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Appointing ‘political’ Governors

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by Dr Jayampathy Wickramaratne,
President’s Counsel

There has been talk, for a few months, of new Governors being appointed to some Provinces. According to media reports, there is an agreement between the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, the main party in Parliament, and the President’s United National Party, that four nominees of the latter should be appointed as Governors. A spokesperson for the Presidential Secretariat has stated that four incumbent Governors have been requested to resign, adding that it is the tradition that Governors would resign when a new President is appointed. The names of prominent active members of the United National Party are mentioned as possible appointees.

Constitutional provisions

The main constitutional provisions, relating to the Governor, are found in Article 154B. The Governor is appointed by the President and holds office, in accordance with Article 4(b), ‘during the pleasure of the President’. The Governor’s term of office is five years, and there is no bar to re-appointment. Article 156(1) of the Indian Constitution provides similarly: The Governor shall hold office during the pleasure of the President.

A former Chief Justice has opined that the only process by which a Governor could be removed is the one set out in Article 154B(4). According to that constitutional provision, a Provincial Council may present an address to the President advising the removal of the Governor on the ground that the Governor has intentionally violated the provisions of the Constitution, is guilty of misconduct or corruption involving the abuse of the powers of his office, or is guilty of bribery of an offence involving moral turpitude. A resolution for such purpose must be signed by not less than one-half of the whole number of members and be passed by not less than two-thirds of the whole number of members, including those not present. A question that can be raised is whether such an address binds a President to remove a Governor.

The former Chief Justice has also questioned the propriety of a President who has succeeded to the office of President, removing a Governor who has been appointed by a President elected directly by the People.

Qualifications to be appointed as a Governor are not laid down in the Constitution, except that upon assumption of office, a Governor shall cease to hold any other office created or recognized by the Constitution and, if he is a Member of Parliament, shall vacate his seat in Parliament. A Governor shall not hold any other office or place of profit. In India, the only qualifications are that the person be a citizen and be not less than 35 years.

In Sri Lanka, former judges, retired public servants and retired military officers have been appointed. On the other extreme, serving Ministers have given up their seats in Parliament to accept appointments as Governors. Successive governments have appointed active politicians. Many continued to be active, even while holding the position. One Governor continued to be the chief organizer of the ruling party in an electorate coming within the same Province! There have been reports of politically active Governors using their positions for political ends.

One might argue that as the Governor holds office at the pleasure of the President, he could be removed by the President at any time. On the other hand, does the President have the power to dismiss a Governor, without a valid reason? The Governor of the Western Province, former Chief Justice S. Sharvananda, was removed by President D.B. Wijetunge after he removed a Minister as advised by the Chief Minister in the Opposition-controlled Provincial Council, despite pressure brought on him by the Government.

Indian experience

In Rameshwar Prasad v Union of India, the Indian Supreme Court critically examined the role of the Governor and referred extensively to the 1988 Report of the Justice Sarkaria Commission on Centre-State Relations.

The Sarkaria Commission had stated that the key to restoring the prestige of the Governor’s office lay in picking the right person for the sensitive constitutional post. Apart from the constitutionally prescribed qualifications, the report listed a few more -that the person should be eminent in some walk of life, be from outside the State, be a detached figure having little connection with local politics and that he must not have taken too great a part in politics generally and particularly in the recent past.

The Supreme Court observed as follows: ‘Unfortunately, the criteria have been observed in almost total breach by all political parties. It is seen that one day a person is in active politics in as much as he holds the office of the chief minister or minister or a party post and almost on the following day or, in any case, soon thereafter, the same person is appointed as Governor in another state with hardly any cooling off period. Ordinarily, it is difficult to expect detachment from party politics from such a person while performing the constitutional functions as governors.’

The Punchhi Commission on Centre-State Relations, headed by a former Chief Justice of India, recommended in its 2010 report that a nominee should not have participated in active politics, even at the local level, for at least a couple of years before his appointment. It also agreed with the Sarkaria Commission’s recommendation that a Governor should be an eminent person and not belong to the State where he is to be posted.

