Features
Peradeniya University in the Seventies
BY Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D.
Two recent articles shed much light on the Peradeniya University and the campus life in the fifties and sixties. If those were the glorious years of this fabled institution, the seventies can be considered as the decade it lost its innocence. That sounds ominous but rest assured that we the seventies generation of students did enjoy the campus life in our own way, just as our predecessors did, perhaps without the opulence.
Change is inevitable, but often it is not noticeable, especially when it is gradual. In comparison to the previous two decades, the changes of the seventies were anything but gradual and were out there for everyone to see. The song writers, novelists, and movie makers need not worry, the campus life they romanticized did continue unabated: The mist rolled down the Hantana range, trumpet flowers carpeted the grounds in April, and countless youthful heart strings got tangled as before. While the Mahaweli ran through the lush valley as it did for millennia, some transformative events took place in the backdrop and changed the campus life for many years to come.
I entered the Peradeniya University on October 4, 1969, in time to get a glimpse of the glorious era and witness it slip away under political, economic, and social calamities that burdened the entire country. At that time, there was considerable friction between the education community at large and the then Minister of Education (IMRA Iriyagolle) who was a medical student turned policeman, turned politician. It was generally believed that this minister’s actions were largely responsible for the fall of that government and the Bandaranaike coalition coming into power in 1970.
No doubt that the education circles, particularly the university community were optimistic, and they welcomed the new administration. We witnessed this cordiality when Professor K. N. Jayatilleka passed away just a month after the election: The prime minister casually walked into the senate building to pay last respects accompanied by the then IGP. No fanfare or fuss. I suspect that could have been the last time a political figure was able to walk through the Peradeniya campus without having to deploy a massive security. The goodwill did not last long, however.
When we entered, it was the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya as it has been since 1952. In 1972, when all universities were brought under the umbrella of University of Sri Lanka, it became the Peradeniya Campus. The Vice Chancellor Professor E.O.E. Pereira stepped down, and the position was replaced with a Campus President. The university crest was changed along with the motto to Vidya Dadathi Vinayam from the old Savasya Locanam Sasthrum. This was reversed in 1979 when it became the University of Peradeniya.
The centralization brought in several administrative changes that did not sit well with the campus community as it significantly impacted its autonomy. As I can remember, students had grievance against many changes that were dictated from Colombo, leading to frequent demonstrations and strikes. I doubt if there were any policy makers who had graduated form Peradeniya, or from a Sri Lankan university at that time, and that was the reason for lack of any meaningful dialogue. Furthermore, I doubt if the policymakers had any inclination to send their own children to the system either. No wonder that there was a sense of distrust on both sides and disinterest on part of the government.
The JVP was highly active in the campus at the time. The most visible signs were the meticulously painted slogans appearing overnight on pavements and on walls. The names of the residential halls were replaced with the names of some Russian revolutionary figures. Wijewardena hall became Bandaranaike Hall. In addition to the members only meetings the JVP leader held frequently, he conducted a series of lectures to packed audiences in the open-air theater. Many students attended out of curiosity.
There were rumors of preparations being made for an armed revolution, but I personally did not know anyone who took that seriously, at least until March 16, 1971. That day, we were attending an afternoon lecture when a massive explosion was heard. Running out of the theater, we could see a section of the roof of Mars Hall blown open and smoldering. Apparently, some bomb making materials that were hidden there had gone off. The army and police raided all the residential halls promptly, and a significant number of crude bombs and detonators were discovered. We considered this accident as a blessing in disguise. If not for that, the fate of the campus dwellers could have been very different during the events that followed.
A hike up the Hanthana and going to Sri Pada were two popular activities among the students. On Saturday April 3, 1971, about 15 of us, both men and women, went to Sri Pada. It was an impromptu event: take the evening train to Hatton, ride the CTB bus to Nallathanniya, and make the climb at night. See the sun rise in the morning and get back to campus the next night. It was a fun trip, an opportunity for camaraderie, having a good time, and taking a few pictures for the record if one had a camera. Romance was not ruled out; in fact, one couple got hitched on this trip.
