Editorial
20A and dual citizen
The 20th Amendment to the J.R. Jayewardene 1978 Constitution was done and dusted on Thursday night with the Gotabaya-Mahinda Rajapaksa government comfortably clearing the two thirds majority barrier. Since President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s election as the country’s seventh executive president in November 2019, nothing kicked up as much controversy as the 20th Amendment which the government was clearly intent on enacting despite, in our view, the far more important challenge of Covid-19 confronting our country and its people today. “First things first,” we said in this space last week, least expecting the powers- that-be to elevate the Covid nightmare above 20A on the national priority list. And so it sadly was, although the virus was spreading far too fast for comfort necessitating more and more stringent restriction in many parts of this island, particularly in the Western Province.
Government propagandists worked overtime to sock home the message that the president and the government elected some months after Gotabaya’s decisive victory had received a massive mandate and were fully entitled to press on with 20A. Although the present rulers came very close to getting what Junius Rex, the old fox who drafted the 1978 constitution, had calculated to be a never-attainable two thirds majority, they ignored the fact that neither President Rajapaksa nor his government said anything about a 20th Amendment in the manifestos they presented the country. There is not an iota of doubt that the people were very well aware that those who are now in office were ironclad in their ex post facto opposition to the 19th Amendment – despite all but one of them voting for its enactment. While it was clearly stated that the incumbents will bring a new constitution, the voters were never told that a 20th Amendment would be presented and passed in an almighty hurry. Claiming a massive mandate for doing what was accomplished last week was clearly not in order.
The 1978 constitution that established the proportional representation system of elections in place of the previous first-past-the-post Westminster model the country had followed since Independence, sought in vain to impose an anti-defection deterrent. It attempted to to ensure that MPs elected on party lists would lose their seats if they chose to defect. But this endeavor has proved to be a dismal failure. We’ve had a great many defections since then, with the numbers growing last week, but no single lawmaker who changed sides has lost his or her parliamentary seat. The less said the better about inducements and/or considerations that influenced switching allegiance. The people well know that there are no free lunches and many of the defectors have fed well, nay very well, at the trough. One of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) members who voted for 20A was quoted in a newspaper saying she didn’t take even a cent for what she did. It sounded better in the original Sinhala – “sathayakwath gaththey ne, puluwan nam oppu karanna.” (I didn’t take even a cent, prove it if you can). Explaining her vote on the floor of the House on Friday, this National List lady said that she, like Antonio in Julius Caesar, “loved her country more” (than she loved her party)
This newcomer to politics was the so-called ‘owner’ of the SJB which was among the recognized political parties in the books of the Election Commission. When Sajith Premadasa and his supporters broke away from the green party, they acquired the SJB label to enable them to field their candidate list as a party at the last election. We do not know what the arrangement was, but Ms. Diana Gamage was included in the SJB National List after the election. Digressing from the thrust of this commentary, let us say here that the dozens of unknown or barely known political parties cluttering the Election Commission’s ‘recognized party’ register should be cleaned out as they have been and will be continue to be used for political expedience. The new system of elections promised in the next constitution, which the president says will be in place for his second election anniversary (November 2021), could ensure this.
To return to the subject under discussion, the dual citizen provision in 20A merits special mention. Nobody would dispute that particular provision in 19A clearly targeted the Rajapaksas – specifically Gotabaya and Basil, who were citizen of both Sri Lanka and the USA. It was clearly venal in intent. While Gotabaya renounced his US citizenship to run for president, braving a welter of legal challenges against his candidature and suffering many campaign disadvantages over the risk factor (would his candidature be annulled?), Basil Rajapaksa did not do so. Among the stalwarts of the SLPP-led alliance publicly denouncing doing away with the 19A provisions on dual citizen are three party leader-ministers, Vasudeva Nananayakkara,Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila. They are now on record saying that they were voting for 20A, including the dual citizen provision, on the basis of an assurance by the president that the new constitution to be enacted by November 2021 will retain the 19A prohibitions on dual citizen.
