Features
It’s ‘Presidential Election or Dictatorship?’ not ‘Elected Presidency or Parliament?’ Rejoinder to Rajan Philips
by Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka
The sum and substance of Rajan Philips’ counter-critique of my critique is that I seem uninterested in reform, especially political reform, and most especially the abolition of the executive presidency or the same thing deferred, i.e., ensuring that this upcoming election is the last presidential election we shall have. (Political Reforms: Vanishing prospects and time warp debates – The Island)
I admit that as a general methodological principle, I do privilege politics over policy in general and policy reform in particular. In this I find myself in excellent company. But my more urgent point is that at a time such as that we are living through, it would be a political, moral and historical crime to do otherwise.
Politics in Command
I think my political engagement of 50 years would attest that I am in the least interested in parliamentary politics, contesting elections and the like. By politics, I refer to who wields state power and who aspires to it; political leadership; ‘strategic direction’ (Gramsci); and the ‘friend/enemy distinction’ (Schmitt).
“Politics cannot but take precedence over economics. That is the ABC of Marxism” Lenin reminded Bukharin. Mao summed this up pithily as “putting politics in command”, elaborating that “the correctness or incorrectness of the political line decides everything”.
As for policy reform, I give it the same priority as Marx did when he refused to provide “recipes (Comtist?) for the cookshops of the future”.
I agree with Louis Althusser’s summation of Lenin’s contribution to politics as the grasp of the centrality of the “conjuncture”; the concrete situation, the balance of forces and the state of overdetermination of contradictions.
Lenin’s 45 volumes have ‘high politics’—strategy, tactics, positioning, interventions– more than anything else, but only a few scattered pieces of what may be called policy.
Antonio Gramsci founded the Marxist theory of politics, taking off from Machiavelli. His magnificent elaboration under the most anguishing of conditions, had much of theory, analysis and strategy, but little of policy and policy reform.
As a political scientist, and one of a particular intellectual formation, I therefore “put politics in command” and do so unapologetically.However, I go further. I argue that to do otherwise today and put policy reform ahead of politics would be an intellectual crime.
Presidential Election 2024
Policy flows from politics; it does not precede it. Lenin, that genius of politics, urges that one should grasp the key link in the chain. To my mind the key link in the chain of Sri Lanka’s destiny is whether or not the presidential election to decide on the country’s leadership is held on constitutional schedule next year.
Far more fundamental than policy and its reform is the nature of the state and of rulership. The country is currently led by someone who was not elected popularly to the presidency, nor indeed to Parliament (unlike DB Wijetunga). He has de-funded local authorities’ elections and ignores long overdue Provincial Council elections. He makes no reference whatsoever to Presidential elections next year, nor to Parliamentary elections. Instead, he gives exclusivity to the imperative of economic stability, revival and growth.
There is a very real danger of President Wickremesinghe attempting to defer the Presidential election by de-funding or simply ignoring it.
The central political challenge and task today is to secure the holding of Presidential elections which is a primary expression of the principle of popular sovereignty that undergirds the Constitution and the definition of our state as a democratic republic.
If we are ruled by an unelected leader who refuses to hold elections, then the character of how we are governed and indeed the nature of our state would have changed to one of absolutism. Even the Communist Manifesto of 1848 sets out the progress and aims of the struggle of Communists in different parts of Europe, with the struggle to overthrow absolutism and autocracy being the immediate objective.
That is the situation we in Sri Lanka are faced with today. To allow President Wickremesinghe’s polarizing and povertizing economic policies and his drastic project of connectivity and contiguity with India to continue without being subjected to a test of a popular mandate, would make for the end of legitimacy and pave the way for another civil war.
A bloodbath must be prevented. That can only happen by ensuring the Presidential election on schedule. That is the fight we face, not that of policy reform, including the abolition of the executive presidency.
Rajan Philips actually quotes a few lines of mine that give the lie to his charge that I am uninterested in policy reform and/or wish to keep the Presidential system unaltered. He quotes me as writing as follows:
“Sri Lanka’s presidency most certainly requires reforming but … the reforms that are necessary are those that bring our presidency in line with those of the USA and France.”
