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Paris then – bookshops, cinema, theatre, fashion and Centre Pompidor

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France Stars of “Nobody is perfect”

(Excerpted from volume ii of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography)

Another of Richard Ross’s (who once served the U.S. Embassy here) surprises for his visitors was the ‘Hemingway Trail’. We would table hop the cafes and bistros frequented by the famous writer in his day many years ago. Ernest Hemingway’s haunts were by now redesigned but we could locate them after reading his work ‘A Movable Feast’ which described the author’s early days in Paris as an expatriate American writer. Similarly when coming out of the Sevres—Babylone Metro I would think of Scott Fritzgerald’s evocative short story ‘I Remember Babylone’.

A walk through old Paris was like an introduction to western literature in the inter war years. Another welcome visitor was our old friend Siri Gunasinghe who by this time was teaching art in the University of Victoria in British Columbia. Siri had lived for several years in as a graduate student working on his thesis at the Sorbonne, was an outstanding scholar whose thesis which received a ‘bien’ [very good] accolade was published by the University press which is a rare honour in French academia.

He had spent a considerable amount of his time as a student at the Musee Guimet which specialized in Mahayana Buddhist exhibits which modeled on the Sanskrit treatises on art which were studied by Siri as the subject of his thesis. Unlike the British Museum which has arts and artifacts from Theravada countries the Musee Guimet which specialized on art of the ‘Extreme Orient’ – an area

carved out by the French colonial politicians – which was mainly Mahayana and had Sanskrit as the ‘lingua Franca’. Sanskrit was Siri’s academic interest and his lectures on Sanskrit literature at

Peradeniya, especially of the Sanskrit epic poem the Meghaduta, were attended also by a large number of students drawn from faculties who recognized his brilliance.

Siri was happy to spend a few days roaming around his old haunts. I took him to the Culture division of UNESCO where the specialists knew him by reputation. Specialists handling the Cultural triangle work in Sri Lanka were delighted to meet him and worked out some joint efforts in research and publications.

Bookshops

Paris is famous for its bookshops which dot the city. There are many around the Sorbonne and Boulevard Raspail where intellectuals and students gather to browse and sip a cup of hot coffee. But bookshops selling English works were not so numerous and had to be discovered through guidebooks. The most impressive was Brentano’s near the Place de Opera. It stocked the latest French and English books and promoted new books by positioning them behind their large storefront window which faced the main street.

We would spend hours browsing with no complaints from the shop staff. Unfortunately Brentanos is now closed down due to the march of technology. Another large bookshop was W.H. Smith’s on the Rue de Rivoli. It also stocked journals of every description. I also found a small bookshop near the Odeon metro which sold US publications. Its notice board carried messages and letters for expatriate American writers in Paris.

Coffee was on the house and in winter many young American writers came there because it was a well heated place. This bookshop also announced lectures by visiting writers and by attending them I met some writers who became world famous later. Tourists flocked to the small bookshop called ‘Shakespeare and Company’ by the Seine which was the meeting place of writers like Hemingway, Fritzgerald and Samuel Beckett in the thirties when they were attracted to Paris by the appreciating dollar and the depreciating franc.

Another tourist attraction were the small kiosks along the Quaffs near the river which sold secondhand books, old maps and memorabilia. If you had the time to spend it was possible to pick up valuable inscribed books which had been sold to these book shops for a pittance. I found a book with an inscription by Subhas Chandra Bose. Another recipient of several inscribed books sent by Mulk Raj Anand had sold them to a secondhand bookseller without even bothering to read the title. I was able to buy them for a song.

Students often gathered in the Latin Quarter which was full of bookshops open day and night. I spent many happy weekends in those wonderful bookshops and their small cafes which would serve snacks and hot chocolate in short order so that we could quickly get back to browsing. Another interesting feature was that we could see in those bookshops famous writers, political personalities [including Mitterand] and film stars, who invariably spent time looking for new books. They could also be seen Spending time in the nearby restaurants and bistros where tables would be reserved for them.

Cinema

Movies were shown in the posh cinema halls on the Champs Elysee’s which displayed attractive billboards advertising their films. Whenever a new film opened there would be a crowd of chic ladies and their escorts lining up on the street to buy tickets. From time to time leading film stars would come to those theatres to promote their films and face the media.

There was a similar cluster of cinema halls at the Odeon junction opposite the metro, exhibiting French films. There was a frisson in the Odeon complex where young people gathered in anticipation when a new film was released. Famous French film directors, mobbed by their fans, could be seen in the Odeon cinemas when their films were released for the first time.

