are instances where the estate workers would not be permitted to build a toilet for his house by companies. What kind of inhumane treatment is this?

My view is not to bash the companies but to make them understand that only if the industry survives, they will survive. For that they must treat workers with respect and dignity. There were around 535,000 workers about 20 years ago. Today this number comes down to 135,000. Around 400,000 workers have left tea estate work and gone into daily work in farming or to work as domestic help or as unskilled migrant workers. They do so because they are getting a fair wage, dignity and self-respect.

In tea estates they are treated like slaves. While the CEOs of the plantation companies are some of the richest CEOs in the country, the workers are fighting to get a one dollar increase in their wages. The companies are making profits but workers are not benefiting. An average worker is supposed to pluck 20 kilos of tea leaves a day to be entitled for the Rs 1,000 wage. Let’s say that worker brings 23 kilos. Then the manager would cut off one kilo for moisture if there were rains on the previous day and two kilos for the weight of the basket which has been given to the worker by none other than the company itself. The basket actually weighs only 400 or 500 grams. If there is a factory shortage another kilo is cut off. Finally, the worker has only 19 kilos and is not entitled for the full daily wage. All these reasons for cutting off are beyond the control of the worker. However, all those amounts cut off go into the final product.

In the meantime, when we speak of injustice, they peddle a narrative of convenience. They say the Thondaman family has been in power for so many years, nothing has happened for the workers. Our people do not fall for these lies. They know us and that is why they vote for us.

Q: How do you view India’s role in this regard?

A: The migration from India began in 1823 due to famine instigated by the British. They brought Indians, particularly from Tamil Nadu and Kerala, as cheap labor to work in various sectors. Since then, our community has experienced exploitation and suffering. India has always been concerned about our community’s welfare and has made efforts, such as the Sirima-Shastri pact in 1964. However, India should work in collaboration with the Sri Lankan government to help our community, recognizing that we are of Indian origin but are also Sri Lankan citizens.

Since 1823 the British brought down Indians here as cheap labour from Rameshwaram or Dhanushkody to Talaimannar by ship and from there onwards made them to walk to Matale Mutumari Amman Temple which was used as a transit point to separate and assign Indians to estates at various places. Since then it is story of agony, exploitation, abuse and misery.

Then we had the JVP emergencies and war. Though we did not take part in any of them we still suffered collateral damage. Owing to this plight of people of Indian origin India always has concerns about our community.

Q: The CWC is accused of supporting whatever government is in power.

A: To effectively help our community, we need political strength. People question why we often switch parties. We represent a significant community with over 1.5 million members who lack access to quality education, healthcare, roads, and housing. We cannot afford to sit in opposition and oppose everything a government does. We cooperate with whichever president who is in office. The CWC is the leading party in the upcountry, and we have the support of our community. Our focus is on achieving social progress, which requires equity rather than mere equality. Our aim is not to divide but to unite Sri Lanka. We want recognition for the historical injustices our community has endured.

Q: People complain about water tariff increases.

A: As the Minister of Water Supply and Estate Housing, we understand the concerns about the water tariff hike. We designed it to minimize the impact on the poor. By December, we plan to introduce a comprehensive cost-reflective or cost-recovery formula, effective from January 1. We believe this will streamline the water sector and gain public satisfaction. We inherited a ministry with various issues, including financial mismanagement and political appointments. Our goal is to bring about a tariff that aligns with the cost of providing water services, and we are working on this with organizations like the ADB and the Ministry of Finance.

Q: How do you describe the current political situation?

A: In my view, the current president has taken significant steps to stabilize the country both financially and politically. He has managed to obtain support of MPs from many parties, demonstrating his commitment to reconciliation and financial sustainability. Consistency has been lacking in Sri Lanka, with each government reversing the reforms of the previous one. The president’s steadfastness and integrity, despite losing elections, are admirable. Sri Lanka’s future depends on maintaining this course of action, ensuring stability and progress.



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‘There are no private universities in Sri Lanka’ – some considerations for higher education reform

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Academics involved in education policy like to say that there is no such thing as a private university in Sri Lanka. The only ‘universities’ in the country are state universities; anything else offering degrees is a private higher education institution (HEI). This position is technically accurate. Yet, in the discourse and imagination of the public, private universities are very real – people teach in them, students register in them, families pay fees, and such degree holders enter job markets in Sri Lanka and outside.