That was my second year, and we did not get to stay in the residence halls at tat time. A friend and I were staying at a house in Getambe where the Mahanama school playground stands today. Arriving late and tired from the hike, we were going to sleep late, but our boarding master woke us up. During early morning on April 5, the JVP had attacked several police stations, a curfew had been declared, and we should leave for home ASAP, he told us.
Perhaps, he considered housing campus students a liability, with good reason. Hurriedly, we grabbed what we could and got to Peradeniya. There, we witnessed to our horror a few students being interrogated (read tortured) by the police. I managed to reach home the next day after spending the curfew night at a relative’s house in Colombo and taking a ride in the back of a lorry. However, many others were stranded as the roads were blocked at many places.
It was only after we returned to the campus months later that we learnt about their harrowing adventures. It had taken some students weeks or months to reach home, some spending time at detention camps or in hiding not knowing if they would get out alive. If we were delayed in getting back from Sri Pada on that night, our fate could have been very different. Our experiences may appear mere inconveniences compared to the events of the following decade, but that was the very first time the post-independence Sri Lanka saw the government unleashing its wrath upon its own youth.
When we returned after a three-month hiatus, it was a transformed campus. All the graffiti were gone, and the residential hall names were restored. Considering the extent of the student involvement in planning the uprising, only a small number of students failed to return. There was some evidence of violence in the campus. The blood stains resembling an injured person crawling into a room were found in a residential hall. There were several burnt patches along the road near the temple, and it was rumored that some bodies were set on fire there.
One major change after the revolt was an increase in controls over student life. Authorities, especially the law enforcement, did not look at the students favorably for a good reason. A night curfew was in place for some time. The police started patrolling the campus without being requested by campus authorities, thereby increasing the tension. Fortunately, the chief of police at Peradeniya who used to frequent the faculty club and had good relations with some of the staff, helped maintain some level of civility.
After the uprising in 1971, all students were given accommodation in campus residences. Hilda Obeysekera hall that had been a women’s residence since 1952, was converted to a men’s residence, and we were the fortunate first male occupants. Thanks to the legendary warden, Mrs. Mathiyaparanam, it had been so well maintained and looked like a three-star hotel. Manicured courtyards, clean and fully functioning bathrooms complete with bathtubs, full length mirrors, and bidets.
There were hilarious incidents reported in using this last item. Not to mention the laundry hampers in each room and the laundry service included in the hall fee. Meals were served at table complete with cutlery; food was excellent and was aplenty; and the waiting staff was there to refill the glass or the cup. It may have worked for women, but obviously, that opulence could not be maintained with young men. The sheer number of free loaders (gajaya) and the male appetite took its toll. To control the situation, a meal ticket system and rationing were introduced. Instead of dishes on the table to serve yourself from, plated food was served; but still a good portion of quality food; and seconds were available if needed.
Sri Lankan economy ran into trouble in 1974. With $ 2 billion in debt, the government could not afford to import enough food for the county’s 13 million people. Everyone had to make drastic changes, and the campus was not spared. With the food crisis that ensured, the meals at residential halls took a big hit. I recall a member of the kitchen staff saying that what we ate was of poorer quality than that of the scraps thrown away in the fifties.
The campus authorities tried their best by substituting rice with other staples, but it was not easy to stomach. To ease the situation, the immaculately maintained lawns were allowed to be cultivated, and many non-academic staff seized the opportunity. Even after the economy recovered somewhat and the food crisis eased, the quality of food in the campus continued to deteriorate and became a bone of contention. At one point, even the humble milk tea was stopped to be replaced with plain tea with a piece of jaggery, or something that resembled jaggery.
The heavy-handed management of the campuses by the Sirima Bandaranaike government caused continuous friction between the administration and students and staff alike. In November 1976, the university workers went on strike demanding some changes, which included the removal of the then Campus President. When the students decided to support the workers, the administration declared the campus closed.