The unanswered question that remains hanging in the air is why a year-long window favoring dual citizen is being kept open if the prohibitions will be reimposed in the new constitution next year. Has any assurance been given that this opening will not be used? No answer was forthcoming during the 20A parliamentary debate. We believe that dual citizen should not only be prevented from running at presidential and national election but also not be permitted, with foreign allegiance, to assume any high public office in this country. Disgracefully, the authors of 19A during their previous tenure in government, started the rot by appointing dual citizen as ambassadors. The icing on the cake was appointing a Singapore citizen as Central Bank governor. He is now a fugitive of the bond scam investigation.
Editorial
Drug barons vs. the law
Wednesday 11th December, 2024
A much-feared underworld figure named Arumahandi Janith Madushanka Silva alias Podi Lassi, charged with possession of narcotics, has been released on bail. Lawyers who appeared for him told reporters on Monday (09) that he needed protection because the STF had threatened him with death. What they left unsaid was that their client had issued threats to no less a person than the Head of State. In 2020, while being detained in the Boosa Prison, Podi Lassi and two other underworld characters known as Kosgoda Tharaka and Pitigala Keuma threatened to harm the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary General Kamal Gunaratne, and some senior prison officers.
Sri Lanka has seen ambitious projects under successive governments during the past several decades to turn it into a hub of some kind or another in the region. Much-advertised campaigns to make it a centre of international shipping, global trade, IT, education, etc., have not reached fruition. However, some underworld kingpins have already turned it into a narcotic hub, to all intents and purposes if the sheer amounts of dangerous drugs frequently taken into custody are any indication.
Sri Lanka’s anti-narcotic laws are characterised by some inadequacies that allow clever lawyers appearing for drug lords to drive a coach and horses through them. They have done so on numerous occasions much to the dismay of the police and the public.
One may recall that a notorious drug dealer named Mohommad Najim Mohommad Imran alias Kanjipani Imran obtained bail in 2022. Everybody knew that he would flee the country, and he did so a couple of weeks later. The then Public Security Minister Tiran Alles claimed that some unscrupulous lawyers had facilitated Imran’s escape as well as that of another criminal called Ganemulle Sanjeewa. Who can ensure that Podi Lassi will not emulate Imran and Sanjeewa?
Imran was arrested in Dubai together with Sri Lanka’s Napoleon of Crime, Samarasinghe Arachchige Madush Lakshitha alias Makandure Madush, in 2019, and brought to Colombo. Madush perished allegedly in a crossfire between the police and an underworld gang while in custody. Imran has been running his crime syndicate here from overseas. He is believed to have masterminded the murder of Wasantha Perera or Club Wasantha about five months ago. No wonder Citizen Perera is on the same page as Mr. Bumble (in Oliver Twist), who says the law is an ass.
While Operation Yukthiya was proceeding at full throttle, under the previous government, we pointed out that the war on drugs had to be fought at sea, on the shore, and in ports. Most narcotic consignments find their way here in fishing craft and freight containers.
Last week, the Navy intercepted and brought to the Colombo Port a fishing craft with a haul of crystal meth weighing 400 kilos. In December 2013, the Customs found more than 131 kilos of heroin in a container which a coordinating secretary to the then Prime Minister D. M. Jayaratne had requested the Customs to clear on a priority basis. In July 2017, more than 218 kilos of cocaine were detected in a shipping container of sugar delivered to the Ratmalana Economic Centre.
Whenever a drug czar is netted, a well-coordinated operation gets underway to secure his release, with lawyers, politicians, and some rogue elements in the police and other state institutions such as the Government Analyst’s Department springing into action. In September 2023, Nadun Chinthaka Wickremaratne alias Harak Kata almost made good his escape during an interrogation session at the CID headquarters. His plan to poison the police personnel on duty, and flee went pear-shaped thanks to some Argus-eyed STF personnel. Besides, more than a dozen Police Narcotics Bureau officers were arrested in 2020 over their links to drug dealers.