B. P. Singhal v Union of India concerned the removal of the Governors of Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Haryana and Orissa by the new UPA Government in 2004. The Indian Supreme Court held that although the President can remove the Governor from office at any time without assigning any reason and without giving any opportunity to show cause, that power cannot be exercised in an arbitrary, capricious or unreasonable manner. The power should be exercised in rare and exceptional circumstances for valid and compelling reasons. A Governor cannot be removed on the ground that he is ‘out of sync’ with the policies and ideologies of the party in power at the Centre. Nor can he be removed on the ground that the Union Government has lost confidence in him. It follows, therefore, that change in the government at the Centre is not a ground for the removal of Governors holding office to make way for others favoured by the new government.

As to who should be appointed as Governors, the Court stated: ‘Reputed elder statesmen, able administrators and eminent personalities, with maturity and experience are expected to be appointed as Governors. While some of them may come from a political background, once they are appointed as Governors, they owe their allegiance and loyalty to the Constitution and not to any political party and are required to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution.’

Just last week, India witnessed the consequences of ‘political’ Governors using their positions to undermine the elected administrations in Opposition-controlled States. Bhagat Singh Koshyari, a BJP, and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh veteran from Uttarakhand, had been appointed Governor of Maharashtra immediately after finishing his legislative career. His tenure was full of controversy, culminating in his resignation after his role in the dissolution of the anti-BJP coalition. Last Thursday, a five-member Bench of the Supreme Court, in Subhash Desai v. Principal Secretary, Governor of Maharashtra, rapped him for entering the ‘political arena’ and declared his action illegal.

Another case decided on the same day, also by a five-member Bench, Government of NCT of Delhi v. Union of India, was a consequence of a year-long and yet-ongoing tug-of-war between Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and Lt. Governor Vinai Kumar Saxena. Saxena has held no political office but is a strong supporter of the BJP. He is from Uttar Pradesh but considers Gujarat, Premier Modi’s home state, to be his ‘emotional home’. Saxena has not spared any opportunity to obstruct Kejriwal in favour of the Centre. The Court stressed the importance of ensuring that the governance of States is not taken over by the Central Government and confirmed Delhi’s control over administrative services in respect of subjects coming under the National Capital Territory. Both Benches were headed by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud.

Active politicians should not be appointed

The Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly of the previous Parliament, chaired by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, was of the view that constitutional provisions should be made to prohibit the Governor from engaging in party politics, while holding office.

Although our Constitution allows even a sitting Member of Parliament to be appointed as a Governor, it is best that active politicians are not appointed. As the Indian Supreme Court and the Sarkaria and Punchhi Commissions have pointed out, there must be a ‘cooling off’ period of at least two years before a former politician is appointed.



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Polarizing rhetoric greets America on its epochal anniversary

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President Donald Trump addresses the public on the occasion of the US celebrating the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain.(BBC)

Democratic and progressive opinion in the US and the world over would likely have been further jolted by the divisive rhetoric blared forth by US President Donald Trump on no less an occasion than the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain. The world has been placed on notice that what it would be having in the main is aggravated polarization on multiple fronts during what’s left of the Trump tenure.

If the world was expecting positive moves by the Trump administration to bridge divisions, heal rifts and usher in a more harmonious international political order, this is very unlikely to be. Instead, in all probability we would be left with a far more ‘dangerous place to live in’.

Some of the more thought-provoking recent ‘takes’ from President Trump are : ‘A generation after we fought and won the cold war against the menace of communism, there is now a resurgence of the communist menace in our land, including from newcomers to our country who embrace ideas totally opposed to our way of life and our great success.’ ‘We will send them (immigrants) quickly away, and we will continue to build our country bigger and better than ever before.’ ‘We are going to give our country its identity back.’ ‘You can be loyal to Karl Marx or you can be loyal to America. You can be a communist or you can be a patriot. You cannot be both.’

Accordingly, what the world would have in increasing measure going forward are stepped-up attempts to consolidate a white supremacist administration in the US accompanied by a suppression of ethnic, religious and cultural minorities at home along with renewed attempts to spread and consolidate US hegemonism world wide.