For decades, activists concerned for public higher education have ignored or resisted looking at private HEIs, as if such scrutiny would taint them. Others have worked in both types of institutions, carrying practices from each to the other. The apex body governing state universities, the UGC, has, meanwhile, ignored the concept of conflict of interest and appointed individuals in private higher education in committees and leadership positions. It is unsurprising then that some of the ideologies informing private higher education appear in reform agendas in the state sector.

This is a good time then to consider the varying types of private HEIs around us, and to take a look at some of the issues within them in the hope that higher education reform agendas will include private, as well as state higher education.

What is a ‘private university’?

First, some clarifications. In the public imaginary, a ‘private university’ is typically an institution that provides a foreign or local degree for which the student makes a payment. But this broad classification encompasses a host of diverse institutions and types of degrees which I detail below.

The Non-State Higher Education Division (NSHE) of the Ministry of Education has recognised 295 degrees by 32 institutions. Most of these are private companies and include a handful of established, well-known private HEIs that are ‘university like’. The degrees are local degrees conferred by the institutions accredited by the NSHE Division. While private HEIs conferring local degrees must be accredited by the NSHE Division, there appears to be no legal consequence for not doing so. In addition, there are several permutations of the private degree that miss the net of this Division and the Standing Committee on Accreditation and Quality Assurance (SCAQA) that assists this Division.

For one, degrees conferred by foreign universities offered, via these same private HEIs, are not vetted by the NSHE Division. Secondly, there is a growing plethora of private HEIs which have either no physical presence locally or only a dubious presence. The University Grants Commission has notified the public, through their website, that foreign universities listed in the Commonwealth Universities Yearbook and the World Higher Education Database are recognised, but refrained from giving any other details – which degrees? Offered by what modes? These details are not known. Some of the foreign universities in the lists may be legitimate entities in their own land but the degrees conferred locally, in their name, may not adhere to curriculum or teaching specifications of the NSHE Division or the UGC.

Another troubling phenomenon is the ‘top up degree’, which appears to work on the same principle as that of a pre-paid mobile connection: if I have a Diploma or an HND of a sort, I am eligible to complete a course of study which provides me with a degree, usually from a foreign university. The idea that someone who does not initially qualify for a degree programme should be able to work their way towards one is a progressive notion. This is the concept that open and distance learning (ODL) was based on initially, but which is now sadly exploited. ODL models are expected to provide opportunity for learning for those who may be excluded from traditional learning institutions. In Sri Lanka, however, we have seen ODL become a marketplace offering easy to obtain, for-fee qualifications by institutions with little commitment to superior teaching and learning.

Finally, a perusal of the many types of private HEIs and their varied degrees bring to mind another question – how should the private degrees, provided by state institutions (that are not educational institutions), be regulated? Who should do so?

All of these create a host of problems for the public – for hopeful students and parents and trusting employers. For the higher education sector, recruitment of academic staff, too, has become difficult due to this plethora of ambiguous higher education qualifications, as I discussed in a previous Kuppi article (‘Recruiting academics to state universities’).

Some issues in private HEIs – a bellwether for change in state universities

In this second part of this article, I will discuss some aspects of work in private HEIs – albeit the more established institutions – given that such issues may appear in reform agendas in future.

Across state universities, all permanent staff of a specific category are paid according to the same criteria. The picture is not so clear when it comes to private HEIs since they are different entities legally, typically companies. Private HEIs have salary scales and financial incentives that are different to each other. The more established private HEIs reportedly have attractive renumeration packages, possibly a reason for academics of state universities migrating eagerly to such institutions during sabbatical years and on retirement. This may not of course be the case with other less established, or improperly registered HEIs of which we know little. Academic staff of these more accepted private HEIs seem to value the high financial remuneration they receive (in comparison to state universities) as something that makes their work rewarding.

Attractive remuneration is important to sustain the good life and is at times seen as the institution’s way of encouraging good work. Yet, this has implications for the future of the institution: to continue to deliver on promised financial packages, institutions must continue to have large profit margins. One strategy has been to enroll multiple cohorts of students per year, even up to three or four intakes per year. This can result in exploitative work conditions, since staff must cater to all these cohorts in that same year. If there is inadequate staff, employees are further burdened. On the other hand, if there is a sudden drop in enrolments (degrees can go out of fashion) unexpected layoffs occur. Similar to other sectors that employ short-term contract staff – including state universities – in private HEIs, too, individual teachers, who are on short term contracts that need regular renewal, can feel pressured to work under difficult or exploitative conditions.