The foregoing point to the power of the netherworld of crime, and the enormity of the narcotic problem Sri Lanka has been striving to tackle all these years. Inadequacies of laws, corruption in the state institutions tasked with fighting the scourge of drugs, and political backing for narco barons have made the task of ridding the country of narcotics even more uphill.
The need for reworking Sri Lanka’s anti-narcotics strategy to optimise it to meet the existing challenges and the emerging ones vis-à-vis the powerful drug Mafia, which is becoming more resilient like a pathogenic virus, cannot be overstated. A major drawback of the ongoing anti-narcotic operations is the lack of a holistic approach to overcoming multisectoral obstacles that stand in the way of neutralising the hydra-headed scourge. This is something that the new government, which is keen to liberate the country from the clutches of the drug cartels should take cognisance of.
Editorial
Politics and doctoral embellishments
Tuesday 10th December, 2024
The JVP/NPP got pillorying its political rivals down to a fine art while it was in opposition. It questioned their academic and professional qualifications and even ridiculed some of them as charlatans. Never did it miss an opportunity to cast aspersions on some educated members in previous governments, claiming that they were the descendants of Mahadenamutta (a blundering self-proclaimed pundit in folklore). The boot is now on the other foot, and the current Opposition is giving the JVP/NPP a taste of its own medicine.
Speaker Dr. Asoka Ranwala is coming under increasing pressure to furnish proof of his academic qualifications, which the JVP/NPP has publicised. Former Chairman of the Election Commission (EC) Mahinda Deshapriya is among those who have reportedly asked the Speaker to prove that he has a university degree. If the Speaker fails to do so, he should resign, or the JVP/NPP must remove him from his post, Deshapriya has said.
The former EC Chief’s challenge has received wide publicity, but the Speaker has chosen to ignore it. The Opposition has got hold of something to beat the government with, and therefore it is not likely to give up its campaign against the NPP. So, Speaker Ranwala would do better to field the questions being raised about his academic qualifications and put the matter to rest if he has nothing to hide. The NPP flaunts what it calls its commitment to transparency, accountability and respecting the people’s right to information, and therefore its silence on the issue at hand has raised many an eyebrow.
Sri Lanka needs educated politicians, but education alone does not make a good politician, and one need not necessarily have dazzling professional and/or academic qualifications to be able to do well in politics and serve the country to the satisfaction of the public. There have been numerous instances where doctorate holders failed and others succeeded in Sri Lankan politics. So, a person without a doctorate can make a good Speaker, but let it be repeated that the NPP ought to provide proof of Speaker Ranwala’s academic credentials.
Some political parties make university dons in their ranks out to be mavens, but the question is why those worthies have not been able to help raise the standards and rankings of the state-run seats of higher learning. True, successive governments have not cared to develop the state universities, which are affected by severe resource constraints and political interference, but the blame for the current sorry state of affairs in the groves of academe should be apportioned to university teachers as well.
The NPP government bears some resemblance to its immediate predecessor where the parading of its members’ doctorates is concerned. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government also had a phalanx of academics drawn from various disciplines and self-styled intellectuals in its ranks. In fact, it wasViyathmaga, a diverse group with an eclectic mix of members including university professors, that promoted Gotabaya as ‘a visionary leader’, and enabled the Rajapaksas, who suffered an ignominious defeat in 2015, to make an early comeback four years later. Those dons secured key positions in the Gotabaya government, but could not prevent its failure and the collapse of the economy. Some of them were responsible for Gotabaya’s downfall itself; they persuaded him to plunge head first into disastrous experiments like his organic farming initiative coupled with a blanket ban on agrochemicals; they also made him resort to draconian measures such as the mandatory cremation of the Muslims who died of Covid-19. Viyathmaga turned out to be an exclusive club of know-alls, who ruined the SLPP government and the country. Many of them stooped so low as to offer their services as bootlickers to the Rajapaksas. They undertook to defend the indefensible for the sake of the ‘Family’ and cut pathetic figures in the process. The NPP also seems to have a me-too version of Viyathmaga, and one can only hope that its members will not make the same blunders as the self-proclaimed pundits who ruined the Gotabaya government.
