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JULY 1983: TAMILS DO NOT BLAME SINHALESE PEOPLE

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Mobs on the rampage. 1983 anti-Tamil violence in Colombo.

By Jayantha Somasundaram

(This articlecontinued from yesterday (25) is based on reporting by the international media on the events in Sri Lanka forty years ago.)

“For day after day Tamils were beaten, hacked or burned to death in the streets, on buses, on trains – sometimes in the sight of horrified foreign tourists. Their homes and shops were burned and looted. Yet the security forces seemed either unwilling or unable to stop it – indeed, in Jaffna and Trincomalee, some members of the armed forces themselves joined in the fray, claiming an admitted 51 lives. And not until the fifth day, did President Jayewardene finally appear on television. In that address he did not utter a single word of sympathy for the victims of the violence and destruction.” (Paul Sieghart Sri Lanka: A Mounting Tragedy of Errors International Commission of Jurists 3/1/84)

“Mr Athulathmudali, who was later to be appointed Minister of Security on the same television programme, nearly wept with ponderous histrionics over a sight he had never dreamed he would see – lines of Sinhalese people waiting to buy food as a result of the riots! He had not a word to say in sympathy for the frightened Tamils crowded in indescribable conditions in refugee camps. In the first days after the holocaust neither the President nor the Cabinet, nor even a single prominent Sinhalese politician visited them,” wrote Harvard Professor S. J. Thambiah, in Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democracy.

The British Guardian said that “The President has decided that his immediate task is to placate the majority Sinhalese mobs which are still rioting, burning, looting and murdering at the expense of the Tamil minority. He has· effectively outlawed the only serious Tamil party (TULF). Instead of throwing a protective Gandhian arm around the minority population, the President has thus at a stroke disfranchised the great mass of them and turned them into a race of untermenschen or institutionalised second class citizens. The danger is that the President’s decision may be seen both by the Sinhalese mobs and the Tamil masses as a virtual endorsement of the blood bath.”

“When presented with evidence that the Army or the Police have committed atrocities against defenceless Tamils, the Government has reacted with a shrug of the shoulders,” wrote Francis Wheen in the London Times (30.7.83). “Police misconduct has actually been rewarded. In two separate cases the Supreme Court found that police officers had acted illegally; in both cases the officers concerned were promoted.”

“On the first day of violence in Colombo,” wrote T.R. Lansner in the London Observer (14.8.83) “when thousands of Tamil businesses and residences were gutted, police had orders not to intervene, it is claimed. Certainly hundreds of armed Police deployed through the city could be seen standing idly by as mobs broke vehicles and looted homes and businesses. Even when Tamils were set upon and beaten and burned to death, police armed with automatic weapons did nothing.”

Conspiracy Theory

Having watched silently for almost a week as anti-Tamil violence engulfed Sri Lanka, Indian Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi finally telephoned Jayewardene on 28 July and expressed concern about the situation in Sri Lanka and the fate of its Tamil population. She also informed him that she was sending her External Affairs Minister Narasimha Rao on the following day to Colombo. “The Indian Foreign Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao, met with President J.R. Jayewardene today to discuss the situation.” (New York Times 30/7/83)

Given international media reporting and diplomatic concern, the Jayewardene-Premadasa Regime now found it necessary to change its position and distance themselves from the perpetrators of violence. Government spokesmen thereafter laid claim to an anti-Government plot, a Communist Conspiracy and foreign involvement, to explain the unchecked anti-Tamil violence of the previous week. To substantiate this they proscribed the Communist Party, the Nava Sama Samaja Party and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). “The Colombo Sun called for the closing of all Soviet bloc embassies, specifically those of the Soviet Union and East Germany.” (New York Times 2/8/83)

But in a letter to the President, TULF leader Amirthalingam said: The Tamil people do not believe that Left parties had any hand in the attack on them. They regard this as an attempt to win the sympathy and support of the Western powers. The attack on the Tamil people was executed by the same forces that attacked the strikers in July 1980, attacked Professor (Ediriweera) Sarachchandra and demonstrated outside the houses of Judges (in June).”

“Initially Mr. Jayewardene hinted publicly at an Indian-Soviet Conspiracy and rumours spread that he had asked Western powers for help,” wrote John Elliot in the Financial Times. “Then he said he had no ‘direct evidence’ of a foreign power’s involvement but he was sure that army officers loyal to the JVP planned civil disturbances. Recently in an interview in Colombo he told me that the trouble was caused by the JVP together with people in his own party who are violently anti-separatist.