At the same time, even in the more established private HEIs, work norms differ from those of state universities in that they include promotional work that keeps the institution’s name in the eye of the public. The Marketing (or similarly named) unit comes up in conversations as one of the most important departments. It appears to weigh in on decision-making related to the number of staff, the amount of re-sits per exams, and other pedagogically important matters. This is a worrying example of how financial rationales interfere with pedagogically or academically sound processes, resulting in problematic results in the classroom. On the plus side, junior colleagues, who had experience in both state and private HEIs, also felt that they faced less harassment in private HEIs – primarily due to the private HEIs ability to take swift action in reported cases of harassment. This is a real indictment on state institutions and their reluctance to address chronic issues of harassment in our universities.

Yet, while we hear much about problems in state universities, we hardly hear of problems that staff in private HEIs face. One rationale for a lack of public expressions by staff is that expressions of discontent might lead to trouble given the importance of reputation for private HEIs. The worry about reputational damage is a growing concern in state universities, too, as evidenced by social media policies and internal conversations on reputational damage, consequent to negative publicity. Institutional worries of reputational damage are harmful in the long run since these impact not only freedom of expression by student and staff, but also research that is possible in and about the education sector.

Some thoughts at the end…


A close look at the private higher education sector is important given its strong presence in the country. Impending reform needs to regulate this diverse array of higher education offerings in the private sector, as well as the state institutions that offer privately-funded options of higher education (a topic for a separate Kuppi on its own). It is time we carefully considered how to build a whole system of higher education out of this broken mess.

Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

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Ready for solo spotlight

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Nish Peiris: Excited about future plans

Singer Nish Peiris is set to take the next big step in her music journey.

The talented vocalist, who has been seen and heard in the scene here for a short while, and was also featured with the now-defunct band, Inner Vision, has announced that she will be fully committing to her solo career, after completing her degree this year.

“I’m finishing my degree this year, and after that I’ll be fully committing to my solo music career,” Nish told The Island.

“I’ve already got a few tours lined up for next year, so I’m really excited for what’s ahead.”

Fans, no doubt, will remember Nish for her smooth voice and stage presence, and the good news is that she is now ready to chart her own path and bring new music to audiences at home and abroad.

With tours already planned for 2027, the year 2026 promises to be an exciting year for the young artiste as she steps into the spotlight on her own.

We wish Nish every success in this new chapter!

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Exclusive musical evening for Sri Lankans in Toronto

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Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, with Sri Lankans doing the needful

While Sri Lankan music lovers, in Dubai, are eagerly looking forward to being a part of the action on Saturday, 25th July, with Rajiv Sebastian in the limelight, Sri Lankans, in Toronto, Canada, are equally excited and are anxiously awaiting the arrival of Sri Lanka’s famous singer/entertainer Sohan Weerasinghe.

Having done the needful with The X-Periments, the legendary performer has now embarked on an exciting new chapter – a solo career – and Toronto, Canada, will see him do the needful, on Friday, 31st July, 2026, from 8.00 pm to 12.00 am, at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Sohan Weerasinghe: In Canada, and ready to do the needful on 31st July

Reports indicate that it’s a ‘sold out’ event – naturally with Sohan in the spotlight.

Gamini Hemalal: Creating all the excitement for Sri Lankans in Toronto

Having built his reputation through years of unforgettable performances, and hits that became part of our musical fabric, Sohan is ready to bring his own vision, sound, and stories directly to the audience, in Toronto, Canada, backed by the phenomenal Toronto Ceymphony Live Band.

Says Gamini Hemalal, who has been instrumental in reviving the Sri Lankan entertainment scene, in that part of the world:

“The countdown begins for the most exclusive musical event of the summer! Join us for a premium night of incredible music, elite hospitality, and a lavish buffet as the legendary Sohan Weerasinghe takes the stage live in Toronto!

“This is a high-end event, designed for those who appreciate exceptional entertainment and great food.”

Gamini, who is also a member of the Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, mentioned that it’s going to be an intimate musical evening with the celebrated Sohan Weerasinghe.

From packed auditoriums to intimate shows, Sohan continues to prove why he remains one of Sri Lanka’s most beloved entertainers.

For decades, Sohan Weerasinghe has been a household name in Sri Lankan entertainment.

Known for his captivating smooth voice and charismatic stage presence, Canada will experience it all on Friday, 31st July.

Next on the list of events, Gamini Hemal is working on, is Halloween night and he says “what we plan to do will be very interesting and unique … with a surprise guest star, as well!”

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