In addition to these grand cinemas there were a large number of small cinema halls in the outskirts of the city which showed classics as well as pot boilers. Sometimes erotic films like `Emannuelle’ were also shown in those cinemas and attracted an audience of old men who shuffled in at the last minute. All the film classics could be seen in these ‘outstation’ cinemas and the enthusiast had to consult the newspapers or magazines to locate them.

I once went out of the city to see Lester James Pieris”God King’. The only problem was that it had been reedited and shown as the ‘Tomb of the Pharaohs’. When I mentioned this to Lester, he was not amused at the mutilation of his film but there was nothing he could do as all the rights for distribution were owned by the producer.

A group of young French film makers led by Herve Berard were introduced to me by our embassy staff. They were planning to make a film in Sri Lanka with Gamini Fonseka, after seeing him in ‘Nidhanaya’ which was shown on French TV. At about this time Geetha Kumarasinghe was in Paris and we decided to back this film together with my friend Irvin Weerackkody who was the boss of Phoenix Advertising Services.

So the whole crew moved to Sri Lanka and with Gamini and Geetha as the local stars and two young film stars from the French film industry, shot `Nobody’s Perfect’ as a murder mystery set in the Sri Lankan countryside. But we had difficulties with the French version and the film ran only for a few weeks in Colombo. This film drew stellar performances from Gamini and Geetha and deserves to be resurrected in this age of television, by our Film Corporation. It had good reviews when it was premiered in Paris.

Theatre

The Comedie Francaise was located in the heart of the city. It usually produced traditional French classics like those of Moliere. I attended several of those plays but was hindered by my inadequate knowledge of the French language. The Comedie is considered a national treasure which was a centre of resistance during the Nazi occupation. While this theatre was considered to be upmarket there were many smaller playhouses that attracted young people.

One was the ‘Vieux Colombier’ which was associated with Jean Paul Sartre and the existentialists. Their plays were staged at the Colombier which was a meeting place of French intellectuals. Equally important was the popular entertainments which are part of the Paris city scene. At the entrance to the Metros or on busy street corners would be the ‘Baskers’ or struggling musicians who would play for donations of passers by.

Some of them were really good and would be picked up by TV and nightclubs. Others were not much better than beggars, some of them winos, who would solicit a few francs. Some of the migrants – Asian and particularly, African – would also play their ethnic music and draw crowds who would invariably gather to enjoy a new experience. The tunnel approaching the Metro was warm and well lit and the Baskers’ would gather a group of admirers milling around them.

Centre Pompidou

No description of popular culture in France would be complete without a reference to the Centre Pompideau or the `Bo Bo’ as it is popularly called, in the historic Marais which was the old city market. Later the central market was relocated out of Paris. The Marais was a poor but busy quartier of Paris which historically housed a large number of Jews in its time. Since it was the main market of the city, it was open ‘twenty-four seven’.

The market attracted tough workers to load and unload meats, vegetables .and other products which serviced the ‘gastronomic capital of the world.’ Accordingly it was full of people and housed taverns, bistros, brothels, peep shows and all other attractions which are demanded by workingmen who are at a loose end between shifts.

Since the kitchens in the Marais were open late into the night the `haute bourgeoisie’ or the upper classes also dropped in late in the evening particularly after opera and theater going, for the now famous onion soup. The ingredients like raw onions, cheese, and oven baked bread were fresh off the market and the workers took it as a wholesome and nourishing meal. Onion soup soon became a staple of French cuisine which was served in the best restaurants in the city.

Outside the ‘Bo Bo’ there were jugglers, dancers, singers and puppeteers who attracted the crowds that came to see the ever changing presentations there. One presentation which remains in my memory is the premiere of Kurosawa’s film ‘Ran’ which was held in the open ground surrounding the ‘Bo Bo’. This film was produced by a French filmmaker at a time when Kurosawa was desperately in need of work.

His old sponsor Toyo Films had gone bankrupt, partly due to financing his films which were box office poison. He had even attempted suicide but had been saved at the last minute. The French rescue mission was supported by Mitterrand who was a great film goer. His nephew Philip Mitterrand was a well-known film critic in France.

The grateful Kurosawa brought his film to France for a grand premiere which was attended by President Mitterand himself. Thanks to Herve Berard I secured an invitation to that gala affair which was a ‘black tie’ event. A special technology to simultaneously project the film from three projectors was used on that occasion and we sat in front of a giant screen to view this fantastic film which was Kurosawa’s Japanese version of Shakespeare’s ‘King Lear’.