The latter project would mainly translate into US military interventions abroad of the Venezuelan type and a persistence if not a resurgence of identity based conflicts globally. Violent reactions internationally to what are seen as attempts by the US to bring recalcitrant sections in particularly the South under white supremacist control will provide the basis for the steadfast presence and spiking of identity politics globally.

Moreover, the path has been paved for stepped-up ethnic, religious and cultural disharmony within the US. A united state is far from possible, given this backdrop. Put simply, it would be a question of steeper political polarization at home and abroad.

The persistent, widespread support for the hard line Islamic regime in Iran locally and globally should serve as an eye-opener for the political decision-makers of the US. Huge crowds at the funerals of Iran’s political leaders could very well be state-orchestrated but they are a pointer to the fact that political Islam is far from on the decline. To the extent to which this is so, the phenomenon could be a hurdle in the path of a stridently expansionist US.

Looking back, it was the consolidation of the Islamic regime in Iran in the late seventies of the last century that, besides proving a major challenge to the unfettered global power expansion of the US and its Western allies, provided the motive force as it were for the proliferation of Islam-based identity politics in particularly the South. This continues to be so.

Going forward, the US would need to figure out how best it could manage the persistent presence of Islamic fundamentalism world wide, and for that matter other forms of identity politics, without drastically losing its global power and influence.

The recent successful challenge by Iran to the US’ efforts to exercise its diktat in West Asia should prove an ‘eye-opener’. In these confrontations both sides were bloodied but Iran proved that it could successfully take on the US militarily. The inference for the US ought to be that projecting its military might in the Middle East in a no-holds-barred fashion would not prove easy.

Arising from the foregoing a foremost policy challenge for the US would be to curb Iranian military power while avoiding another major military confrontation with the Islamic state that would cost the US and the world dearly in particularly economic and material terms. The US would have no choice but to persist with the often flagging West Asian peace effort and to render it fully workable.

Ukraine presents the US with another formidable challenge. As is known, Ukraine is proving no easy ‘push-over’ for Russia, but it is badly in need of more sophisticated Western arms, particularly effective air defense systems, to fully neutralize the Russian invasion. What would the US choose to do; go to Ukraine’s assistance fully or opt not to ruffle and antagonize the Putin regime, with which it is on some cordial terms?

A negotiated solution is best in Ukraine and the Trump administration would do well not to lose sight of this ideal but Russia too should see the need for a diplomatic solution if it is to salvage itself from its military stalemate in Ukraine. The US needs to try being a peace mediator in the latter theatre but if the Russian political leadership fails to opt for peace the US would have no choice but to join the rest of NATO and Europe in continuing to arm Ukraine.

The US would need to take the latter course if the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ is to remain committed to its founding ideals. If President Trump fails to meet this challenge he would prove that he is nothing more than an ‘empty rhetorician’.

However, it should not come as a surprise to the world if Trump chooses not to strongly back the rest of the West on Ukraine. Domestic and foreign policy are closely intertwined. Since the Trump administration is committed to building a white supremacist state at home, democratic development worldwide has been of the least importance to it.

The Trump administration’s strong affinities to white jingoism would increasingly compel it to opt for a policy of international isolationism. As a result Ukraine could prove unimportant for the US going forward.

Consequently, US-Western Europe friction in particular is only likely to intensify in the days ahead. Coupled with the contentious issues growing out of the persistence of identity politics, the Trump administration’s far-sightedness in managing foreign policy issues would be tested to the fullest. Whether the world would have comparative peace or continued blood-letting would depend crucially on such judiciousness.

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Beyond concrete: Sunela Jayewardene urges Sri Lanka to rediscover an ancient wisdom for a planet in peril

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Sunela / Rishan / Spencer

It was more than a lecture on architecture. It was a challenge to rethink civilisation itself.

Standing before a packed audience at Dilmah by Genesis in Maligawatte, internationally acclaimed environmental architect, author and conservationist Sunela Jayewardene delivered a keynote that transcended blueprints, buildings and urban planning.

Instead, she invited her listeners on an intellectual journey into Sri Lanka’s ancient past, arguing that the answers to some of the world’s gravest environmental crises may already exist within the island’s forgotten ecological wisdom.