Instead of leaving the campus, the students decided to stage a sit down around the senate building. A heavily armed police force of about 700 was brought in. On the morning of November 11, when the students were changing shifts, the police brutally attacked them with live bullets. Many were injured, girls were abused, and one student was shot dead. The memorial near the Jennings circle marks the spot where Weerasuriya fell mortally wounded. Even though a high-level investigation was conducted, no one was found guilty of murder. After Bandaranaike’s party was decimated at the election in 1977, campus politics took a new turn.
Along with the economic hardships, the campus upkeep also fell behind. The lack of or poor repairs contributed to the deterioration of the facilities. Once the underground power cable to the pumping station broke down and several residential halls went without water for many days. This happened during the middle of a final examination causing tremendous hardship. The addition of new books and journals to the libraries was drastically reduced. The abandoned cultivated plots turned the once elegant landscape into scrublands.
The palm trees that lined the old Galaha road bloomed signaling the end of their lives. Some thought that was an omen for more bad things to come. The only new building project I can think of was the new student center replacing the old canteen housed in the USO building, a leftover from the tea plantation days.
Thus, the seventies saw some of the notable moments of the transformative process of the campus. The luxuries of the fifties and sixties became a legend. There is no doubt that the students of the fifties would have looked upon us with pity. Young people are resilient, and we enjoyed the campus life in the seventies as much as they did in the fifties, in our own way. I am sure the fifties crowd would have never dreamed of this: After reading about a streaking incident during a cricket match in England, a bunch of guys ran naked in front of a girls’ residence hall after sunset.
Somehow, to their horror, the girls recognized them. Seeing this incident, the watcher on duty exclaimed “In the fifties, the gentlemen wore ties when they visited the ladies.” The ensuring stories circulated made our streakers’ lives a misery.
Despite the setbacks, we did our studies, learned the skills to make a living, made lifelong friendships, and some of us found our life partners. The film-soc, Wala, cultural performances, and social functions continued. In fact, it was one of the most enjoyable periods of my life. However, the thought comes if we could have done things differently.
My only regret is that we did not leave it the way the sixties people left it for us. Unfortunately, there were larger forces at work. However, there was one fifties-sixties inheritance that we could and should have done away with as a gift to the future generations: the inhumane, shameful, and utterly purposeless culture of ragging.
(The writer is a pharmaceutical consultant in the US)
Predictably, present US efforts at exercising suzerainty, as it were, over the rest of the West and outside are facing stiff challenges. The foremost counter-challenge to these hegemonic aims comes from the EU. Next in line is an Arab plan to reconstruct and develop the war-shattered Gaza Strip, in an outright rejection of President Trump’s ‘Middle East Riviera’ fantasy.
EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was forthright and lucid recently in Europe’s decision to stand by Ukraine in the face of the Trump administration’s efforts to implement a so-called peace plan involving, among other things, the selling of Ukraine’s mineral rights to the US. As should be expected of an extreme Right wing US Republican regime, there are no pretensions here to be on the side of principled politics. On the other hand, monetary gain is the uppermost consideration for the regime.
The EU chief said: ‘We are living in the most momentous and dangerous of times. This is a moment for Europe, and we are ready to step-up.’ She had gone on to elaborate to the West on a ‘5 part plan to strengthen Europe’s defense industry and provide “immediate” military support to Ukraine.’
Right now, Europe cannot measure up to the US in terms of the quantity and monetary value of military assistance supplied to the Ukraine and other ‘trouble spots’ that matter to the West, but what is noteworthy is that Europe is losing no time in coming out with viable defense plans to support Ukraine in its wasting war with invasive Russia.
That is, Europe is very much on the ready with a ‘strategic plan’ to implement its international defense commitments with or without the US. It is aptly called ‘Re-Arm Europe Plan’ and is worth 800 billion pounds. In fact, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer is already on record as having promised to deploy ‘boots on the ground and planes in the air’, if required, in defense of Ukraine’s sovereignty.