Editorial
Lucky millers
Monday 9th December, 2024
The Millers’ Mafia has won another battle, a very decisive one at that. It has been able to coerce the mighty NPP government into increasing the maximum retail prices (MRPs) of all varieties of rice except keeri samba by Rs. 10. By opting for an upward price revision, the government has unwittingly justified the millers’ unlawful practice of selling rice at prices above the MRPs previously. What it has chosen to do is like hurling a chunk of umbalakada (‘Maldives fish’) at a cat that is running away with a piece of fish, as a local saying goes. We hear champagne corks popping in rice mills, especially in Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, at a meeting with a group of rice millers in Colombo over the weekend, announced the government’s decision to increase the MRPs for rice. He appeared to be reading the millers the riot act, but in the end the latter had the last laugh—as always.
It has been reported that the rice millers agreed to adhere to the revised MRPs and release adequate rice stocks to the market, but whether they will go on doing so or ask for further price increases, after a while, remains to be seen. President Dissanayake has indicated that noncompliance will be severely dealt with. One can only hope that he will match his words with deeds and ensure that the interests of consumers and farmers are safeguarded.
Taming the powerful rice millers, who have become a law unto themselves, is a stupendous task that not even war-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa was equal to. He gave in to their pressure and allowed them to do as they pleased. Former frontline combat officer-turned President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, whom his political opponents made out to be an autocrat, also chose to touch his forelock to the Millers’ Mafia.
Successive governments have capitulated to the millers, who have demonstrated their ability to make politicians eat out of their hands. Political leaders go ballistic on election platforms, vowing to take tough action against those who exploit the public, but their roars give way to mews after being ensconced in power. This is why politicians and their parties must be made to reveal whether they have benefited from the slush funds of the millers and other members of the mudalali fraternity given to exploitative practices.
The owner of ‘Araliya Rice’, Dudley Sirisena, who is one of the powerful millers blamed for manipulating the rice and paddy markets and profiteering, in an interview with Hiru TV, on 02 Dec., claimed that the current rice shortage had come about because rice was used for manufacturing beer. Claiming that the beer companies preferred nadu to other varieties of rice, he sought to deflect blame for the current rice shortage. Interestingly, he was among the millers who met President Dissanayake the other day, and agreed to make all varieties of rice, including nadu, available at the revised prices. If the rice shortage has been caused by the beer companies, as Sirisena has claimed, how come the millers have undertaken to release rice to the market? Are they going to turn beer into rice?
However, Sirisena’s tall tale is not without an iota of truth; it is public knowledge that beer companies use rice as a raw material although they cannot be blamed for the current rice shortage, which is mostly due to hoarding by a cartel of unscrupulous millers. The government must take action to ensure that rice is eaten and not ‘drunk’ (in the form of beer).
Curiously, the government has reportedly decided to sell imported nadu rice at the previous MRP (Rs. 220 a kilo). Rice to be imported from India is believed to cost only about Rs. 110 a kilo, and the 100-rupee markup on a kilo of imported rice is nothing but unfair. It is unbecoming of the State Trading Corporation and Sathosa, tasked with importing rice, to make such unconscionable profits.
Worse, some large-scale millers responsible for market manipulations are among the rice importers; they are known to take imported rice all the way to their mills in North Central Province, and release it to the market after rebranding and repackaging it. They will now be able to sell a kilo of imported rice at Rs. 230 and earn a profit of Rs. 120 besides fleecing the public by keeping the prices of locally produced rice artificially high. They will get the best of both worlds!
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