After the screening there was an ‘al fresco’ dinner and we had a chance to meet Kurosawa. He was quite different from the average Japanese in that he was quite lean and tall. He spoke English fluently and was happy at the acclaim received at the highest levels in France. Later I read that the producer complained that he had lost money on ‘Ran’. Kurosawa was a demanding director and his crowd scenes of thousands of Samurai, which was a feature of many of his films, cost a lot of money. But the director would not compromise on his high standards which helped in making him one of the all-time greats of the cinema.

Fashion

Paris has always been the fashion capital of the world. All the top fashion designers have their establishments in Paris just as the Italian designers have their ateliers in Milan. Naturally for a trade which deals with glamour and big money these fashion houses are located in the most exclusive parts of the city, particularly Avenue Montaigne and Fauborg St Honore which are close to each other and in the Concorde area.

On free days we would walk along the tip-market streets just to admire the store front displays. The street is dotted with small cafes and eateries which buyers, designers and models frequently use during their breaks from work. About Once a year the top designers unveil their latest creations before fashion critics and buyers of ‘pret a porter’ products which are marketed by leading retailers particularly those in the United States which is the home of the mass garment market. Those buyers are treated like royalty by the designers since their bulk purchases constitute the ‘bread and butter’ of the couturiers.

The fashion industry is a complex business. Not everyone knows how it really works. Thanks to Sri Lankan youngsters who are linked to the fashion industry at the basic level I could unravel the sociology of the ‘Rag Trade’. There are thousands of beautiful young women who flock to Paris from the rural areas of the country hoping to break into the fashion and film industry. For this they have to register with the modeling companies which are of varying service quality ranging from top models to call girls.

These agencies invest in their ‘properties’ by giving them training, clothing and on occasion, if they spot a winner, an allowance The chosen girls are sent to well-known photographers, who are legion in Paris, to prepare an album of photographs which is retained by the agency. This dossier is a hopeful girl’s or boy’s claim to fame among thousands of similar aspirants who want to emulate the stars.

Fashion photographers, Film Directors, Theatre Directors, journalists and even business houses seeking to employ PR hostesses contact these modeling agencies to get a list of possible employees. It is here that our expatriates come in They are employed by the agencies to take the required dossien to their client companies which are located in different parts of Paris. These ‘messenger boys’ whiz past in their Velos’ or small motor bicycles, carrying selected dossiers in brightly colored envelopes, to the potential employers.

The agency decides on the dossiers to be submitted, which can mean the difference between fame and obscurity for the model to be. They are constantly after the agency and the couriers for their dossiers to be sent for consideration by the show business bigwigs. Many of these would-be models seek the goodwill of the couriers, hoping that they would help to position their claims better. Many of our parties held in the Fauborg St Honore area had many of them pretty girls arriving on the arms of young SriLankan expatriates working as ‘messenger boys’.



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From Windrush to Brexit: Redrawing Britain’s Migration Map

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A file photo of an anti-immigration protest in Dover

For much of its modern history, Britain was an imperial power connected to every corner of the globe, yet it was not a major destination for large-scale international migration. Different waves of newcomers arrived over the centuries, but the overall foreign-born population remained relatively small by contemporary standards. The 1901 Census recorded 82,844 people from Eastern Europe living in Britain, while the Chinese population numbered just 387. Even at the beginning of the 20th century, migrants from Asia and other parts of the world constituted only a tiny fraction of the country’s population. Britain was a nation shaped by migration, but not yet one transformed by it. That would begin to change dramatically in the aftermath of the Second World War.

One of the most significant changes in Britain’s migration patterns after World War II came from the former colonies of the British Empire. Faced with acute labour shortages and the demands of post-war reconstruction, the government introduced the British Nationality Act of 1948, granting citizens of the Commonwealth the right to live and work in the United Kingdom. Although immigration controls were tightened through legislation, such as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962, migration from former colonies continued. Many of those who arrived belonged to the educated middle classes of their home countries. Having passed through education systems established by Britain during the colonial period, they were already familiar with the English language, British institutions and aspects of British culture. For them, Britain represented a land of opportunity, professional advancement and social mobility.

A different set of motivations drove migration from continental Europe, particularly from Eastern European countries. For these migrants, the United Kingdom offered significantly higher wages, stronger labour markets and living standards that often exceeded those available in their countries of origin. This trend accelerated further after Britain joined the European Economic Community in 1973, initiating a period in which citizens of member states gradually acquired rights to move, work, study and establish businesses across national borders. The expansion of the European Union in the early 21st century, particularly the accession of several Eastern European states in 2004, would later transform these flows on an unprecedented scale.