At present, though, there is recognition on the part of Europe and the US that they need each other for the achievement of their respective international policy aims but Europe’s defense plans for Ukraine amply demonstrate that, going forward, it would not be a question of Europe tamely falling in line with the US.
To express it bluntly, it would boil down to the US not going unchallenged in its efforts at exercising any suzerainty over the rest of the West.
Besides, the world is yet to be informed of any principal peace component in the US’ plans to end the Ukraine war. The sale of Ukraine’s strategic resources to the US does in no way equate with any peace plan which should not only involve Russia getting back to its internationally recognized boundaries with Ukraine but should also feature a recognition by Russia of Ukraine’s sovereignty or its right to self-determination. In the absence of such conditions, any purported peace plan would need to be dismissed as a farcical document.
In fact the Trump administration is right now providing the world with quite a few ‘laughs’. For instance, why should Ukraine be ‘grateful’ or ‘thankful’ to the US? If in the past the US provided military assistance to the Ukraine, it did so for strategic and other reasons that dovetailed with the US’ national interest. It was not a matter of the US bestowing any kindness on Ukraine.
Besides, President Trump cannot expect any excessive cordiality from a visiting head of government by ‘talking down’ to him, which is what the Trump administration did recently when Ukraine’s President visited the White House. Civility in bilateral relations, after all, is a two-way process.
As notable a challenge to the US as that being posed by the EU comes in the form of an Arab plan to take on the reconstruction and development of the Gaza in the event of some peace and stability descending on the region.
Arab leaders at an emergency summit recently in Cairo reportedly evolved a $53 billion reconstruction program for the Gaza, which is seen as outrivaling the US plan to ‘take over Gaza’ and turn it into a ‘Middle East Riviera’. Further, the Arab countries concerned are firmly opposing moves by the US to move out the Palestinian community from the Gaza for the furtherance of its fanciful project.
The latter development is doubly significant in view of the fact that the Arab plan also endorses the ‘Two State’ solution in the Middle East, which for most sensible sections, is the only path to a measure of stability in the region. If the Arab plan meets with wide acceptance, the next step for the Arab world would be to enlist Western support for it. Subsequently the difficult undertaking of getting Israel to agree to it should be taken on by concerned sections of the international community. It goes without saying that the plan should also satisfy the security needs of Israel.
Thus, it would not be a question of the US acting unilaterally or going ahead without being challenged in the implementation of its plans for the Ukraine and the Gaza. The sizeable opposition it would be facing on both fronts would require it to negotiate with the utmost insight with both the EU and the Arab world.
Moreover, there are ‘bread and butter’ issues that ought to stop the US in its tracks and make it think long and deep on the consequences of the cavalier course it is currently taking in international affairs. For instance, stock markets worldwide have been rattled by US plans to slam unacceptably high tariffs on exports from Canada, Mexico and China. Since these tariffs would not go unchallenged by the countries concerned, the world would need to brace for prolonged and destructive trade wars among the above countries which would have the effect of adding to the cost of living bill of citizens the world over.
Needless to say, excessive economic pressures are the ideal breeding ground for stepped-up social and political discontent anywhere. Considering the foregoing, the Trump administration would do well to bring a measure of perceptiveness and foresight to bear in its management of international affairs. Among other things, it would do well to rein-in its fatal tendency to dabble dangerously in populist politics.
By Jayasri Priyalal
Populism is a political approach that seeks to appeal to ordinary people who feel their concerns are disregarded by established elite groups, often creating an “us vs. them” mentality that divides society. During his first term, President Trump blamed various groups and factors, such as immigrants and unfair trade practices in China, where state subsidies distort markets, leading to cheap goods flooding American markets and impacting jobs and industries. President Trump was highly critical of the inefficiencies within US government institutions. He is determined to implement his economic strategy, known as MAGAnomics, to address these issues.
