Editorial
If wishes were horses …

Thursday 24th August, 2023
It must have gladdened the hearts of all Sri Lankans, who are undergoing untold suffering owing to corruption, waste and economic mismanagement, to hear that the law had eventually caught up with two foreign political leaders. Former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was arrested and taken to jail, on Tuesday, upon his return home, after 15 years, to a hero’s welcome by a large number of his supporters all clad in red. He was arrested while the Thai Parliament was meeting to install his party’s candidate, Srettha Thavisin, as the new Prime Minister amidst a great deal of horse-trading and legal wrangling. On the same day, in the UK, Nigeria’s ex-oil minister Diezani Alison-Madueke, who was a prominent member of the Goodluck Jonathan administration, was charged with bribery. Her assets worth millions of dollars have been frozen as part of an investigation in the UK, where she has been living.
Interestingly, it was on the basis of evidence furnished by the International Corruption Unit of the UK’s National Crime Agency (NCA) that Alison-Madueke was arraigned on bribery charges, according to international media reports. The US Department of Justice has also recovered assets worth USD 53 million linked to her. Curiously, the western outfits that specialise in probing illegally-acquired wealth of foreign leaders, and recovering them, have failed to trace the ill-gotten foreign assets of Sri Lankan politicians whom they consider obstacles to the furtherance of their geopolitical agendas. Is it that the Sri Lankan crooks are smarter than the western investigators?
It may be recalled that during the early stages of the UNP-led Yahapalana administration, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and President Maithripala Sirisena declared that they would enlist the support of some western governments to recover Sri Lanka’s stolen assets, and set up the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) for that purpose. What enabled the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena duo to capture power, in 2015, was their effective anti-corruption drive coupled with solemn pledges to bring back the country’s stolen wealth and have the corrupt thrown behind bars. It is unthinkable that the western investigative outfits have failed in their endeavour, given their capabilities, influence and resources. One wonders whether they have gathered all necessary information about Sri Lanka’s stolen assets but chosen to use it to blackmail the culprits here instead of disclosing it to ensure that justice is served for the Sri Lankan public. Perhaps, this may explain why the self-proclaimed patriotic leaders who would roar, mouthing anti-western rhetoric, a few years ago, are cooing today.
Sirisena hitched his wagon to the Rajapaksas in 2018. Wickremesinghe, who vowed to ensure the incarceration of the Rajapaksas for bribery, corruption, abuse of power and various crimes, is now defending the Rajapaksa family to the hilt, having achieved his presidential dream with their help! Worse, he is heading a government, which some of its own ministers consider corrupt. State Minister Premalal Jayasekera, addressing the media briefing, on Tuesday, disclosed some mega rackets at the Colombo Port, including a questionable land deal which, he said, the JVP, too, had chosen to turn a blind eye to. Wickremesinghe also opened an escape route for Minister of Port and Shipping and Aviation Nimal Siripala de Silva, who had to resign from the Cabinet on President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s watch due to an allegation of bribery levelled by a Japanese diplomat. The JVP, the self-proclaimed crusader against bribery and corruption, had no qualms about propping up the corrupt Yahapalana regime despite the Treasury bond scams. Its former comrades have accused it of having invested a huge amount of undisclosed funds overseas!
Unhappy is the land that needs heroes, as a Brechtian aphorism goes. Sri Lankans tend to see a hero or heroine in every average yet glib politician with rhetoric rolling off his or her restless tongue, as we argued in a previous comment. Their despondency is such that they pin their hopes on the politicians they once rejected as worthless. It is only natural that they have become utterly disillusioned with the mainstream political parties. Some of them are even ready to repeat the disastrous experiment of entrusting the task of governing the country to neophytes. They elevated Gotabaya sans any experience in governance to the presidency, expecting him to perform economic miracles, but he bankrupted the country; now some of them are supporting a bunch of self-important radicals who are clinging on to some anachronistic communist shibboleths, claiming to be able to turn the national economy around although they have not even run a wayside suruttu kade (cigar kiosk). No wonder so many Sri Lankans are leaving the country, and their exodus is similar to the Masai Mara wildebeest migration in Kenya.
Sri Lankans must be hoping and praying that their corrupt leaders will face the same fate as Shinawatra and Alison-Madueke. It is said that if wishes were horses, beggars would ride.
Editorial
Cushioning tariff shock

Thursday 10th April, 2025
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s letter to US President Donald Trump over the US tariff hikes has received much publicity. The NPP government is reportedly sanguine about a positive response from Washington to its request for lower tariff on Sri Lanka’s exports, especially apparels. Hope is said to spring eternal, and there is nothing wrong with being optimistic, but it behoves Sri Lanka to prepare for the worst-case scenario. President Trump’s mind is so elusive that it is not possible to predict his moves, much less guess what he expects the smaller economies to do if they are to qualify for US tariff reductions, if any. He is eyeing mineral resources in Ukraine in return for US military aid to that war-torn nation. Sri Lanka has no such resources to offer. Is the Trump administration trying to pressure it into going out of its way to help further Washington’s geostrategic interests in this part of the world?