Her address, titled “Beyond Concrete: Architecture for the Coexistence of Species,” was at once philosophical, historical and deeply practical. It questioned humanity’s obsession with dominating nature and called for a return to a design ethic rooted in respect, restraint and coexistence.

“The road is actually very simple,” Jayewardene said. “We have simply forgotten it.”

That observation became the defining thread of an afternoon that challenged conventional thinking about architecture and development.

According to Jayewardene, modern society has inherited a worldview shaped largely by colonial values that placed human needs above those of every other living organism.

“Our value system was turned on its head,” she observed. “We accepted a Western way of looking at nature without questioning it. Today we can clearly see the consequences. The world is in crisis. Species are in crisis. Our lifestyles are in crisis.”

She was careful not to romanticise the past, nor was she dismissive of modern science. Instead, she argued that Sri Lanka’s pre-colonial civilisation possessed a sophisticated environmental philosophy that modern planners and architects have largely ignored.

For Jayewardene, environmental architecture is not about fashionable sustainability slogans or cosmetic landscaping.

It begins with humility.

It begins by recognising that humans are only one species among millions sharing the same landscape.

“The built environment should not exist in opposition to nature,” she said. “It should become part of nature.”

One of the most captivating moments of her presentation came when she introduced her own research into the island’s ancient sacred geography.

Using digital mapping and satellite imagery, Jayewardene demonstrated the remarkable alignment of Sri Lanka’s four original Saman Devalayas, whose axes converge on Sri Pada, historically known as Samanthakuta.

The extraordinary precision of these alignments, she argued, raises profound questions about the scientific and surveying capabilities of ancient Sri Lankan civilisation.

“What kind of technology enabled them to achieve this?” she asked the audience.

Her purpose was not to offer speculative answers but to challenge deeply ingrained assumptions that ancient societies lacked scientific sophistication.

“We often underestimate what our ancestors knew,” she said. “Yet the evidence around us tells a very different story.”

That forgotten knowledge, she argued, extended well beyond engineering.

It shaped an entire philosophy of living with the landscape rather than imposing human will upon it.

Displaying photographs from archaeological sites including Ritigala, ancient monasteries and rock pavilions hidden within Sri Lanka’s forests, Jayewardene illustrated how builders carved steps around natural boulders, integrated structures into existing rock formations and preserved the contours of the land.

Modern construction, she suggested, would almost certainly have bulldozed those landscapes into submission.

“Our ancestors honoured the land,” she said. “They accepted the landscape instead of trying to conquer it.”

For Jayewardene, that principle remains the foundation of every project she undertakes.

She described environmental architecture as an exercise in listening rather than commanding.

Every site, she explained, possesses its own identity, ecological history and natural rhythm.

The responsibility of the architect is to understand that identity before attempting to intervene.

“The land tells you what it wants to become,” she said.

Throughout the presentation, one word repeatedly surfaced—context.

Without understanding context, she argued, architecture becomes little more than sculpture.

Good design cannot be copied indiscriminately from one country to another or even from one district to another.

Climate differs.

Rainfall differs.

Vegetation differs.

Wildlife differs.

Culture differs.

Even the stories associated with landscapes differ.

All of these, Jayewardene insisted, must shape architecture.

“When I speak about inhabitants, I don’t mean only human beings,” she explained.

“The birds, insects, reptiles, mammals, trees and every living organism already occupying that land must become part of the design equation.”

This broader understanding forms the basis of what she describes as non-human-centred design—an approach that rejects the notion that cities exist exclusively for people.

Instead, landscapes should provide refuge for biodiversity while simultaneously serving human communities.

It is an idea that resonates strongly at a time when rapid urbanisation continues to erode habitats across Sri Lanka.

Jayewardene also challenged prevailing attitudes towards development itself.

Too often, she argued, “development” has become synonymous with replacing natural systems by concrete infrastructure.

She questioned whether flattening hillsides, redirecting streams and clearing vegetation can genuinely be described as progress.

In her view, genuine development should first ask what ecological value already exists before deciding what should be built.