American exceptionalism was the mantra during President Donald Trump’s first term. Smaller governments for increased efficiency remain a myth as capital markets are heavily dependent on near zero interest funds. They do not come from private conglomerates as earned profits, but from the state-run financial agencies.
Mr. Donald Trump was elected as the 47th President of the United States of America, with “Make America Great Again” as his dominant campaign theme. He rose to political prominence as a populist, advocating for nationalist interests among Americans. Since taking office on January 20th, President Trump has issued numerous executive orders. Some of these decisions have been legally challenged at the time of writing this essay. The President’s office has been issuing executive orders at a rapid pace, possibly as an effort to “drain the swamp,” a promise he made during his first term.
Ruchir Sharma writes that the era of small government ended long ago, as the global financial assets are loaded with debt instruments and the real capital and stocks are only 30 percent of the financial assets. In his book What went Wrong with Capitalism, Ruchir Sharma forewarns about fake prosperity of giant corporations dominating the economy in a debt-pickled business culture. When stock market values of largest corporations cross US$ 3 trillion and fortunes of richest tycoons break US$ 200 billion, a bigger government must be the answer to balance the unrestrained financialisation, argues Sharma candidly. It will be too early to comment whether a strategic regulatory and state capture is underway in the hands of the super-rich in the second term of President Donald Trump.
The failed neo-liberal ideology built on the premise of privatisation of profits and socialisation social problems culture appears to be gaining ground in the name of efficiency once again. President Trump has set up a new agency -Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) to increase efficiency and appointed billionaire, Elon Musk to head the agency. Wonder whether they have plans to close the Federal Reserve for minting money at neo-zero interest rates, and reduce the size of the government?
One significant action was the closure of USAID, which sent shockwaves through development agencies that relied on its funds to address the needs of the poor and marginalised. In the process, the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) and the Trump administration have uncovered many illicit operations within USAID, revealing hidden agendas. Media reports suggest there is evidence of USAID’s involvement in supporting the demonstrators of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004.
“History doesn’t repeat itself,
but it does rhymes” – Mark Twain
This write-up aims to analyse the historical trends of great leaders who have influenced human civilisation and how they demonstrated their leadership through either fear or courage. Fear and courage were the two key determinants that drove those leading and mobilising the masses for struggles for the common good. However, history reveals how leaders chose just and unjust causes to lead for better or worse.
The writer opines that the current extreme right-wing populist political trend seeks to reverse many of the progressive achievements’ humankind has secured. Far-right political movements are rallying with populist movements like those that existed in the pre-WWI era. Globalisation-driven neoliberal policies have widened inequalities across all social segments, benefiting only a handful of the super-rich at the expense of the larger portion of have-nots.
It appears that current frustrations are being capitalised on by the far-right populist movement to gain electoral success by dividing public opinion and sparking fear. This fear includes losing jobs and livelihoods to migrants from other countries and Americans losing their economic superiority to China. China’s technological achievements in AI and electric vehicle manufacturing, along with new geopolitical alliances outside the sphere of influence of northern hemisphere-controlled states, are casting doubts among electorates in Western democracies.
The antidote to fear is hope, which is being strategically utilised by far-right political movements in Europe, North America, and South America now. Therefore, populists are getting elected to govern the helpless and hopeless. Democracy is ineffective if the prevailing economy does not benefit most of the society. History demonstrates how the Weimar Republic in Germany collapsed in 1933, paving the way for World War II and bringing misery and hardship to mankind with the democratically elected Adolf Hitler coming to power.
Hitler and the Nazi regime unleashed an extreme right-wing doctrine, leading to the Holocaust, driven by the fear that Jews and migrants threatened the supremacy of the Aryan German race—a fundamentally misconceived belief. By embedding fear among the German population, the Nazi forces were able to act with a distorted sense of courage, driven by their misguided mission to make Germany great in Europe.