China has retaliated by increasing tariffs on imports from the US thereby aggravating global economic uncertainty. Washington says its tariff increases are reciprocal, and therefore the countries affected by them may think they can gain relief by reducing duties on US exports. But the question is whether such action will help the US rectify its massive trade imbalance significantly. The demand for American exports will not increase substantially even if countries like Sri Lanka lower duties thereon, for factors such as cost and quality basically drive demand. Imports from the West, especially input materials, are not in high demand in the developing world because of the availability of cost-effective alternatives.
So, the Trump administration is likely to insist that apparel producing nations like Sri Lanka import commodities such as cotton fabric from the US so as to give a fillip to the American industries. This is what US Ambassador Julie Chung told former Minister Mano Ganeshan at a recent meeting, according to a report we published on 27 March. Such a move is bound to increase the cost of Sri Lankan apparels because US products are very expensive and will adversely affect the competitiveness of Sri Lanka’s apparels in the global market.
President Trump is hopeful that ‘jobs and factories will come roaring back’ because of the tariff hikes at issue, but he does not seem to have factored in the high cost of production in the US and increases in the prices of imports due to high tariff hikes. Tech analysts have pointed out that Apple iPhone prices would soar if they were to be made in the US, and even if the existing supply chains are maintained, their prices will increase substantially. The same may hold true for other commodities, whose prices remain low in the US at present owing to cheap labour and lax environmental laws in the other countries where they are produced.
The countries hit by the US tariff increases have adopted different strategies to cushion the blow from the drastic US action, which has led to a global stock market rout, and sparked protests in the US itself. India is seeking to strike more trade deals with other nations, according to Indian Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, who says such measures have become necessary in view of prevailing global uncertainty. Sri Lanka can learn from how India is trying to mitigate the impact of the US tariff hikes.
Prof. C. A. Saliya, a senior banker turned academic, has pointed out in his latest column, Out of the Box, in this newspaper that if the emerging economies get their act together, they may be able to turn disruptions caused by the isolationist, protectionist, and coercive US trade practices into an opportunity to diversify their exports and trade relations, invest in technology and undertake structural reforms to ensure their economic resilience.
Meanwhile, the formulation of Sri Lanka’s strategy to navigate the new US tariff regime should arise from a tripartite effort if it is to be effective. The government, industrialists and workers should be represented in discussions on the issue. It is high time trade unions shifted their focus from their demand-oriented activism to the pressing need to play a crucial role in protecting the domestic industrial sector. The government should do everything in its power to help industrialists keep costs manageable, ensuring the competitiveness of their products in the global market, and the captains of industry must carry out their export operations in a transparent manner without resorting to sordid practices such as parking most of their export proceeds overseas.
Editorial
Lies, damned lies, and political claims

Wednesday 9th April, 2025
Hardly a day passes in Sri Lanka without the government and the Opposition locking horns and trading allegations of deception, lying and corruption. Deputy Minister of Vocational Education Nalin Hewage, who is at the forefront of the government’s propaganda campaign against the ruling NPP’s political rivals, has caused quite a stir by making a false claim about Sri Lanka’s economic recovery process.
Politicians as well as their mistruths, half-truths and blatant lies are rarely, if ever, out of the news in this country. Politics is generally thought to be a web of deceit, intrigue and lies due to manipulation, horse dealing, dishonesty, power struggles, scandals, corruption and other negative factors it is often associated with.
It may not be fair to paint all politicians with the same brush and label them as liars; there are honourable men and women in politics. However, the general perception is that only the politicians following Machiavelli, who has argued that rulers sometimes have to resort to deception and lying, achieve success in Sri Lanka. This view is not without some merit if our experience with politicians’ claims is anything to go by.
Most Opposition politicians who were lucky enough to survive last year’s Maroon Wave, which swept the NPP to power with a steamroller majority, are lying through their teeth. Denying allegations of corruption against them, they make themselves out to be paragons of virtue, but they won’t account for their wealth. It has now been revealed that the SLPP politicians who lost some of their properties due to mob violence in 2022 falsified the estimates of their losses and obtained compensation far exceeding the actual damages. They also have the audacity to make absurd claims and insult the intelligence of the public. Prior to the 2019 presidential election, the SLPP propagandists claimed that a huge cobra had emerged from the Kelani Ganga and it was a miracle signalling the rise of their candidate to the presidency. When the first Treasury bond scam was committed in early 2015, most UNP parliamentary group members, some of whom are in the SJB at present, told blatant lies in a bid to cover it up.