Immigration has rarely been determined solely by economic forces; it has also reflected the priorities of governments in power. During the period between 1997 and 2010, when the Labour Party was in power, immigration policies became comparatively more open in several key areas. Combined with economic growth and labour demand, these policies contributed to a substantial increase in migration, with net migration reaching levels that had few historical precedents in modern Britain. The debate over whether this growth was an economic necessity, a policy success or a political miscalculation continues to influence British politics to this day.

The next major turning point came with the Brexit referendum of 2016 and Britain’s eventual departure from the European Union. For decades, European citizens had enjoyed relatively unrestricted access to the British labour market through the principle of free movement. As the post-Brexit immigration system took shape, that privilege largely disappeared. The result was not the end of migration, but a significant shift in its composition. Labour shortages remained across sectors, ranging from healthcare and social care to information technology, logistics and higher education. As European migration declined, employers increasingly turned to other parts of the world to meet these demands.

This created new opportunities for migrants from countries such as India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and several other Asian nations. In many respects, these arrivals filled a vacuum left by the reduction in European labour mobility. The overall pattern suggests that Britain’s economy continued to require migrant labour even as its immigration framework underwent fundamental change. Migration flows did not disappear; rather, they were redirected.

Yet this shift has done little to calm public anxieties surrounding immigration. If anything, concerns over migration have remained a central feature of British political debate. Governments of different political persuasions, including those that once defended relatively liberal immigration policies, have increasingly adopted tougher rhetoric and stricter measures aimed at reducing migration levels. Across the political spectrum, there is growing pressure to demonstrate greater control over borders, tighten visa pathways and, in some cases, encourage or require migrants to leave once their economic or educational purpose has ended.

This pressure has translated into a series of policy changes. In 2025, the government announced new restrictions designed to reduce migration and increase employer reliance on the domestic workforce. Among the most significant measures were plans to shorten the list of occupations for which employers could sponsor workers from overseas and to introduce tougher compliance requirements for sponsoring organisations. Social care, a sector that had become heavily dependent on international recruitment, was particularly affected, with employers facing tighter limitations on recruiting care workers from abroad. These changes reflected a broader political commitment to lowering migration numbers, even as many sectors continued to report persistent staffing shortages.

The higher education sector has also found itself at the centre of this debate. International students have become one of the most important contributors to Britain’s universities and local economies. They pay tuition fees that help sustain institutions, support jobs in university towns and cities, and contribute billions of pounds annually through spending on housing, transport and everyday living expenses. For many students, however, studying in Britain is not merely an educational experience but a substantial personal and financial investment made with the expectation that it will open pathways to professional opportunities.

Against this backdrop, proposals to reduce the standard length of the graduate visa have generated considerable concern. The graduate route has allowed international students to remain in the United Kingdom after completing their studies in order to gain work experience and establish careers. Supporters of restrictions argue that student visas should not become a long-term migration pathway. Critics counter that reducing post-study opportunities risks making Britain less attractive in an increasingly competitive global market for talent. Countries such as Canada, Australia and Germany continue to compete aggressively for skilled international graduates, and students weighing their options may choose destinations that offer clearer prospects after graduation.

These debates often frame migration as a problem to be solved through numerical reductions. Yet, what should be noted here is that many of the pressures commonly attributed to immigration are connected to wider economic and political challenges. The decade following Britain’s departure from the European Union has been marked by an unusual degree of political instability. Since the Brexit referendum, the country has seen seven prime ministers, with governments frequently changing direction on economic strategy, public spending and immigration policy. Such instability has contributed to uncertainty about Britain’s long-term trajectory and has complicated efforts to build a consistent approach to migration.

Public concerns about immigration are real and cannot simply be dismissed. Anti-immigration demonstrations and calls for stricter border controls continue to attract significant support in some parts of the country. At the same time, these concerns often become a focal point through which broader anxieties about housing, public services, economic stagnation and national identity are expressed. Immigration is therefore not merely a migration issue; it is also a lens through which deeper social and political tensions are debated.

The increasingly restrictive tone of migration policy has also raised questions about community cohesion and the treatment of migrants already living in Britain.