“Cyril Matthew, a member of the rigidly Buddhist Jaggery caste and boss of the UNP’s trade union is widely suspected in Colombo of having a guiding influence over the riots.”

John Elliot continued: Many foreign and local observers regard the claims of Mr. Jayewardene and his fellow Ministers as an attempt to cover up the fact that a few leading members of his own Government may have played a role in the plot which was partly aimed at striking a death blow at Tamil activists and at removing Tamils from their positions.

Mrs B: Govt. looking for Scapegoats

In an interview with Asiaweek (12.8.83) former Prime Minister Mrs. Bandaranaike dismissed the ‘conspiracy theory’. “It is definitely racial,” she said. “Anyone who says the violence was anything else but racial is living in a fool’s paradise. This government since it came to power in 1977 has been trying to encourage lawlessness. The UNP (United National Party) and its members have been on the wrong side of the law all the time. Now they are telling lies – that this is a plot to overthrow the government. They are only interested in looking for scapegoats.”

“There is a wealth of theory and a remarkable shortage of fact,” comments the International Commission of Jurists, “(State Minister Ananda Tissa de Alwis saw in the master plan ‘the minds of certain foreign elements’. He had previously said much the same about the 1981 outbreak. In a press interview in December 1983, he identified those foreign elements as the KGB. In parallel press interviews his colleague Cyril Matthew saw ‘the dirty hand of India’. For simpler-minded Tamils the answer is only too obvious: the entire blame falls on the Government but interestingly and encouragingly they do not blame the Sinhalese people as such, nor have they attempted any reprisals against them. What I find most extraordinary is that to this day there has been no attempt to find out the truth through an official, public and impartial enquiry when the situation in the country cries out for nothing less.”

“Virtually every Tamil I met was of the opinion that the violence against them was organised by the Government,” reported Princeton University Professor Gananath Obeysekera in Political Violence and the Future of Democracy.

“Both the Tamils hurt by these events and even Sinhalese people, as well as the foreign press, openly stated that the government either condoned the attack or it was done by factions within the government. As a response the government came out with its own theory of an international and local Communist conspiracy,” continues Professor Obeysekera. “According to this anti- Government plot scenario the Muslims and Christians were to be massacred next. All three of the proscribed parties were sympathetic with Tamil language aspirations. Similarly it is difficult to believe that a government so promptly informed of (Vijaya Kumaranatunga’s) ’Naxalite’ plot by the CID a day after the presidential elections were ignorant of a more serious plot by Marxist groups to create race riots. In other words, the government was forewarned of a plot that did not occur but not warned of one that did! If the race riots were caused by Marxists why did the government imply that it was a popular uprising by the Sinhalese and why in heavens name did no one offer sympathy for the dispossessed?”

The Jayewardene Regime now carried the pogrom to its logical conclusion. First, they made it clear that the remaining Tamil population were hostage against any external intervention to protect them. J.R. Jayewardene told India Today “The worst that India can do is to invade us. If they invade us that is the end of the Tamils in this country.”

Fourteen Hours: Fourteen Minutes

In The Break-Up of Sri Lanka, A.J. Wilson Founding Professor of Political Science at the University of Ceylon quotes Minister Gamini Dissanayake as telling a meeting at (UNP HQ) Sri Kotha on 5th September: “They are bringing an army from India. It will take 14 hours to come from India. In 14 minutes, the blood of every Tamil in the country can be sacrificed to the soil by us.”

The Regime proceeded with the Sixth Amendment to the Constitution which removed the TULF from parliament. Tamil MPs supporting the UNP Regime took the required oath and retained their seats. But none of them: S. Thondaman, Bill Devanayagam and C. Rajadurai, were re-elected to Parliament at the next General Election. Thondaman did return to Parliament, but on the National list.

Second, the pogrom was used to economically marginalise the Tamils. Ananda Tissa de Alwis explained that the ownership of Tamil businesses would be restructured to deny them a majority shareholding. And trade itself would be reorganised. “The Trade Minister has already reorganised rice wholesaling to break the Tamil grip. It is no longer in my interests to allow one community to dominate, insists Lalith Athulathmudali,” in the Irish Times (24.8.83). ‘The Tamils have dominated the commanding heights of everything good in Sri Lanka,’ explained Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel, “the only solution is to restore the rights of the Sinhala majority.’ “