That alone shows that I am very much for the reform, as sharply distinct from the ending of the executive presidency. What I do insist though is that the cart of desirable reform should not be put before the horse of a presidential election on schedule.
Ours being a rigid Constitution, any reform effort will be a convoluted process, providing President Wickremesinghe with the chance to buy time and postpone the Presidential election on the grounds of ongoing constitutional reform. That escape hatch must be shut by keeping the policy reform agenda till later.
If we succeed in securing the Presidential election on schedule, preceded or quickly followed by the parliamentary election, I am confident that the policy reform process will take care of itself, through ‘the magic of the electoral marketplace’ (to borrow a phrase of Bill Clinton). Stiff competition between the two frontrunners Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Sajith Premadasa, as between the two frontrunning parties, the SJB and the NPP-JVP, will shift the needle of policy towards the progressive center. The basic and urgent issue is to secure that election.
Is AOC in a Time-Warp?
Finally on the matter of time-warps. Rajan Philips seems to think that my perspective is from another, earlier time. Well, it may have its roots in modernity rather than post-modernity, but my position of ‘politics over policy in times of danger to democracy’ is very contemporary indeed, and finds confirmation in the political stance of the brightest star of the global democratic left, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the cover personality of The Guardian Weekly (UK) September 8th 2023.
A box on page 12 reads: ‘My support for President Joe Biden is truly about having a strong front against fascism in the United States’. This is elaborated in the main story. When challenged as to why she was supporting President Joe Biden despite huge asymmetries of policy – she had once said “in any other country we’d be in two parties, not one”—AOC had this to say:
“I know that this is why, to me, support of President Biden has been very important, because this question is larger than any policy differences. This is truly about having a strong front against fascism in the United States.”
If the USA is facing a threat of fascism and needs a strong front against it, which imperative “is larger than any policy differences”, I believe this is true several times over in Sri Lanka, where we have an unelected president who shows little inclination to pause his rule for a Presidential election on constitutional schedule this time next year.
The question before us in Sri Lanka today through 2024 is ‘Fascism or Democracy?’, and not ‘Presidential system or Westminster model?’. We must stay focused like a laser beam on securing the first national election possible—and constitutionally, that is the Presidential election—rather than divert attention to policy reforms before or after that election. Let the candidates, the parties and the voters work that out.
Structure or System?
Rajan criticizes me for not mentioning either JR Jayewardene the architect of our presidential system or Dr NM Perera, its earliest and foremost critic together with Dr Colvin R de Silva. Let me place my views on the record. I agree with renowned Marxist theoretician Antonio Negri that the presidential system, deriving from the Roman republic and resulting in the modern age from considerable cogitation and debate (hence the penname ‘Publius’ in The Federalist Papers), rather than specific national tradition as with the Westminster system, is closer the values of universality and one of the sources of America’s global hegemony.
If Rajan will pardon me the heresy, I consider Tony Negri a far greater Marxist authority on politics than the Trotskyist twins NM and Colvin, and can’t help but recall N. Sanmugathasan’s witticism that the Weimar republic collapsed under the weight of NM’s PhD thesis on it— a thesis hardly recognizable as ‘Marxist’, he added.
That said, I regard the hyper-centralist Jayewardene presidential system, as a distortion, which must be rectified by remodelling—not abolition—on US and French lines, so as to guarantee the separation of powers and resultant checks and balances.
To summarize the debate as objectively as I can, the difference between Rajan and me is that Rajan is focused on the structures i.e., the nature of the presidency, directly elected or not, etc. On the other hand, I am focused on the system, i.e., electoral democracy or dictatorship, and systemic equilibrium and stability through the opening of safety valves, or dis-equilibrium and chaos, through their closure.
Features
Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience
iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk
As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.
The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.
The Current System’s Fatal Gaps
Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.
Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.
Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.
This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.
A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka
Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:
Science and Predictive Intelligence
We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:
AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events
Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)
High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities
Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat
The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.
This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.
Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure
Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.
Governance Overhaul
A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.
People Power and Community Preparedness
We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.
Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom
Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:
Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems
Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways
Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts
Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy
Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.
A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism
Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:
Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient
Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps
World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers
Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action
Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.
Resilience as a National Identity
This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.
Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.
Features
The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I
Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
“Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras. They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
(To be continued)
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
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