While much public attention focuses on new arrivals, long-term residents can also find themselves affected by changing rules and enforcement practices. Earlier proposals such as the Rwanda asylum plan, announced in 2022, sought to relocate certain asylum seekers to Rwanda for the processing of their claims, though the policy was never ultimately implemented. More recently, cases involving migrants being instructed to leave the country despite having established families, employment and community ties have generated public debate. One widely discussed example involved Chamila Dilrukshi, a Sri Lankan mother, who was instructed by the Home Office to leave the United Kingdom with her three children while her husband remained in Britain. Cases such as these illustrate how immigration policy extends beyond statistics and labour markets, affecting family life, community relationships and the sense of belonging experienced by migrants who have built their lives in the country.

This raises a more fundamental question than the familiar debate over whether immigration numbers should rise or fall. If Britain continues to face an ageing population, labour shortages in critical sectors and increasing competition for global talent, can it realistically sustain economic growth while simultaneously reducing its reliance on migrants? Equally important, can successive governments build a migration system that balances economic necessity, public confidence and social cohesion at a time of continuing political uncertainty? The answer may prove decisive not only for Britain’s future migration policy, but for the broader question of what kind of society, economy and national identity the United Kingdom hopes to shape in the decades ahead.

by Viran Maddumage
Assistant Lecturer & PhD(Reading) Department of Human Geography and Migration, Macquarie University, Australia
and Sanduni Rathnayake

Lecturer (Probationary) Faculty of Law, General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University

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Tolerance and Diversity

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Today all the major religions of the world must respond to a double challenge. On one side is the challenge of secularism, a trend which has swept across the globe, battering against the most ancient strongholds of the sacred and turning all man’s movements towards the Beyond into a forlorn gesture, poignant but devoid of sense. On the other side is the meeting of the great religions with each other. As the most far-flung nations and cultures merge into a single global community, the representatives of humankind’s spiritual quest have been brought together in an encounter of unprecedented intimacy, an encounter so close that it leaves no room for retreat. Thus, at one and the same time each major religion faces, in the amphitheater of world opinion, all the other religions of the earth, as well as the vast numbers of people who regard all claims to possess the Great Answer with a skeptical frown or an indifferent yawn.

In this situation, any religion which is to emerge as more than a relic from humanity’s adolescence must be able to deal, in a convincing and meaningful manner, with both sides of the challenge. On the one hand it must contain the swelling tide of secularism, by keeping alive the intuition that no amount of technological mastery over external nature, no degree of proficiency in providing for humanity’s mundane needs, can bring complete repose to the human spirit, can still the thirst for a truth and value that transcends the boundaries of contingency. On the other hand, each religion must find some way of disentangling the conflicting claims that all religions make to understand our place in the grand scheme of things and to hold the key to our salvation. While remaining faithful to its own most fundamental principles, a religion must be able to address the striking differences between its own tenets and those of other creeds, doing so in a manner that is at once honest yet humble, perspicacious yet unimposing.

In this brief essay, I wish to sketch the outline of an appropriate Buddhist response to the second challenge. Since Buddhism has always professed to offer a “middle way” in resolving the intellectual and ethical dilemmas of the spiritual life, we may find that the key to our present problematic also lies in discovering the response that best exemplifies the middle way. As has often been noted, the middle way is not a compromise between the extremes but a way that rises above them, avoiding the pitfalls into which they lead. Therefore, in seeking the proper Buddhist approach to the problem of the diversity of creeds, we might begin by pinpointing the extremes which the middle way must avoid.

The first extreme is a retreat into fundamentalism, the adoption of an aggressive affirmation of one’s own beliefs coupled with a proselytizing zeal towards those who still stand outside the chosen circle of one’s co-religionists. While this response to the challenge of diversity has assumed alarming proportions in the folds of the great monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam, it is not one towards which Buddhism has a ready affinity, for the ethical guidelines of the Dhamma naturally tend to foster an attitude of benign tolerance towards other religions and their followers. Though there is no guarantee against the rise of a militant fundamentalism from within Buddhism’s own ranks, the Buddha’s teachings can offer no sanctification, not even a remote one, for such a malignant development.