“Today, after nearly a week of killing and burning Sri Lanka’s aura of stability and progress has evaporated. Hundreds of businesses and factories lie in ashes, and economic development, the Government says, has been set back three years, five years, even more. Tamils were dragged from their homes, set fire, stabbed, hacked with axes and run over. The true extent of the killings remains unknown, because many are still missing. Thousands of Tamils fled to refugee camps … Tamil homes were burned down, and Tamil-owned businesses in Colombo were gutted. Seventeen major factories wholly or partly owned by Tamils were turned into ash, including two that employed thousands of people each. Three plants that produced textiles for export were destroyed. Damage estimates are uncertain and incomplete, but the total economic loss has been placed at $300 million or more, and 150,000 people are said to have been rendered jobless. About 10,000 foreign tourists were here when the trouble started. All but about 1,500 have left. ‘If the Tigers take one more Sinhalese life in the north,” T. D. S. A. ‘Jungle’ Dissanayake, a Government official, said, ”I hate to think of the consequences.” (New York Times 4/8/83)

The final toll may never be known but during that week when homes, shops farms, cinemas, factories and vehicles belonging to Tamils were destroyed 140,000 of them fled to refugee camps. Government estimates were that 100 factories and 2,497 shops were destroyed and so large was the collection of burned out vehicles that they had to be carried out to sea for disposal.

Nazism

“Not only may foreign investors now be frightened away, but the island’s once-prosperous Tamils may no longer be counted as a mainstay of Sri Lanka’s economy…. An estimated 100,000 were left homeless. Government miscalculation and inaction have contributed to the violence,” explained The Christian Science Monitor. “So has a breakdown in discipline among the almost exclusively Sinhalese Army and police… Bewildering to even some of Mr. Jayewardene’s aides, is that the President has not made a conciliatory public statement to the Tamils; has offered no compensation; and done nothing to appease. Rightly or wrongly, this is being interpreted as a colossal show of weakness, indifference or isolation, by both Tamils and educated Sinhalese. Rather, he has permitted his Cabinet members to flail on the ”involvement of foreign powers,” a well-coordinated ”foreign plot.” When such statements were received with annoyance and some derision by Colombo’s elite, the President himself spoke only of a Sri Lankan ‘leftist plot.’”

“Half of the 4,100 Tamil shops in this once-gracious capital have been burnt to the ground. Seventeen major Tamil owned textile factories have been gutted in Colombo alone… The export-oriented tea industry in the lush hills has, according to the finance minister, nearly disappeared. For it was Sri Lanka’s Tamils who were the entrepreneurial class. In the greater Colombo area, though they represent only 9 percent of the population, one-third of the capital’s businesses and investments were in Tamil hands.” (Mary Anne Weaver The Christian Science Monitor Boston, Mass. 8 Aug 1983)

“In 2004, President Chandrika Kumaratunga gave a public apology to Tamils for Black July, likening it to Nazism. She appointed a commission, which concluded that nearly 1,000 people died and 700,000 were exiled. And she acknowledged there might be many more unreported incidents. … Despite Mrs Kumaratunga’s gestures, no one has been held accountable for the July killings.” (BBC 23 July 2013)



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Opinion

What is ‘Reparations’ in the context of Transitional Justice

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It has been six years since the establishment of the Office for Reparations in Sri Lanka. There is however no clear understanding among many as to its mandate or role within the broader context of transitional justice in a country that seeks to recover from a civil conflict, promote reconciliation and ensure non recurrence. This article seeks to clarify the concept and highlight the statutory mandate of the Office for Reparations (“OR”) established in terms of the Office for Reparations Act, No, 38 of 2018 (“the OR Act”).

Reparations is one of the measures recognised within the broader context of Transitional Justice. Transitional Justice is defined by the United Nations as “the full range of processes and mechanisms associated with a society’s attempt to come to terms with a legacy of large-scale past abuses, in order to ensure accountability, serve justice and achieve reconciliation.” Interventions to address transitional justice challenges became necessary at the end of the North East conflict as Sri Lanka sought to restore democratic systems and promote unity among its multi ethnic and multi religious peoples.

Reparations in the context of human rights and humanitarian interventions, is granted to victims of conflict who have suffered harm, to alleviate their situation which has arisen consequent to the harm suffered as a result of conflict. It is accepted that some of these violations are irreparable and nothing granted by way of reparations can restore the status quo ante of the victim.