History reveals that the collapse of the Weimar Republic in Germany was due to economic problems, disdain for democracy, political polarisation, and international isolation. Are we witnessing any parallels in the 21st century? On February 23rd, 2025, Germans elected a new chancellor, and the far-right AfD gained the highest number of votes in history, securing the second-highest number of seats in the Bundestag, pushing the outgoing chancellor Olaf Scholz’s Social Democratic Party (SPD) into third place.
As Mark Twain famously asked, does history repeat itself or merely rhyme? In the current context, numerous economic policy uncertainties have left much of the population feeling helpless, hopeless, and frustrated. The neoliberal order that dominated for decades has widened inequalities not only in income and wealth but also in access to education and health services across communities.
Currently, it appears that the super-rich are stepping into state and regulatory capture, aligning with policymakers. Unelected Elon Musk now sits in President Donald Trump’s cabinet meetings. Will they team up to alleviate poverty and uplift the quality of life for marginalised people?
The Only Thing We Have to Fear is Fear Itself” – Franklin D. Roosevelt
President Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) led the US administration during the crisis of the 1930s. His New Deal policy package, which stimulated the sagging economy with increased government expenditure and saved jobs, ultimately turned the situation around. FDR defined courage as not the absence of fear, but rather the assessment that something else is more important than fear.
The emerging economic powerhouse, China, and its administrative system, the Communist Party of China, face geopolitical and economic challenges. Are they influenced by fear or courage in their response? President Donald Trump and his administration have challenged many of their trading partners by imposing conditions on trade and technological advancements. Is China responding to these tactics—such as increased taxes, economic sanctions, or manoeuvres regarding sovereign rights in Taiwan and Tibet—with fear or courage?
Throughout history, emperors, military dictators, and malevolent political leaders have demonstrated ruthless leadership based on false beliefs catalysed by fear, leading to devastating wars and human suffering. Among them are democratically elected leaders who soon transformed into ruthless dictators, such as Adolf Hitler in Germany, leading to World War II and the destruction of millions of innocent lives with immense suffering and bloodshed.
When analysing historical trends, a clear pattern emerges. In the 15th century, religious wars were fought under the false belief of spiritual superiority. From the 16th to the 18th century, imperialistic wars were driven by the perceived dominance of European civilisation and the spread of faith. Subsequent conflicts, including World War I, World War II, and the Cold War in the 19th and 20th centuries, were triggered by the monopolisation of natural resources, particularly energy, through colonisation.
The dominant ideologies that led to many human catastrophes during these wars were based on false beliefs, driven by fear and greed for the perceived benefits of the then-dominant ideology, industrial capitalism. It would be insightful to know whether the leaders who led these wars acted out of fear or courage. However, no research is needed to prove that great leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela acted with sheer courage and conviction. In contrast, Adolf Hitler’s leadership, fuelled by fear, led to mass ethnic cleansing in gas chambers, mobilising populism with an “us vs. them” mentality.
TikTok to Deepseek: China’s Courageous Technological Superiority
Now, the geopolitical battles revolve once again around trade wars. Are there dominant ideologies or false beliefs driving the uncertainties in the global economy as in the past? Has the monopolistic advantage derived through trade in services by the global north since the late 20th century come to an end? Can global communities still rely on the open market and free trade fundamentalism founded on a rules-based order?
It appears that China is now in Trump’s shop in America, and the rest of the world is making calculations about American and Chinese dreams for the greater good of humanity. It is wise to take stock, learning from history without leaving space for disastrous cyber or nuclear wars that could shatter the hope for shared prosperity for all.
According to the World Bank, 850 million people have been lifted out of abject poverty in China. By 1949, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) came into being, defeating all feudal and imperialist forces under the leadership of Chairman Mao Zedong. It appears that Chinese political leadership is working with courage and determination to transform the PRC into an economic powerhouse by 2049. Chinese ambitions and aspirations of achieving these goals cannot be deterred by mere threats of tariffs and sanctions, as they have countered all such measures fearlessly.