For Buddhists the more alluring alternative is the second extreme. This extreme, which purchases tolerance at the price of integrity, might be called the thesis of spiritual universalism: the view that all the great religions, at their core, espouse essentially the same truth, clothed merely in different modes of expression. Such a thesis could not, of course, be maintained in regard to the formal creeds of the major religions, which differ so widely that it would require a strenuous exercise in word-twisting to bring them into accord. The universalist position is arrived at instead by an indirect route. Its advocates argue that we must distinguish between the outward face of a religion — its explicit beliefs and exoteric practices — and its inner nucleus of experiential realisation. On the basis of this distinction, they then insist, we will find that beneath the markedly different outward faces of the great religions, at their heart — in respect of the spiritual experiences from which they emerge and the ultimate goal to which they lead — they are substantially identical. Thus, the major religions differ simply in so far as they are different means, different expedients, to the same liberative experience, which may be indiscriminately designated “enlightenment,” or “redemption,” or “God-realization,” since these different terms merely highlight different aspects of the same goal. As the famous maxim puts it: the roads up the mountain are many, but the moonlight at the top is one. From this point of view, the Buddha Dhamma is only one more variant on the “perennial philosophy” underlying all the mature expressions of man’s spiritual quest. It may stand out by its elegant simplicity, its clarity and directness; but a unique and unrepeated revelation of truth it harbors not.

On first consideration the adoption of such a view may seem to be an indispensable stepping-stone to religious tolerance, and to insist that doctrinal differences are not merely verbal but real and important may appear to border on bigotry. Thus, those who embrace Buddhism in reaction against the doctrinaire narrowness of the monotheistic religions may find in such a view — so soft and accommodating — a welcome respite from the insistence on privileged access to truth typical of those religions. However, an unbiased study of the Buddha’s own discourses would show quite plainly that the universalist thesis does not have the endorsement of the Awakened One himself. To the contrary, the Buddha repeatedly proclaims that the path to the supreme goal of the holy life is made known only in his own teaching, and therefore that the attainment of that goal — final deliverance from suffering — can be achieved only from within his own dispensation. The best known instance of this claim is the Buddha’s assertion, on the eve of his Parinibbana, that only in his dispensation are the four grades of enlightened persons to be found, that the other sects are devoid of true ascetics, those who have reached the planes of liberation.

The Buddha’s restriction of final emancipation to his own dispensation does not spring from a narrow dogmatism or a lack of good will, but rests upon an utterly precise determination of the nature of the final goal and of the means that must be implemented to reach it. This goal is neither an everlasting afterlife in a heaven nor some nebulously conceived state of spiritual illumination, but the Nibbana element with no residue remaining, release from the cycle of repeated birth and death. This goal is effected by the utter destruction of the mind’s defilements — greed, aversion and delusion — all the way down to their subtlest levels of latency. The eradication of the defilements can be achieved only by insight into the true nature of phenomena, which means that the attainment of Nibbana depends upon the direct experiential insight into all conditioned phenomena, internal and external, as stamped with the “three characteristics of existence”: impermanence, suffering, and non-selfness. What the Buddha maintains, as the ground for his assertion that his teaching offers the sole means to final release from suffering, is that the knowledge of the true nature of phenomena, in its exactitude and completeness, is accessible only in his teaching. This is so because, theoretically, the principles that define this knowledge are unique to his teaching and contradictory in vital respects to the basic tenets of other creeds; and because, practically, this teaching alone reveals, in its perfection and purity, the means of generating this liberative knowledge as a matter of immediate personal experience. This means is the Noble Eightfold Path which, as an integrated system of spiritual training, cannot be found outside the dispensation of a Fully Enlightened One.

Surprisingly, this exclusivistic stance of Buddhism in regard to the prospects for final emancipation has never engendered a policy of intolerance on the part of Buddhists towards the adherents of other religions. To the contrary, throughout its long history, Buddhism has displayed a thoroughgoing tolerance and genial good will towards the many religions with which it has come into contact. It has maintained this tolerance simultaneously with its deep conviction that the doctrine of the Buddha offers the unique and unsurpassable way to release from the ills inherent in conditioned existence. For Buddhism, religious tolerance is not achieved by reducing all religions to a common denominator, nor by explaining away formidable differences in thought and practice as accidents of historical development. From the Buddhist point of view, to make tolerance contingent upon whitewashing discrepancies would not be to exercise genuine tolerance at all; for such an approach can “tolerate” differences only by diluting them so completely that they no longer make a difference. True tolerance in religion involves the capacity to admit differences as real and fundamental, even as profound and unbridgeable, yet at the same time to respect the rights of those who follow a religion different from one’s own (or no religion at all) to continue to do so without resentment, disadvantage or hindrance.

Buddhist tolerance springs from the recognition that the dispositions and spiritual needs of human beings are too vastly diverse to be encompassed by any single teaching, and thus that these needs will naturally find expression in a wide variety of religious forms. The non-Buddhist systems will not be able to lead their adherents to the final goal of the Buddha’s Dhamma, but that they never proposed to do in the first place. For Buddhism, acceptance of the idea of the beginningless round of rebirths implies that it would be utterly unrealistic to expect more than a small number of people to be drawn towards a spiritual path aimed at complete liberation. The overwhelming majority, even of those who seek deliverance from earthly woes, will aim at securing a favorable mode of existence within the round, even while misconceiving this to be the ultimate goal of the religious quest.