Among the basic tenets recognised in the transitional justice regime are the following-

(a) the State obligation to investigate and prosecute alleged perpetrators of gross violations of human rights and serious violations of international humanitarian law, including sexual violence, and to punish those found guilty;

(b) the right to know the truth about past abuses and the fate of disappeared persons; (c) the right to reparations for victims of gross violations of human rights and serious violations of international humanitarian law; and

(d) the State obligation to prevent, through different measures, the recurrence of such atrocities in the future.

The United Nations General Assembly adopted Resolution 60/147 on 16 December 2005 on “”

Each State identifies what mechanisms and interventions must be set in place to address these issues. There is no one size fits all formula to determine the methodologies that must be adopted by countries. Clearly, in Sri Lanka the establishment of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) by Act No. 14 of 2016 was to deal with component (b) above and the establishment of the OR by the Act of 2018 was to deal with component (c) above. Neither of these institutions have responsibility for (a) above. Importantly, it must be noted that there is no expectation that the OR handles law enforcement functions to investigate and prosecute alleged perpetrators. Nor is the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) vested with that responsibility given that its principal mandate as set out in the statute is to search for and trace missing persons and to protect the rights and interests of missing persons and their relatives. Investigation and prosecution of alleged human rights violations are functions to be discharged by existing law enforcement Authorities that are adequately vested with powers to do so.

The OR Act came into operation on October 22nd, 2018 and was operationalised with effect from April 2019 with the appointment by the President of 5 Members on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council. Its provisions went beyond merely providing for monetary relief measures. It articulated the basis for granting relief and the macro level expectations. In its preamble it stated that the Constitution of Sri Lanka recognizes the inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable human rights of all Sri Lankans and recognized the obligation of the State to respect, secure and advance these rights. It also stated that a comprehensive reparations scheme which is anchored in the rights of all Sri Lankans to an effective remedy will contribute to the promotion of reconciliation for the well-being, and security of all Sri Lankans including future generations.

There was thus an acceptance that reparations were designed to contribute to the broader objective of reconciliation. In introducing the Bill, the then Prime Minister stated that “

The OR Act provides for the grant of reparations to specified categories of victims, ie, persons who have suffered loss (ie. personal injury, death and damage to property) arising from the armed conflict that took place in the Northern and Eastern Provinces or its aftermath, or due to political unrest or civil disturbances or due to enforced disappearances. It established a regime to deal with past as well as future incidents.

In pursuance of its mandate, the OR commenced its work by formulating its policies and guidelines after conducting stakeholder consultations in several regions of the country. The consultations revealed similar needs among the aggrieved persons, be they inhabitants in the North, East, South or West of the country and are common to the wider communities as a whole, and consequently, although some of the interventions that can be offered as reparations are those that are needed by the wider community, the increased vulnerability of the victims of conflict were identified to recognise that their needs be addressed as a priority. The Policy document was laid before Parliament and can be accessed via the OR website at www.reparations.gov.lk. The Policy identifies 8 areas of interventions.

The COVID pandemic and staff shortages that were imposed during the economic crisis across government, impacted the work of the OR. Within these constraints OR decided to implement activities that were considered to be most meaningful to the aggrieved communities.

As regards the victims of the North East conflict, the focus was on providing interventions that empowered the people. The Members of the OR accepted that handouts by way of monetary grants while useful to a limited extent will however not empower victims, but knowledge transfer and skills development programmes that will enhance capacities to undertake sustainable revenue generating activities will be meaningful. Hence, while some amount of financial grants were made, more importantly activities to provide psychosocial support and support livelihood development were implemented. A psycho social support programme especially designed for the post conflict victim community was carried out in some parts of the country with the assistance of the UN through the IOM, and livelihood development programmes were implemented, as a priority. In pursuance of its gender sensitive approach, programmes to empower women to cultivate skills that generate sustainable income generation activities were designed and implemented.

The categories of victims that received monetary relief from the OR have included victims of the North East conflict, victims of the Easter Bomb Attack Of 2019 and victims of the 2022 civil disturbances. Details of monetary relief granted to all categories of victims can be found on the OR website.

In January 2023, the OR was mandated by the Supreme Court to establish a Victim Fund to receive monies ordered by the Supreme Court to be paid by respondents in Fundamental Rights litigation, and to formulate a scheme for disbursements and to make grants thereform. Schemes to provide grants to families of those who died, to persons injured, to children for secondary school education support, to students for tertiary education support and to vulnerable elders, were formulated and disbursements made from the Victim Fund. All of these tasks have been handled and details can be accessed via the OR website. Reports on monies credited to the Fund and disbursements made are also periodically submitted to the Supreme Court.