One of the simplest yet most profound examples she offered concerned water.

“I always say it is acceptable to interrupt water,” she remarked. “But never disrupt it.”

That distinction reflects an ecological understanding often absent from conventional engineering.

Natural drainage systems, she warned, perform countless functions that remain invisible until they are damaged.

Floods, soil erosion, biodiversity decline and even changes in local climate frequently follow.

“We disrupt far more than water,” she said. “We disrupt entire ecological relationships.”

Equally significant was her distinction between degraded brownfield sites and relatively untouched greenfield landscapes.

Brownfield sites require ecological restoration, rehabilitation and renewal.

Greenfield sites demand restraint.

Minimal intervention, she argued, is often the highest form of environmental design.

The keynote found an appropriate setting within Dilmah Conservation’s own efforts to restore degraded urban landscapes.

Earlier in the programme, Rishan Sampath of Dilmah Conservation outlined the organisation’s transformation of an abandoned industrial property in Moratuwa into a flourishing urban forest containing over 300 tree species and more than 1,000 individual plants.

Scientific studies conducted within the restored forest have already demonstrated improvements in air quality compared with adjoining urban roads, providing measurable evidence that biodiversity restoration can improve city life.

For Jayewardene, such initiatives represent far more than beautification projects.

They demonstrate that ecological restoration can become a guiding philosophy for future urban planning.

Her address ultimately became a call to rethink humanity’s place within nature.

Architecture, she argued, should no longer celebrate domination over landscapes.

It should celebrate coexistence.

Every building should strengthen biodiversity.

Every development should restore ecological balance.

Every designer should ask not merely how a project serves people, but how it serves life itself.

As the audience left the hall, they carried with them more than architectural ideas.

They carried a challenge

To question inherited assumptions.

To rediscover indigenous ecological wisdom.

And to recognise that Sri Lanka’s greatest contribution to global sustainability may not lie in importing new environmental models, but in rediscovering the timeless principles embedded within its own civilisation.

For Sunela Jayewardene, the future will not be secured by building more impressive skylines.

It will be secured when humanity learns once again to build gently, intelligently and respectfully—allowing architecture to become not an act of conquest, but an expression of coexistence.

By Ifham Nizam

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Colombia’s “back-to-back queen”

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Beyond modelling, Colombia’s Katherine Castaño, who captured the crown at the Top Model of the World 2026, in Egypt, is also a TV host, entrepreneur and social media influencer.

She’s based in Miami, Florida right now — a hub for fashion and influencer work — a city she calls home base, while representing Colombia on the world stage.

Her Miami base gives her access to fashion, entertainment, and business networks, while her title keeps Colombia front and centre in the global modelling conversation.

Off the runway, she says she enjoys singing, playing the piano, and tennis.

Katherine didn’t make the trip to Egypt as a newcomer. She’s built a strong international portfolio before winning the crown.

In fact, her résumé reads like a fashion passport: Colombia Moda, New York Fashion Week, Miami Swim Week, Miami Fashion Week, Nicaragua Diseña, IXEL Moda, and Mercedes-Benz San José.

On June 8, 2026, Katherine Castaño was crowned by outgoing winner Natalia Garizabal Vera, also of Colombia. That gave Colombia a historic back-to-back victory — the first time any country has done it in the competition’s history, and Colombia’s 4th win overall.

As Top Model of the World 2026, Katherine’s reign is centred on elevating her profile as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur.

She’s built a personal brand around beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism, with strong reach across fashion, social media, and business.

As titleholder, she’s now the face of the pageant’s international fashion platform, representing Colombia globally, while based out of Miami.

Ahead of the competition she was clear about the stakes: “This is bigger than me. This is for my country. This is for the story I’m here to write… And I’m not going quietly… we’re going for that back to back.”

As the reigning titleholder, Katherine Castaño’s role extends far beyond the sash. She’s using the platform to grow her brand as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur rooted in “beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism”.

She will also be doing runway shows, photoshoots, brand appearances, and fashion events.

Sri Lanka’s representative at this pageant was NetalieWithanage.

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