To the extent that a religion proposes sound ethical principles and can promote to some degree the development of wholesome qualities such as love, generosity, detachment and compassion, it will merit in this respect the approbation of Buddhists. These principles advocated by outside religious systems will also conduce to rebirth in the realms of bliss — the heavens and the divine abodes.

Buddhism by no means claims to have unique access to these realms, but holds that the paths that lead to them have been articulated, with varying degrees of clarity, in many of the great spiritual traditions of humanity. While the Buddhist will disagree with the belief structures of other religions to the extent that they deviate from the Buddha’s Dhamma, he will respect them to the extent that they enjoin virtues and standards of conduct that promote spiritual development and the harmonious integration of human beings with each other and with the world. (Courtesy Buddhist Publication Society.)

by Bhikkhu Bodhi

 

 

 

 

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Seeing things as they truly are

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Buddhism offers a profound moral and philosophical framework aimed at guiding individuals toward enlightenment and alleviating suffering. A key aspect of this journey is understanding reality through the lens of the Three Marks of Existence, a concept deeply rooted in Buddhist scriptures and teachings. This understanding can often become obscured by delusion and ignorance, hindering our ability to perceive the true nature of reality and trapping us in cycles of suffering.

The Three Marks of Existence, also known as the Three Universal Truths, are (1) impermanence (Anicca), (2) suffering or unsatisfactoriness (Dukkha), and (3) non-self or insubstantiality (Anatta). These principles, articulated by the Buddha over 2,500 years ago, reveal universal truths applicable to all beings and serve as a foundation for deeper insights into life. They emphasise that all phenomena are transient, that lasting happiness is elusive, and that the notion of a fixed self is fundamentally illusory.

In the Pali Canon, teachings highlight that all conditioned phenomena (saṅkhārāā) are subject to Anicca and Dukkha, while Anatta extends even further, applying to all dhammas. As stated in the Anatta-lakkhana Sutta, the Buddha underscores the reality that there is no enduring self within the five aggregates, indicating that the belief in “I” or “mine” is a source of Dukkha that must be relinquished. Understanding Anatta encourages practitioners to recognise the emptiness of the self and to understand how clinging to identity leads to suffering.

These three characteristics are incontrovertible facts that apply to both animate and inanimate things. Whether Buddhas arise or not, these truths exist in the world. In Buddhism, to see things as they truly are means to consistently view them through the lens of the Three Marks. Failing to do so, or deceiving oneself about their reality and range of application, is the defining mark of ignorance (avijja). This ignorance of our true nature and the true nature of our surroundings leads to actions based on delusions, accumulating karma that keeps us bound to the cycle of rebirth and death.

Dissolving that ignorance through direct insight into the Three Marks is said to bring an end to samsara and the resulting suffering (dukkha nirodha or nirodha sacca, as described in the third of the Four Noble Truths). To perceive things as they truly are, one must cultivate an understanding of these truths—not merely through intellectual contemplation but also through insights gained from personal experiences. A deeper comprehension of the Three Universal Truths fosters wisdom and leads to liberation from the cycle of rebirth, culminating in Nibbana, the ultimate goal of Buddhism.

Recognising the interplay of these three characteristics in our lives is essential. Ignorance of these truths breeds delusion and results in actions that generate karma, confining us to a persistent cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Gaining direct insight into the Three Marks of Existence enables us to transcend suffering (Dukkha Nirodha), aligning with the third of the Four Noble Truths.

Moreover, a lack of understanding regarding these universal truths can lead to frustration and despair. Conversely, a clear grasp of the Three Marks equips us to navigate life’s complexities, allowing for realistic expectations, resilient acceptance of suffering, and protection against misleading beliefs.

The Satipatthana Sutta highlights mindfulness as a vital tool for engaging with reality as it is. By observing our thoughts, feelings, and sensations without attachment or aversion, we cultivate a clearer perception of impermanence, suffering, and non-self. The realisation that all phenomena are fleeting allows us to develop a compassionate response to ourselves and others, breaking the cycle of craving and clinging that fuels suffering.