The OR has completed 6 years since its establishment in April 2019, and while there was a period of inactivity during the COVID pandemic and staff constraints impacted its work due to the economic crisis that the country went through, all of which are common to all of government institutions, the OR has been able to complete a significant workload, including the completion of monetary grants to applicants from the North East conflict. Details may be accessed via the website.

by Dhara Wijayatilake,
Attorney at Law and Chairperson Office for Reparations

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Opinion

Four generations

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Surasena was a scraggy boy with a runny nose, most of the time. He came to school sometimes, when he was well enough. Coughs and colds were a part of him. The entire school had an enrolment of less than 100; attendance varied from about 80 to about 100. Enrolment fell as students dropped out as they grew older: in grade V, there were usually 6 or 7 students, mostly boys. Most students were in Kindergarten, the Lower and the Upper. There were six teachers, one female, who was the principal’s wife, and both came from about 75 km away. They lived in the principal’s quarters with no other suitable house they could rent in the village. There was one English teacher, a man who cycled daily from a considerable distance. He was remarkably regular. He was the class teacher for Grade III and taught English in grades III, IV and V. He had had no special training in teaching English, or any other language and his final year students could hardly write the English alphabet without error. The parents of the children were mostly illiterate and hardly came to school after they had brought their child for admission. Surasena’s illiterate parents saw no function they could serve in the school. Teachers did the teaching.

Although Surasena was irregular in attendance, he picked up what was taught in class without any effort. When the end-of-term tests came, if he were present, he always came first in class. One teacher noticed this and spoke to the principal. The teacher thought that the boy was bright enough to win a scholarship if the gaps in his knowledge of arithmetic could be filled. Because the boy had come to school only when he was well, there were large gaps in his competence, especially in arithmetic. The young teacher took up the challenge, and when the results came, the boy had done well. So began a venture, which few had set out on then. One scholarship after another carried him to the highest centre of learning in his discipline, where he earned the highest degree any university could award.

Then a career: compromising among several objectives and laying aside many objections, Surasena decided to work for the world’s primary intergovernmental organisation. In doing so, he chose to live in the richest city in the world. Rich cities offer citizens many and varied services unavailable in less sophisticated habitats: theatres, concert halls, public libraries, high quality schools, universities, good sanitation and sophisticated architecture. Surasena chose to send their children to a unique school where both students and teachers came from many parts of the world. When the children prepared to go to university, each of them found her/himself in the first percentile of intellectual ability. Each chose to attend the highest quality colleges and universities. Their first jobs were with the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Federal Reserve System, both the highest-level regulatory agencies in that country. They eventually changed their careers and residences. One took up to law in New York City and the other a professorship in a state university.

Two young men in the fourth generation have completed secondary school and are in universities studying engineering.

An illiterate family goes to university. A family that lived in a coconut leaf thatched hut in a remote village lives in good housing in choice parts of cities, large and small. A boy who had only rice ration books in his home dispersed his collection of nearly one thousand books to several universities. A man who had never seen a play on a stage goes to Broadway and Carnegie Hall regularly. A young man in the fourth generation plays the saxophone at the Lincoln Centre. A family in the first generation that had not ventured beyond its native district, in the second generation, travels the world over. With different destinations and varied byways, these paths have been traversed by thousands of individuals and families in our society. A different and much larger cohort of our labour force, young, healthy and literate, has been pushed out of our economy.

I have used a fictional name to avoid embarrassing individuals. The rest of the narrative is factual. These sequences are repeated many thousands of times in this country, a highly mobile society. Neither poverty nor social position or habitat in town nor country bars children of ability from going where they wish. (One last habitat is systematically denied access to the high roads. One expects these roads to open literally and metaphorically, in short order.) We have had several employees in our household who used their earnings to pay for their children’s education at university. A few weeks back, one of those children graduated from a prestigious medical faculty in the country. A child in another family is in university studying mathematics. I reckon that is not an uncommon or infrequent occurrence.