During his first term in office, President Trump targeted the Chinese telecommunications company Huawei, raising concerns about US national security. The global north rallied with the USA and kept Huawei out of bounds. President Joe Biden continued with the sanctions and then banned TikTok, citing security concerns once again. Furthermore, President Biden banned the export of advanced powerful chips to China by enacting the CHIPS Act. Amidst all these constraints, Deepseek has become a popular AI search engine, and President Donald Trump keeps dancing to TikTok videos despite a court order.
Wang Chuanfu, the founder of BYD, a Chinese electric vehicle maker, now dominates the markets, sending courageous signals to Elon Musk’s Tesla brand. President Deng Xiaoping, the father of China’s modernisation era, foresaw the advantage and superiority of China’s rare earth mineral deposits as early as the 1990s. China dominates rare earth minerals, controlling 87% of the global market. Naturally, this fear drives US presidents to search for rare earth and mineral deposits in Iceland and Ukraine.
Melloney Dassanayaka represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant held in Mexico … and, what’s so special about her (unlike most of our pageant winners who get involved in frivolous activities, when they return from an international event, or during their reign), Miss Universe Sri Lanka is doing exactly what the 40th Mrs. World pageant winner, Tshego Gaelae, from South Africa, has ventured out to do for her country and her people.
Although our Queen wasn’t crowned Miss Universe 2024, she must be congratulated for impressing many in Mexico. Her live interview was well received. This is one of the bouquets that came her way …
“The humble Queen. This was my very first impression of Melloney from the moment I spoke with her. She embodies humility, but there is so much more to her than meets the eye. What makes me admire her even more is how she shatters stereotypes in Sri Lanka.
“Being a banker and a basketball player, she proves that women can excel in any field.
“Rooted in strength, the fire in her heart shows us that women are destined for greatness, just like her.”
And this is another compliment that she received …
“Dear Melloney. I have the great memory of how I met you. I was super nervous and you were having breakfast, super calm, but you took my hands, smiled and transmitted me a lot of calm by inviting me to your table and talking. Thank you for motivating me from that moment that I can achieve what I want to be. You are so funny smart, hardworking, sweet and kind.
“All your outfits were beautiful. Thank you for teaming up with me. You deserved rest after finishing your 15 steps checklist because you were the first on the team to finish them.
“I treasure the perfume you gave me, as well as the tea envelopes and, of course, having met you.
“Sending you many hugs and come back to Mexico whenever you want. Hoping to see you again for chilaquiles (authentic Mexican meal).”
Back home, Melloney is aready into quite a few projects.
She was involved with the Rotary Club, of Port City, in a project which took the form of a motor rally, held on 8th February, 2025.
The event was advertised as follows:
Exciting News! Join us at the Motor Rally to Save Little Hearts on Saturday, 08 February 2025, and meet Miss Universe Sri Lanka, Melloney Dassanayaka! Don’t miss this chance to support a noble cause and speak with our Event Ambassador and Beauty Queen. Limited slots available—register now for the Motor Rally!
Melloney says she is the Ambassador for this ‘Little Hearts’ project which helps facilitate the cardiac and critical care complex at the Lady Ridgeway Hospital.
The Endometriosis Support and Awareness Foundation (ESAF) had Melloney as their Special Guest at a five km run to bring awareness on endometriosis.
Our Beauty Queen is also supporting a few single-women-headed families, in Matara, to help pay their children’s school and tuition fees.
Melloney, who is an animal lover, added that she is looking forward to collaborate with an elephant conservation centre to help bring awareness on the ongoing issues.
“I was asked to do a photoshoot recently, in Sigiriya, on an elephant, but I couldn’t do it; honestly I broke into tears when I saw the elephant,” she said.
In conclusion, Miss Universe Sri Lanka said that her entire family enjoys reading The Island newspaper.
“The Island newspaper is a hit with my family.”
INS Kuthar sets sail from Colombo
PNS Aslat departs island on successful completion of her visit
Former Minister Mervyn Silva remanded till 17th March
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