Rev. Nyanapoke further articulates that the Three Marks are observable in every facet of existence—physical, emotional, mental, and social. He notes that natural cycles, shifts in emotions, evolving thoughts, and changing relationships epitomise the transient nature of life. Even when contemplating minute aspects of life, we encounter an immense variety of living forms, from microbes to humans, demonstrating that these three basic features are common to everything that possesses animate existence. Through this comprehensive understanding, we can better navigate the complexities of life and deepen our connection to the essence of existence.

By reflecting on the first of the Three Marks of Existence, the universal truth of impermanence, we come to understand the stark reality that everything we acquire and hold dear—possessions, achievements, cherished relationships, and loved ones—will ultimately succumb to time and cease to exist. This notion is poignantly captured by the philosopher Heraclitus, who famously remarked, “No man ever steps in the same river twice,” underscoring the idea that both the river and the man are in constant flux, the transient nature of existence.

This idea of impermanence also resonates with the biblical acknowledgement, “Why do you not even know what will happen tomorrow? What is your life? You are but a mist that appears for a little while and then vanishes” (James 4:14). The first truth, impermanence, is intricately connected to all aspects of our existence.

The second characteristic. Dukkha is an important concept in Buddhism, commonly referred to as suffering. It is the first of the Four Noble Truths. Suffering is an inescapable part of life, and it can come in many forms. It refers to the habitual experience of mundane life as fundamentally unsatisfactory and painful. There are many times in our lives when we feel overwhelmed by our suffering and wonder how we can overcome it. Dukkha refers to the inherent unsatisfactoriness and suffering present in life. It encompasses a broad range of experiences, including physical pain, emotional distress, and existential dissatisfaction. In other words, dukkha can vary from minor irritations to profound suffering, and it is not limited to overt suffering. It also highlights the subtle discomfort that arises from life’s impermanence and the transient nature of happiness. Even moments of joy are often tinged with the knowledge that they are fleeting, leading to a perpetual sense of longing or fear of loss. The Buddha applies the characteristic of suffering to all conditioned things in the sense that for living beings, everything conditioned is a potential cause of experienced suffering and is, at any rate, incapable of giving lasting satisfaction.

Buddha says, “The world is established on suffering, is founded on suffering” (Dukkha loko patitthito). His whole doctrine rests on the pivot of suffering. He perceived the universality of suffering and propounded a remedy (Noble Eightfold Path) for the universal sickness of humanity. By that, Buddhism does not denote an attitude of hopelessness and pessimism toward life. Buddha did not expect his adherents to be constantly brooding over the ills of life and so make their lives unhappy.

If you look at the world with dispassionate discernment, it becomes abundantly clear that there is only one problem in the world, which is suffering, dukkha. Today, people all over the world suffer untold suffering and agony, and there is so much misery all around us. People’s lives are plucked at a young age. Many people suffer from incurable diseases and tragic deaths. Humanity is continuously grappling with many natural disasters and destruction. Yet, through ignorance, people go chasing after shadows, dwelling in delusion, unable to confront the adversities that life brings. Suffering appears and passes away, only to reappear in other forms. All forms of suffering are either physical or psychological. All is in a whirl; nothing escapes this inexorable, unceasing change.

Understanding Dukkha is crucial for practitioners, as it invites introspection about the nature of existence and our responses to experiences. Instead of viewing suffering as something to be avoided, Buddhism encourages us to confront it, recognize its roots, and understand its universal presence in human life. This acknowledgement allows us to cultivate compassion for ourselves and others who are also caught in this cycle of suffering. By facing Dukkha with awareness, we can begin to unravel the causes of our suffering and start the journey toward alleviation.

The third truth, Anatta, embraces the concept of non-self or insubstantiality, suggesting that there is no permanent, unchanging self within us. This realisation challenges the deeply ingrained belief in a fixed identity or essence. Instead, Buddhism teaches that what we consider the “self” is actually a collection of ever-changing physical and mental components, known as the five aggregates: form, sensation, perception, mental formations, and consciousness.

Understanding Anatta is liberating in that it encourages us to let go of attachments to our identities, beliefs, and notions of self. When we cling to a fixed identity, we create suffering through desires and fears related to maintaining that identity. By recognising that the self is contingent and fluid, we can reduce suffering and anxiety associated with self-identity and experience greater freedom. Embracing Anatta allows individuals to break free from the confines of ego, leading to a deeper connection with the world and others.

Together, the truths of Dukkha and Anatta highlight the importance of understanding suffering and the illusion of self in the journey toward enlightenment. By facing these truths, practitioners can cultivate wisdom, compassion, and ultimately find liberation from the cycles of rebirth and suffering.

by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara

 

 

 

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