It is one thing to move up the education ladder and another to find mobility within the economy. The space at the top is created in the economy and not in schools. It is an easy and common confusion to think that young men and women cannot find employment because they studied the wrong subjects at school or university. No matter what they learnt at school and university, they will be unemployed so long as there is no demand for labour. And the demand for labour is a function of the structure and the level of activity in the economy, not of the education system. Well into the second half of the 19th century, the founders of Dartmouth College declared, ‘though our great objective was to erect a seminary for educating ministers of the gospel, yet we hope that it will be a means of raising up men that will be useful in other learned professions- ornaments of the state as well as the church.’ And the United States was rushing to be the largest economy in the world. From 1929 to about 1936, there was high unemployment in most capitalist economies because economic activity fell disastrously and not because there was something suddenly wrong with education in those countries. Millions of rural folk in China and India, with no special education or training, marched to factories, when entrepreneurs opened workplaces for them. In both instances, the cause of unemployment is a lack of demand for labour. In China and India, demand arose when enterprises, both national and international, were created to produce goods and services. For markets in rich countries. Workers from Lanka took planes to workplaces overseas, where there was demand for them. Others remain unemployed in this country, because there are no enterprises that can pay competitive wages.

That brings us to the woeful inadequacy of interpleural activity in this country. The provision of health and sanitation and education in this country has been primarily the government’s responsibility. They have been resounding successes. Their success has had expected consequences on population changes. Our governments have systematically invested in peasant agriculture, placing populations from crowded areas in less densely populated areas. During the last 20 years or so, governments have invested, at exorbitant cost, in infrastructure development. The main visible enterprises in the private sector are in finance, construction and the manufacture of garments. Garment manufacturing is a low productivity activity (shoved out of high productivity economies), and there is severe competition for market shares. China (+Taiwan), Malaysia and India have employed millions of people in manufacturing high-wage products for markets in growing markets. To make matters worse, ground conditions in Lanka over a long period have been inimical to foreign enterprises. In the early 1960s, whatever foreign enterprises were inherited from colonial times were nationalized. Since then, the fate of attempts to establish foreign enterprises has not been bright. Every successive government, during the last few decades, has declared itself welcoming foreign investment. There were no takers. Foreign capital that came created disabling debt. In a society notoriously lacking entrepreneurial talent and overrun with corruption, debt inflows will create problems. We must grow enterprises (not wayside kade, which is a common sign of underemployment) and decide to create conditions that truly welcome foreign investment to provide full-time time well-paying jobs.

An education system by itself can do little to create employment, except in teaching.

by An Observer

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Opinion

Lesson from the Pope

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Pope Francis passed away on 21st of April at the age of 88. The College of Cardinals commenced the process for the selection of the next Pope. This could take up to five days, during which time the Cardinals are completely confined, within the assigned quarters, provided with meals and comforts of a high-end hotel.

Not surprisingly, most of the Popes have been Italians. However, Pope John Paul II, was of Polish origin, and was succeeded by the (German) Pope Benedict XVI who retired in 2013, on grounds of ill-health. At the time of writing this, it has been announced that a new Pope has been voted in by the Electoral College of Cardinals. He has chosen the title of “Pope Leo XIV.” He became the first American to head the papacy.

Pope Francis, as did his predecessor, Pope John Paul II, reduced the usual formal trappings and rituals of office, and exuded an aura of benign, avuncular simplicity. All three of most recent papacy, chose to exchange the comforts and grandeur of the Papal Palace, for the simpler basic quarters within the Vatican, normally reserved for dignitaries of the Catholic Church, when visiting Rome, for church duties as necessary.

His Holiness the Pope is the nominal Leader of the 1.3 billion Roman Catholics in the World and the titular custodian of the Vatican City and its treasures, (including the priceless St. Peter’s Cathedral). He may thus be regarded as the wealthiest man on earth. The “Vatican City” is the smallest country in the world, being a mere 44 hectares and with a population of less than one million. It is for all practical purposes independent of Italy, although located within Rome.

The millions who would have watched the Pope’s funeral on TV, would have (as did I), been impressed by the fact that the casket was in effect, a simple box, devoid of metal trimmings, handles and satin linings, etc. Usually, papal coffins are said to be nests of three units. The innermost is of Cypress wood (symbolizing simplicity), a lead lining, (for preservation of documents), and the outermost of Oak (to signify resolve and strength).

In contrast, we go well beyond, perhaps in the belief that we could be regarded as being “cheap and stingy” rather than of being “simple and affordable”. Even the poorest, will exceed the limits of affordability. The further consideration would be that of environmental damage, in terms of timber consumption, tree depletion, and carbon dioxide emissions, particularly where cremation is preferred. Are the metal trimmings which may need considerable quantities of timber.

Hard and fibre-board may provide opportunities for the design of less expensive models, able to satisfy both aesthetic and practicality at affordable cost.

The Buddha has pointed out that after death, the body is akin to a mere fathom long bundle of wood.

These may well be regarded as worthy lessons to be learnt.

Dr. Upatissa Pethiyagoda

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