Deputy Minister Hewage has come under a social media piranha attack, as it were, over his claim at a recent NPP local government election rally in Galle that when the NPP took over the reins of government, last year, Sri Lanka’s foreign reserves had plummeted to USD 20 million, and under the incumbent government they had increased to USD 6.1 billion. Interestingly, disappointed that his claim had not elicited a rapturous applause, Hewage faulted his audience!
Hewage is not alone in claiming that it is the incumbent government that put the economy back on an even keel. Almost all NPP leaders make that claim at political rallies. Besides, they have sought to grab the credit for the completion of some projects previous governments launched, such as the restoration of the Elephant Pass salt factory and the construction of a cold storage facility in Dambulla. What takes the cake is the NPP’s claim that the country has gained nothing since Independence.
It will be interesting to see the NPP’s reaction to Hewage’s claim, which continues to draw heavy criticism on social media. The CID is conducting a probe into SLPP National Organiser and MP Namal Rajapaksa’s law exam results. Going by the absurd claims made by the ruling party politicians, it looks as if the NPP government had to order an investigation into the educational qualifications of some of its own parliamentary group members, especially those who claim to be economic experts.
Editorial
Who will guard the guards?

Tuesday 8th April, 2025
The Opposition has been protesting against what it describes as a veiled threat issued by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, at a recent NPP Local Government (LG) election rally. The United Republican Front led by former Minister Champika Ranawaka has complained to the Election Commission (EC) that President Dissanayake has made a statement, implying that his government will make financial allocations expeditiously only to the local councils the NPP will win in the upcoming LG polls, and others will find it difficult to obtain state funds.
One can argue that it is not legally possible for a government to deprive the local councils controlled by the Opposition of funds, but threats of fund cuts or restrictions, made by the President himself, could demoralise the people who intend to vote for parties other than the NPP in next month’s LG polls. Political power takes precedence over the law, ethics and morals, in this country, and therefore anything is possible.
In politics, words can be as impactful as actions, shaping public opinion and influencing decisions. One may recall that in 2015, the then President Maithripala Sirisena, as the SLFP leader, queered the pitch for his bete noire, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who was contesting that year’s general election as the prime ministerial candidate of the SLFP-led UPFA. In the run-up to that crucial election, Sirisena said in a television interview something to the effect that Rajapaksa would not be appointed Prime Minister even if the UPFA won enough seats to form a government. His statement had a devastating impact on the morale of UPFA supporters who wanted to make Rajapaksa Prime Minister. The rest is history. Besides, former Minister S. B. Dissanayake was sentenced to prison for contempt of the Supreme Court over a derogatory remark he made, at a public rally in 2003, about the judiciary and its rulings.
Meanwhile, there are numerous questionable practices pertaining to Sri Lankan elections. Political leaders in power, such as the President, the Prime Minister and Ministers, conduct election campaigns at a substantial cost to the state coffers, as we have argued over the past so many years. When the Presidents and other government leaders stump for their parties, across the country, the public has to bear the cost of their travel, security, etc. The Presidents and Prime Ministers even travelled in the Air Force helicopters for campaign purposes. The state-owned media outfits are misused as propaganda organs of the party in power although they belong to the people who hold diverse political views. A large number of meetings of state officials are held on some pretext or another, ahead of elections, to give a boost to the ruling party’s campaign. These practices are not only unethical but also tantamount to violations of the election laws, as they place the ruling party at an advantage at the expense of its rivals in elections. All Presidents, namely J. R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, D. B. Wijetunga, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe unflinchingly used state resources for election campaigns. The public expected a radical departure from the past when they voted the JVP-led NPP into office last year. But what is unfolding on the political front does not offer much hope.
As for presidential statements, it was while speaking at a temple ceremony in the South in 1989 that the then President Premadasa announced his decision to ask India to withdraw the IPKF (Indian Peacekeeping Force) from Sri Lanka. Thus, the Executive Presidents’ statements should not be taken lightly, no matter where they are made.
How can a level playing field be ensured in the upcoming LG polls when the incumbent President himself goes around, issuing a veiled threat that the local councils will face fund cuts or restrictions unless they are controlled by his party––the NPP? It has been revealed in Parliament that at the height of a rice shortage, a few months ago, the NPP government did not supply some popular varieties of rice to the cooperative societies won by its rivals. Such action amounts to collective punishment meted out to the public for defeating the NPP in elections. So, the presidential threat in question, albeit veiled, cannot be dismissed as mere platform rhetoric. The JVP has demonstrated that it is capable of far worse things than fund cuts. The EC therefore must act on the complaints the Opposition has lodged in respect of the presidential statement if it is to arrest the erosion of public trust and confidence in the electoral process. That is also the only way the EC can prevent the public from thinking less of it.
As for President Dissanayake’s statement at issue and the EC’s alleged lukewarm response thereto, Juvenal’s famous question comes to mind: Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? — Who will guard the guards themselves?
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